Journal of Archaeological Science 38 (2011) 420e428 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Journal of Archaeological Science journal homepage: http://www.elsevier.com/locate/jas Osteological and paleodietary investigation of burials from Cova de la Pastora, Alicante, Spain Sarah B. McClure a, *, Oreto García b, Consuelo Roca de Togores c, Brendan J. Culleton d, Douglas J. Kennett d a Department of Anthropology and Museum of Natural and Cultural History, University of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97403, USA Departament de Prehistòria i Arqueología, Universitat de València, 46010 Valencia, Spain c Museo Arqueológico Provincial de Alicante, Spain d Department of Anthropology, University of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97403, USA b a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t Article history: Received 6 August 2010 Received in revised form 16 September 2010 Accepted 17 September 2010 We present results of osteological and isotopic analyses of human remains from Cova de la Pastora (Alcoi, Alicante, Spain) and discuss the implications in light of a new sequence of radiocarbon dates indicating that the cave was used as a burial site in the Late Neolithic (ca. 3800e3000 cal BC), Chalcolithic (ca. 3000 e2500 cal BC), Bell Beaker Transition (Horizonte Campaniforme Transicional - HCT; ca. 2500e2200 cal BC) and the Bronze Age (ca. 2200e1500 cal BC). Similarities in stable isotopic values of C and N indicate little variation in subsistence between men and women, and a similar nutritional base from the Late Neolithic to the Bronze Age. This pattern of stability is augmented by evidence of trauma and disease found on numerous skulls in the collection. Since no clear associations of specific grave goods with certain individuals based on sex or age could be determined, the only suggestion of social inequality lies in the burial practice itself, where certain individuals were interred in caves while others were not. Ó 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Neolithic Chalcolithic Human burial Trepanation Radiocarbon dating Stable isotopes 1. Introduction Cova de la Pastora, a burial cave in northern Alicante, Spain, was excavated in the 1940s and became an immediate sensation in European archaeology because of the wealth of grave goods, numerous human burials, and early documentation of trepanation on the Iberian Peninsula (Rincon and Fenollosa, 1948; Riquet, 1953; Fusté, 1958; see also Campillo Valero, 2007). Since then, the site has played an important role in reconstructions of Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic society in Mediterranean Spain, particularly discussions about the emergence of social complexity in the region. Contemporary with sites such as Los Millares in Southeastern Spain with clear evidence of social stratification, Cova de la Pastora along with other Chalcolithic burial caves are often seen as the Mediterranean manifestation of the emergence of social hierarchies (e.g., Chapman, 2003, 2008). Cova de la Pastora is a 13  5 m limestone cave in a small mountain at an altitude of approximately 860 m above sea level, located in the municipality of Alcoy, Alicante, Spain (Fig. 1). * Corresponding author. Tel.: þ1 541 346 5101; fax: þ1 541 346 0668. E-mail addresses: sbm@uoregon.edu (S.B. McClure), oreto.garcia@uv.es (O. García), crocat@dip-alicante.es (C. Roca de Togores), bculleto@uoregon.edu (B.J. Culleton), dkennett@uoregon.edu (D.J. Kennett). 0305-4403/$ e see front matter Ó 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2010.09.023 Originally excavated in the 1940s and in 1950, the site was used intensively as a burial site during the Late Neolithic. The use of caves for human burial is a characteristic feature in the Valencian cultural landscape during this period, and over 130 other Late Neolithic or Chalcolithic burial sites are known. Primary inhumations in caves or rock shelters were often moved within the cave and this was likely due to reorganization of space when more individuals were interred. All burials were accompanied by a series of characteristic objects such as long chert blades and points, personal ornamentation, pottery, and carved bone ‘idols’. When Vicente Pascual first excavated the site in the summer of 1940, he found the cave full of deposits with only a small crawlspace to enter. Based on the artifacts, use of the site spanned the Late Neolithic to the Late Bronze Age, with smaller assemblages of Iberian Iron Age, Roman, and later materials on the surface. However, the interpretation of the burials and grave goods was that these dated to the Late Neolithic. In his excavation journals, Pascual describes a total of 45 crania in three distinct levels, later augmented by Jose Alcacer’s 1945 and 1950 fieldwork that resulted in the excavation of 6 more crania (Fig. 2). Pascual also described the associated artifacts such as personal adornment, stone points and blades, ceramic pots, and carved bone idols, among others. However, recent analysis of the collection in the Museum of Prehistory in Valencia and our 2008 S.B. McClure et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 38 (2011) 420e428 421 Fig. 1. Distribution map of Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic burial caves in the Autonomous Region of Valencia and location of Cova de la Pastora. excavations at the site indicate that not all materials noted in the diaries were brought to the museum and that artifacts from later time periods were more numerous than suggested by the diaries and early publications. Some items were lost in transit, while others, such as faunal remains and human post-cranial bone were unearthed in 2008 in the back dirt piles at the site. In the following we present data on the human bone assemblage from osteological and isotopic analyses in light of radiocarbon dates recently obtained from human bone at the site (McClure et al., 2010). We seek to address the question if inequalities between individuals are visible in the human bone and if differences are visible between time periods. Our analysis complements other bioarchaeological approaches to the emergence of social inequality on the Iberian Peninsula (e.g., Aura Tortosa et al., 2010; Bernabeu Aubán, 2010; Bernabeu Aubán et al., 2010; Buikstra et al., 1995, 1999; Casabó Bernad and Rovira Gomar, 2010; De Miguel Ibáñez, 2010; Pérez Fernández, 2010; Silva, 1999, 2003; Waterman, 2007; Waterman and Horwath, 2009; see also Chapman, 2003; Díazdel-Rio and García Sanjuán, 2006; Lillios, 1995, 2008; Pérez Fernández and Soler Mayor, 2010). 2. Material and methods 2.1. Chronology and stable isotopes AMS radiocarbon dates of 10 individuals from Cova de la Pastora revealed a longer history of burial at the site than anticipated, including the Late Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Bell Beaker Transition, and Bronze Age (Table 1). Due to the lack of postcranial remains and the fragile nature of many of the crania, samples were taken from mandibles that had been separated from the crania. Furthermore, we required larger samples of bone and teeth based on our intention of conducting destructive analyses on single individuals (ancient DNA, AMS 14C dating, stable isotopes). The lack of 422 S.B. McClure et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 38 (2011) 420e428 Cranium 4 3 2 1 0 7 6 5 a-e 8 2 9 4 28 27 1 18 25 24 26 3 22 23 40/41 37 38/39 10 11 19/20/21 32 15 16 30 12/13/14 35 31 36 29 33/34 17 1 2 3m 1m Fig. 2. Aggregate stratigraphic profile of crania depths at Cova de la Pastora based on Pascual and Alcacer excavation journals. Note that horizontal distribution of crania is not accounted for in profile. association with specific crania limits our interpretation and we cannot reconstruct their precise depositional location. Since most of the crania from the upper level at Cova de la Pastora retained their mandibles, it is likely that the sampled mandibles came from a lower level of the deposit. As detailed in McClure et al. (2010), bone collagen for 14C and stable isotope analysis was extracted and purified using the modified Longin method with ultrafiltration at the University of Oregon Archaeometry Facility (Brown et al., 1988) using protocols established by the UC Irvine Keck Carbon Cycle AMS Facility (UCI KCCAMS, 2007) where AMS 14C analysis was conducted. Results were calibrated with OxCal 4.1 (Bronk Ramsey, 1995, 2001, 2009) using the IntCal04 calibration curve (Reimer et al., 2004). The dates fall into several time periods. Five dates from the Late Neolithic, between 3030 and 3335 cal BC, are statistically indistinguishable (c2 ¼ 1.658, df ¼ 4; p < 0.05), as are the two Bronze Age dates, ranging from 1752 to 1909 cal BC (c2 ¼ 0.782, df ¼ 1; p < 0.05) (McClure et al., 2010; Ward and Wilson, 1978). The other three dates fall into the Chalcolithic and Bell Beaker Transition phases. Furthermore, two AMS radiocarbon dates of trepanated crania were recently reported (Roca de Togores Muñoz and Soler Díaz, 2010; LP53 and LP77) and are included in Table 1. These dates also fall into the Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods. The radiocarbon dates from Cova de la Pastora are significant on several grounds. First, this site was previously treated as a single component, Late Neolithic burial site, overlaid with material from later periods. The radiocarbon dates now show conclusively that this is not the case and that the site was used for burial over a 1500year period. Second, as mentioned above, the sampled mandibles likely came from lower levels of the deposit. If this is indeed the case, the radiocarbon dates suggest a higher degree of mixing in the deposit than is gleaned from the excavator’s documentation. Finally, the predominance of Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic grave goods and the lack of typical Bell Beaker and Bronze Age grave goods indicates a shift in burial practices and possibly the status of the individuals interred in the cave. Carbon and nitrogen stable isotope values are consistent with a fully terrestrial diet (Table 2). Stable isotope results, collagen yield after ultrafiltration, and C:N ratios are presented in Table 2 along with the data from two Chalcolithic burials from Avenc dels Dos Forats (AVF6 and AVF7), a burial cave in Valencia Province, for comparison (García Puchol, in press; McClure et al., 2010). C:N ratios in the range of 2.8e3.5 are typical of modern unaltered collagen (Ambrose and Norr, 1993) and the tight range from 3.24e3.34 compares well with the average C:N of 3.29  0.27 reported by Oxford for Western European samples (n ¼ 2146; van Klinken, 1999:691). As noted with regard to radiocarbon calibration, the d13C values are consistent with a completely terrestrial C3-based diet, giving no indication of marine foods in the diet. Stable nitrogen isotope Table 1 AMS radiocarbon dates from Cova de la Pastora, Cova d’En Pardo, and Avenc dels Dos Forats. Sample # Laboratory # C14 Age 2s cal BC Period Sex Age Reference LP-m-14 LP-m-39 LP-m-23 LP-3 LP-9 LP-m-31 LP-m-17 LP-m-21 LP-5 LP-m-6 LP53 LP77 ENP9084 AVF6 UCIAMS-66309 UCIAMS- 66314 UCIAMS-66312 UCIAMS-66305 UCIAMS-66307 UCIAMS-66313 UCIAMS-66310 UCIAMS-66311 UCIAMS-66306 UCIAMS-66308 Beta-231884 Beta-231885 Beta-231886 UCIAMS-66318 4510 4505 4500 4480 4480 4275 4150 3875 3515 3490 4860 4270 4430 4115 3347e3103 3347e3100 3346e3098 3338e3039 3339e3031 2913e2882 2874e2635 2461e2292 1909e1759 1882e1752 3712e3529 3011e2704 3331e2922 2870e2570 Late Neolithic Late Neolithic Late Neolithic Late Neolithic Late Neolithic Chalcolithic Chalcolithic Bell Beaker Bronze Age Bronze Age Late Neolithic Chalcolithic Late Neolithic Chalcolithic M? M? F M? M ? M? M F F M ? M ? Adult (35e40) Adult (25e35) Adult (25e35) Adult (20e25) Adult (25e35) Adult (25e35) Adult (30e35) Adult (25e35) Adult (25e35) Adult (25e35) Adult (20e25) Adult (20e40) Adult (20e25) Adult (20e40) McClure et al., 2010 McClure et al., 2010 McClure et al., 2010 McClure et al., 2010 McClure et al., 2010 McClure et al., 2010 McClure et al., 2010 McClure et al., 2010 McClure et al., 2010 McClure et al., 2010 Roca de Togores Muñoz and Soler Díaz, 2010 Roca de Togores Muñoz and Soler Díaz, 2010 Roca de Togores Muñoz and Soler Díaz, 2010 García Puchol, in press  20  25  25  20  25  20  20  20  20  20  40  40  40  25 S.B. McClure et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 38 (2011) 420e428 423 Table 2 Stable isotope results for human bone collagen samples from Cova de la Pastora and Avenc dels Dos Forats. Sample number Period Sex % Yield (>30 kDMW) LP-m-14 LP-m-39 LP-m-23 LP-3 LP-9 LP-m-31 LP-m-17 LP-m-21 LP-5 LP-m-6 AVF6 AVF7 Late Neolithic Late Neolithic Late Neolithic Late Neolithic Late Neolithic Chalcolithic Chalcolithic Bell Beaker Bronze Age Bronze Age Chalcolithic Chalcolithic M? M? F M? M ? M? M F F ? ? 2.07% 2.55% 2.46% 2.23% 2.18% 0.42% 2.71% 1.13% 3.81% 8.75% 0.53% 0.30% values range from 7.5 to 10.6& with a mean of 9.2  0.96& (n ¼ 10). Comparisons between time periods are somewhat restricted by the small sample sizes, but there are no statistically significant differences in d15N between time periods, nor between sexes for all periods taken together (using a two-tailed t-test assuming unequal variances in Excel; Ruxton, 2006). Despite that, the relatively lower values of 7.5& and 8.3& for the two female Bronze Age individuals is suggestive of less access to animal protein during that time, or alternatively indicate a lactation effect in these two individuals (or both). Again the sample size is too small to support either assertion but points out a direction for further potential study. The seven Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic individuals considered separately have a mean value of 9.5  0.79&, which falls between Neolithic and Eneolithic human populations at Varna (10.0  0.59&, n ¼ 55), and Durankulak (9.4  0.96&, n ¼ 83) in Bulgaria (Honch et al., 2006). These means are not statistically significantly different, and the Cova de la Pastora population is quite a bit smaller than either of the Bulgarian populations, but the values do accord with the general post-Mesolithic European pattern of dedicated terrestrial resource use (cf. Richards et al., 2003). Despite the lack of statistical differences in mean d13C and d15N between periods or sex classes, variation among individual isotopic signatures is apparent throughout time and within the sexes. The range of individual values (in d15N at least) does indicate differential access to animal protein among individuals at Cova de la Pastora, a feature that seems to persist from the Chalcolithic to the Bronze Age. Considering a simple linear mixing model with end-members of d15N ¼ 7& for a 100% plant-based protein diet and d15N ¼ 11& for a 100% animal protein diet (i.e., D15Ndiet-body ¼ 4&; Ambrose and Norr, 1993; DeNiro and Epstein, 1981; Hedges and Reynard, 2007), the Cova de la Pastora diet would have ranged from a low of 12.5% animal protein (LP-m-6; d15N ¼ 7.5&; Bronze Age) to as much as 90% (LP-17; d15N ¼ 10.6&; Chalcolithic), with 7 of 10 individual diets comprising 50% animal protein (i.e., assuming D15Ndiet-body ¼ 4&; Ambrose and Norr, 1993; DeNiro and Epstein, 1981; Hedges and Reynard, 2007). d13C (& PDB) 19.5 19.0 19.1 19.6 19.5 19.3 19.3 19.6 19.4 19.6 19.1 19.1 d15N (& AIR) C:N ratio 9.0 10.0 9.7 8.1 9.5 9.7 10.6 9.5 8.3 7.5 10.0 10.4 3.26 3.26 3.27 3.25 3.29 3.24 3.34 3.34 3.22 3.25 3.24 3.32 Hedges and Reynard (2007) have recently noted that the assumptions in a classic linear mixing model for d15N in dietary reconstruction (e.g., trophic enrichment effects for herbivores and humans, the average d15N values of cereal protein in human diet vs. forage protein in animal diet) lead to higher proportions of animal protein in prehistoric European diet than are typically found in societies today (i.e., 30% and 57% animal protein, respectively). We have described the estimated diets at Cova de la Pastora based on the classic model assumptions above following Hedges and Reynard (2007), and summarize these in Table 3 along with estimates for three other model variants. The second version of that model assumes that domesticated cereal d15N, the presumed primary source of plant protein in agriculturalist diets, is on average 1& higher than the leaf and stem of the forage of the terrestrial herbivore typically defined as the 100% plant diet end-members. This assumption lowers the amount of inferred animal protein contribution to 16.7e86.7%. The third iteration retains the second assumption and also proposes that the human protein metabolism results in a 1& greater enrichment gradient (D15Ndiet-body) than does ruminant metabolism, which has the effect of reducing the Cova de la Pastora animal protein contribution to 50.0e53.3%. A final variation alters the assumption of linearity in the third model, so that enrichment depends on the proportion of animal and plant protein in the diet: D15Ndiet-body for an all plant diet is 5&, D15Ndiet-body for an all meat diet is 4&; the mixing curve used here was derived from Hedges and Reynard (2007, Fig. 1). This leads to a wider spread between the Cova de la Pastora individuals of 8.9e70.2% animal protein in their respective diets. It is clear that the three models that estimate negative animal protein contributions for individuals with lower d15N values incorporate some unreasonable assumptions for this population. Negative values here indicate that the 100% plant protein end-member is too enriched: in the second model the end-member d15N ¼ 8&; in the third and fourth, d15N ¼ 9&. Further work needs to be done to empirically define the 100% plant-protein end-member by isotopic analysis of Cova de al Pastora fauna, which is a direct test on the first Table 3 Percent animal protein in diet estimated following the models of Hedges and Reynard (2007). Sample d15N Standard model LP-m-14 LP-m-39 LP-m-23 LP3 LP9 LP-m-31 LP-m-17 LP-m-21 LP5 LP-m-6 9.0 10.0 9.7 8.1 9.5 9.7 10.6 9.5 8.3 7.5 50.0% 75.0% 67.5% 27.5% 62.5% 67.5% 90.0% 62.5% 32.5% 12.5% Cereal d15N ¼ forage d15N þ 1& 33.3% 66.7% 56.7% 3.3% 50.0% 56.7% 86.7% 50.0% 10.0% 16.7% Human D15Ndiet-body þ 1& vs herbivores 0.0% 33.3% 23.3% 30.0% 16.7% 23.3% 53.3% 16.7% 23.3% 50.0% Human D15Ndiet-body < for 100% animal protein 0.8% 36.4% 23.0% 8.9% 15.3% 23.0% 70.2% 15.3% 8.5% 3.6% 424 S.B. McClure et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 38 (2011) 420e428 contrast, Fregeiro (2005) analyzed only the crania from the lower levels of the site since she hypothesized that upper burials were more recent in date. Our analysis of human remains indicates that a minimum of 59 individuals was buried at Cova de la Pastora. The cranial remains are housed at both the Museum of Prehistory in Valencia and the Municipal Archaeological Museum in Alcoi (Table 4). Human remains from the 2008 excavations at Cova de la Pastora are currently under analysis, and as a result the minimum number of individuals may increase in the future. The majority of human remains excavated in the 1940s and 1950s are adults, and among these 15 are female (25%), 21 are male (36%), and 23 are indeterminate (39%). In contrast to earlier studies (Campillo Valero, 2007; Fregeiro, 2005; Fusté, 1958; Rincon and Fenollosa, 1948; Riquet, 1953; Soler, 2002), several children were documented among the cranial fragments: a total of 5 subadult crania, including 4 children (Table 4). Furthermore, postcranial remains pertaining to a small child 2e4 years of age could be from the same individual as the cranium. Several pathologies were noted on the crania, most pertaining to nutrient deficiencies and oral health (Table 5). Oral pathologies were most common and cases of caries, dental wear, antemortem tooth loss, and periodontitis were fairly frequent. Furthermore, 13 cases of cribra orbitalia were documented, representing 22% of the crania and spanning individuals of all ages (Table 6). Cribra orbitalia is a common pathology in agricultural societies and is usually interpreted as an indicator of iron-deficiency anemia. Its presence among even the youngest individuals at Cova de la Pastora would be indicative of a general lack of iron in the diet. It is interesting to note that males had higher occurrences of cribra orbitalia than females. Similarly, porotic hyperostosis is visible as lesions in the cranial vault and is also usually interpreted as the result of iron deficiency (Ortner, 2003). However, Walker et al. (2009: 119) recently argued that “iron-deficiency anemia does not provide a reasonable physiological explanation for the marrow hypertrophy that produces the pathological lesions paleopathologists refer to as porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia.” These pathologies should rather be understood as the result of megaloblastic anemia resulting from a combination of vitamin B12 deficiencies and unsanitary living conditions resulting in gastrointestinal infections (Walker et al., 2009). Only 4 traumatic antemortem injuries to the cranium were documented (7%), including the youngest child represented in the sample. In all, 54% of individuals of all sexes and ages had some kind (and usually multiple) cranial pathologies, but it does not appear to vary significantly between people of different ages. A much higher proportion of male crania (81%) displayed nutritional pathologies than the female (46%) or indeterminate individuals (24%) and females only outweighed males in specific categories (e.g., caries, periodontitis, and porotic hyperostosis). Table 4 Age determinations of crania from Cova de la Pastora. Age category Number Mature adult (41e60) Young adult (21e40) Indet. adult Subadult Adolescent (13e19) Child (7e8) Child (3e6) Child (<3) Subadult e total Total 17 30 7 Percent 29 51 12 1 1 2 1 5 59 2 2 3 2 8 100 assumption (one that it is not an unreasonable assumption but could be mistaken). Given the range of human isotope values and a generally accepted estimate of 3e5& enrichment for D15Ndiet-body, it is possible that the end-member could be as low as w6&. Hedges and Reynard (2007) modeled these variations largely as a heuristic exercise to characterize the effect of relatively small changes (i.e., on the scale of 1&) in model parameters where empirical data is absent or ambiguous. As can be seen, these changes can substantially alter the apparent animal protein contribution to human diet, even to the point of producing illogical results. Under the range of current assumptions, including the important and untested herbivore collagen d15N value of 7& for Cova de la Pastora, the individuals do appear to have incorporated varying proportions of animal protein in their diet, but what social or environmental variables might be responsible are not clear. Under the basic model, a majority of individuals (7 of 10) had a diet deriving more than 50% of protein from animal sources. As Hedges and Reynard (2007) point out, this amount of protein for an agricultural society is not impossible, but that the higher end of the observed range practically demands a high consumption of milk and milk products (e.g., they cite Maasai pastoralists consuming 2.0  0.51 L of milk per day), and the maintenance of herds sizable enough to sustain both dairying and meat-producing livestock. Further study of stable isotope values from Cova de la Pastora fauna, including both wild and domesticated herbivores, should help to clarify some of these issues. 2.2. Osteological analysis of human remains Despite the importance of the site to Mediterranean archaeology, previous studies of the human remains from Cova de la Pastora focused on specific topics and did not present a comprehensive analysis of the cranial remains (Rincon and Fenollosa, 1948; Riquet, 1953; Fusté, 1958; Campillo, 1976, 1977, 2007; Fregeiro, 2005). For example, Campillo (2007) focused on the identification and interpretation of trepanations and limited his analysis to skulls showing possible signs of anthropogenic abrasion and incision. In Table 5 Summary of pathologies identified in crania from Cova de la Pastora. Sex categories refer to the relative percentage of males and females exhibiting the pathology. Pathology No. % Population # Male % Male # Female % Female # Indet % Indet Cribra orbitalia Porotic hyperostosis Traumatic injuries Osteoma Trepanations Cranial lesion Caries Dental wear Antemortem tooth loss Periodontitis Total number of individuals with pathologies 13 4 4 5 4 2 2 7 4 7 32 22 7 7 8 7 3 3 12 7 12 54 7 0 3 2 3 1 1 4 4 3 17 33 0 14 10 14 5 5 19 19 14 81 3 1 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 3 7 20 7 0 7 0 0 7 7 0 20 46 3 3 1 2 1 1 0 2 0 1 8 13 13 4 9 4 4 0 9 0 4 34 S.B. McClure et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 38 (2011) 420e428 425 Table 6 Selection of pathologies documented on crania from Cova de la Pastora. Cranium # Age Sex Pathology 6 7 8 14 16 17 27 36 38 53 54 55 40 40 25e35 12e36 months 40 20e40 40e60 20e60 40e60 20e25 40e50 20e40 Male Male Indet. Indet. Male Male Indet. Female Indet. Male Male Indet. Traumatism, cribra orbitalia, tooth loss Traumatisms, cribra orbitalia, periodontitis Cranial lesion, osteoma, periodontitis Traumatism, cribra orbitalia Traumatism Trepanation, cranial lesion, cribra orbitalia Porotic hyperostosis Porotic hyperostosis Porotic hyperostosis, osteomas Trepanation Trepanation Trepanation 2.3. Trepanations The trepanations from Cova de la Pastora have been studied by archaeologists since the mid 20th century. In our analysis, only 4 cases of trepanation were identified in contrast to the 5e7 cases reported in previous publications (Campillo, 2003; Roca de Togores Muñoz and Soler Díaz, 2010). However, 5 crania have evidence of rodent gnawing, including some that others had previously classified as trepanations. The relative importance of trepanations at Cova de la Pastora lies in the high proportion of cases relative to the adult population buried in the cave (7%). These trepanations were made using distinct techniques (drilled and scraped), and three cases show moderate or prolonged signs of survival (Fig. 3). In the following, we briefly summarize those crania with trepanations: Comments Drilled; with survival 4 osteomas, 3 of them on the frontal Abraded; with survival Drilled; with survival Drilled; no survival Trepanation techniques consisted of drilling, used on crania 77, 54, and 17, and abrasion or scraping, used on cranium 53. Based on radiocarbon dates (Table 1) of crania 53 and 77 from Cova de la Pastora, as well as one from another inhumation cave in Alicante, Cova d’En Pardo (Soler Díaz and Roca de Togores Muñoz, 1999; Soler Díaz et al., 2010), Roca de Togores Muñoz and Soler Díaz (2010) suggest that the abrasion technique may have pre-dated drilling. However, given the limited number of directly dated trepanated crania, it is equally likely that both techniques were practiced at the same time. On a regional scale, similar kinds of  Cova de la Pastora 17. A cranial fragment with an intact frontal. Corresponds to a young individual, about 20 years old, of indeterminate sex. Evidences a drilled trepanation in the left frontal of 24  17 mm. Presents evidence of bone regeneration and as a result of survival. Does not evidence any pathologies that could warrant a therapeutic intervention.  Cova de la Pastora 53. Calotte fragment missing part of the right parietal. Pertains to a 20e25 year old male. Has a scraped trepanation on the left parietal. The dimensions of the irregular oval-shaped orifice are 18  12 mm. Evidences processes of scarring indicating the individual’s survival. We did not detect other pathological alterations that could require a trepanation.  Cova de la Pastora 54. Calotte missing parts of the proximal area of the right parietal, pertaining to a male individual, 40e50 years of age. The trepanation is located on the right parietal made by drilling, with dimensions of 30  27 mm. A pronounced bone regeneration suggests a prolonged survival. No other pathologies were detected that could require a therapeutic intervention.  Cova de la Pastora 77. Calotte fragment of an adult between 20 and 40 years of age of undetermined sex. This individual has a drilled trepanation in the left parietal, measuring 23  21 mm. There are no signs of bone remodeling, suggesting a perimortem intervention. In addition to these 4 cases of trepanation, intentional cranial abrasions were identified on two other crania (numbers 7 and 16). Cranium 7 pertains to a male individual of 40 years of age who has an abraded elongated shape (30  17 mm) on his right parietal, very close to the sagital suture. Similarly, cranium 16 was a 40-year old male with two abrasions (one 168 mm, the other 158 mm) on his frontal. These abrasions show signs of bone regeneration, suggesting the survival of the individual. In both cases, it has been suggested that these were performed as part of a ritual (Roca de Togores Muñoz and Soler Díaz, 2010). Fig. 3. Trepanations on A. Cranium 53 (abraded) and B. Cranium 77 (drilled) from Cova de la Pastora. 426 S.B. McClure et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 38 (2011) 420e428 trepanations are found in contexts of multiple inhumations in other areas of the Iberian Peninsula from the end of the first half of the 4th millennium BC to the beginnings of the 3rd millennium BC (Campillo Valero, 2007; Roca de Togores Muñoz and Soler Díaz, 2010). More direct dating of trepanated crania is necessary to determine if techniques changed through time. The significance of trepanations at Cova de la Pastora remains largely unclear, although some interesting patterns have emerged. It is likely that trepanations involved similar intensions. The perforations are moderate in size and largely uniform in location on the parietal (with the exception of cranium 17). The practice appears to have been selective and only practiced on a sub-group of the population (Roca de Togores Muñoz and Soler Díaz, 2010: 134). All trepanations and the cranial abrasions mentioned above were found among adult males. This pattern is consistent with other sites, such as Cova d’En Pardo (Roca de Togores Muñoz and Soler Díaz, 2010) and other trepanations documented in the Iberian Peninsula (Campillo Valero, 2007). Trepanations are found exclusively on adults between the ages of 20 and 40. Since most of the trepanations show signs of healing and prolonged survival after intervention, Roca de Togores Muñoz and Soler Díaz (2010: 136) suggest two possible timing scenarios. Trepanations may have been conducted sometime during the individual’s youth and the precise age of the individual may have been of secondary importance. On the other hand, the practice may have been linked to a specific time in the individual’s youth with the expectation that intervention would have little or no effect on life expectancy. It should also be noted, that trepanations were usually located on clearly visible areas on the skull and would have visually marked the person within the larger population. As Roca de Togores Muñoz and Soler Díaz (2010: 136) argue, the practice may have been linked to an initiation ritual or have been seen as a sign of prestige that would highlight particular individuals. 3. Discussion Cova de la Pastora has long been held as a typical example of Late Neolithic burial practices in Valencia and has played a key role in characterizing Late Neolithic society. Our re-analysis of museum holdings, coupled with new fieldwork, is providing fresh insights into the taphonomic complexities and resulting interpretive difficulties of this burial cave. Modern technologies and archaeological methods are allowing us to glean new information from this significant assemblage. The chronological placement of the burials was originally based on stylistic attributes and required independent and absolute techniques. The ideal dating strategy would have been to target burials with documented proveniences by the original excavators (depth below surface; relative placement to other burials). However, the original excavators only collected the crania, leaving the bulk of post-cranial remains in back dirt piles at the site. Excavations in 2008 produced a series of human remains that are still under study. Although a number of archaeologists had suspected some of the burials were more recent than the Late Neolithic (e.g., Soler, 2002; Freigeiro, 2005), they did not have clear criteria for this assumption. The new radiocarbon record for Cova de la Pastora indicates that people were buried in Cova de la Pastora in the Late Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Bell Beaker, and Bronze Age periods. Furthermore, it is likely that the samples come from lower levels of the deposit, suggesting a high degree of mixing (see also McClure et al., 2010). This is paralleled at Cova d’En Pardo (Soler Díaz and Roca de Togores Muñoz, 1999; Soler Díaz et al., 2010), where Bronze Age burials were found stratigraphically lower than Chalcolithic burials. The radiocarbon dates provide an intriguing window into the use of this space as a burial place. Based on the artifacts, it was clear that the bulk of the burials likely dated to the Late Neolithic or perhaps into the Chalcolithic. Multiple inhumations in caves are typical in the Valencia region during this period (García Puchol and McClure, 2010; McClure et al., 2010; Soler, 2002). Dates from the Bell Beaker period and the Middle Bronze Age were surprising, since no indication of burial practices from these periods are reflected in the materials deposited at the site. Burial customs during the Bell Beaker phase and the Bronze Age are more diverse (e.g., Rojo-Guerra et al., 2005; Soler Diaz and Roca de Togores Munoz, 1999), and often located inside villages with specific grave goods (Bernabeu Aubán, 2010; Martí et al., 1995; Juan Cabanilles, 2005). The dated individuals represent 17% of the population buried in the cave. If the dated samples are representative of the proportion of the rate of burial, up to 12 individuals could date to the Middle Bronze Age, 6 to the Bell Beaker, 12 to the Chalcolithic, and 30 to the Late Neolithic. When seen in this light, burials dating to more recent periods other than the Late Neolithic/Chalcolithic may not be as unusual as previously thought. If the people buried at Cova de la Pastora are representative the greater population, stable isotope analysis and close examination of the human remains result in a picture of human populations in this region that varies little over time. Individuals relied on a terrestrial diet with no significant contribution of marine resources, and typical nutritional stress is visible in individuals of all ages and through all periods represented. There is no statistical change in the dietary contribution of animal protein over time and no difference between Avenc dels Dos Forats and Cova de la Pastora Chalcolithic individuals. Indeed, as discussed above, these latter individuals fall into the range of values documented in individuals in the Varna cemetery and Durankulak in Bulgaria, following a general post-Mesolithic European pattern suggesting the consumption of meat and dairy products. However, the presence of cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis seems at odds with high levels of animal protein in the diet. As Walker et al. (2009: 120) discuss, the availability of meat and dairy products to European agriculturalists would have contained sufficient vitamin B12 to prevent severe cases of megaloblastic anemia, and, by extension, porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia. Outside of European regions where malaria-related hemolytic anemias were a health hazard, porotic hyperostosis is virtually absent and they argue that cribra orbitalia in northern European populations from the Neolithic onwards is likely the result of other nutritional deficiencies such as scurvy or chronic infections (Walker et al., 2009). The presence of these pathologies in 22% of the Cova de la Pastora population may be the result of a variety of factors. Some research indicates that both pathologies may have their origin in nursing infants that do not receive the quantities of vitamin B12 necessary (see Walker et al., 2009). This is consistent with the presence of cribra orbitalia among the youngest individuals buried at Cova de la Pastora. Furthermore, the location of Cova de la Pastora may have been within the range of malaria-related hemolytic anemias (De Zulueta, 1994; Dunn, 1965; Walker et al., 2009). If this is the case, the presence of cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis may have had little to do with the availability of B12 and more with the local presence of infectious diseases. Finally, if iron deficiency did play a role in the creation of these bone pathologies, a high level of dairy product consumption could explain the discrepancy between the stable isotope values and pathologies, since dairy products do not contain iron and can inhibit the absorption of iron from other food sources. 4. Conclusions The mixing of inhumations strongly suggests that Cova de la Pastora was an ossuary, where the space is reused and reorganized through time, paralleling other burial caves in the region (Soler 2002). Radiocarbon dates indicate that people were buried in the S.B. McClure et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 38 (2011) 420e428 cave for over two millennia, continuing a burial practice through differing social and economic contexts. During this time span, the social and spatial contexts of burial shifted. Therefore we cannot interpret inhumations at Cova de la Pastora as a continuation of tradition. We know little about burial practices outside of caves in the Valencia region during the Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic, with only a few human remains found in ditches associated with villages (Bernabeu Aubán, 2010). It appears that the primary burial practice was collective inhumations in caves with a rich array of grave goods. This has led to suggestions that during the Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic, collective burials in caves represent the final resting places of clans or important individuals, if not the majority of the population. Ancient DNA analysis from Cova de la Pastora that is currently in progress may help to clarify the relationship between the 7 individuals from the Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic and test the hypothesis that they were related to one another. In contrast, as mentioned above, burials in caves are a secondary phenomenon of Bell Beaker Phase and Bronze Age burial rituals. In the case of the Cova de la Pastora burials from these periods, very little material was recovered that could be identified as grave goods. This stands in contrast to contemporary open-air burials, where a suite of grave goods including distinctive ceramic vessels, metal weaponry (spearheads, daggers), and personal ornamentation appear almost standardized (Bernabeu Aubán, 2010). The results of AMS radiocarbon dating, stable isotope analysis, and osteological research has given us new insights into the people buried at Cova de la Pastora. We now know that the site is much more complex in its history of deposition and burial than previously thought and, as a result, new and intriguing questions regarding the significance of burial at Cova de la Pastora, levels of health and disease in prehistoric populations, and consumption of secondary products can be formulated. Despite being excavated 70 years ago, the human remains and materials from Cova de la Pastora continue to provide insights and subjects for new approaches and inquiry. Acknowledgements Fieldwork and laboratory analyses were supported by the National Geographic Society (McClure and García; Grant #828107), the National Science Foundation (McClure; OISE-0701241; and Culleton; GRFP-2006022778), the University of Valencia, the University of Oregon, the Museo de Prehistória Valencia, Servicio de Investigación Prehistórica, and the Museum Arqueologic Municipan Camil Visedo Moltó, Alcoi. We are grateful to Helena Bonet, Joan Bernabeu, Bernat Martí, Lluis Molina, Josep M Segura, María Jesus de Pedro, and Albert Sanchez, for their help and support on various aspects of this project, and two anonymous reviewers for their comments and insights. John Southon (UCI-KCCAMS) and David Harris (UCD Stable Isotope Facility) generously shared their technical expertise. References Ambrose, S.H., Norr, L., 1993. Experimental evidence for the relationship of the carbon isotope ratios of whole diet and dietary protein to those of bone collagen and carbonate. In: Lambert, J.B., Grupe, G. (Eds.), Prehistoric Human Bone: Archaeology at the Molecular Level. Springer-Verlag, New York, pp. 1e37. Aura Tortosa, J.E., Morales Pérez, J.V., de Miguel Ibáñez, M.P., 2010. Restos humanos con maras antrópicas de Les Coves de Santa Maira. In: Pérez Fernández, A., Soler Mayor, B. (Eds.), Restos de Vida, Restos de Muerte. Diputación de Valencia, Valencia, pp. 169e174. Bernabeu Aubán, J., 2010. El mundo funerario entre el VI y el II milenio A.C. In: Pérez Fernández, A., Soler Mayor, B. (Eds.), Restos de Vida, Restos de Muerte. Diputación de Valencia, Valencia, pp. 45e54. Bernabeu Aubán, J., Carrión Marco, Y., García Puchol, O., Gómez Pérez, O., Molina Balaguer, L.L., Pérez Jorda, G., 2010. La Vital. In: Pérez Fernández, A., Soler Mayor, B. (Eds.), Restos de Vida, Restos de Muerte. Diputación de Valencia, Valencia, pp. 211e216. 427 Bronk Ramsey, C., 1995. Radiocarbon calibration and analysis of stratigraphy: the OxCal program. Radiocarbon 37 (2), 461e474. Bronk Ramsey, C., 2001. Development of the radiocarbon program OxCal. Radiocarbon 43 (2A), 355e363. Bronk Ramsey, C., 2009. Bayesian analysis of radiocarbon dates. Radiocarbon 51 (1), 337e360. Brown, T.A., Nelson, D.E., Vogel, J.S., Southon, J.R., 1988. Improved collagen extraction by modified Longin method. Radiocarbon 30 (2), 171e177. Buikstra, J., Castro, P., Chapman, R., Gonzáles Marcén, P., Hoshower, L., Lull, V., Micó, R., Picazo, M., Risch, R., Ruiz, M., Encarna Sanahuja Yll, M., 1995. Approaches to class inequalities in the later prehistory of South-east Iberia: the Gatas Project. In: Lillios, K. (Ed.), The Origins of Complex Societies in Late Prehistoric Iberia. International Monographs in Prehistory, Ann Arbor, MI, pp. 153e168. Buikstra, J., Hoshower, L., Rihuete, C., 1999. Los enterramientos humanos en los sondeos de Gatas. In: Castro Martínez, P.V., Chapman, R.W., Gili I Suriãch, S., Lull, V., Micó, R., Rihuete Herrada, C., Risch, R., Encarna Sanahuja Yll, M. (Eds.), Proyecto Gatas 2. Junta de Andalucía, Sevilla, pp. 88e394. Campillo, D., 1976. Lesiones patológicas en cráneos prehistóricos de la Región Valenciana. Servicio de Investigación Prehistórica, Diputación Provincial de Valencia, Valencia. Campillo, D., 1977. Paleopatología del cráneo en Cataluña, Valencia y Baleares. Montblanc-Martín, Barcelona. Campillo Valero, D., 2007. La Trepanación Prehistórica. Bellaterra, Barcelona. Casabó Bernad, J., Rovira Gomar, M.L., 2010. Las inhumaciones prehistóricas de La Cova dels Blaus. In: Pérez Fernández, A., Soler Mayor, B. (Eds.), Restos de Vida, Restos de Muerte. Diputación de Valencia, Valencia, pp. 217e220. Chapman, R.W., 2003. Archaeologies of Complexity. Routledge, London. Chapman, R.W., 2008. Producing inequalities: regional sequences in later prehistoric southern Spain. Journal of World Prehistory 21, 195e260. De Miguel Ibáñez, M.P., 2010. La infancia a través del estudio de los restos humanos desde el neolítico a la edad del Bronce en Tierras Valencianas. In: Pérez Fernández, A., Soler Mayor, B. (Eds.), Restos de Vida, Restos de Muerte. Diputación de Valencia, Valencia, pp. 155e166. DeNiro, M.J., Epstein, S., 1981. Influence of diet on the distribution of nitrogen isotopes in animals. Geochimica et Cosmochimica Acta 45, 341e351. De Zulueta, J., 1994. Malaria and ecosystems: from prehistory to posteradication. Parassitologia 36, 7e15. Díaz-del-Rio, P., García Sanjuán, L. (Eds.), 2006. Social Inequality in Iberian Late Prehistory. BAR International Series 1525, Oxford. Dunn, F.L., 1965. On the antiquity of malaria in the western hemisphere. Human Biology 37, 385e393. Fregeiro, M.I., 2005. Estado de la cuestión de las investigaciones antropológicas sobre el Calcolítico Peninsular y estudio bioarqueológico de la Cova de la Pastora (Alcoy, Alicante). In: Sanahuja Yll, M.E. (Ed.), Contra la falsificación del pasado prehistórico. Buscando la realidad de los hombres y las mujeres detrás de los estereotipos. Instituto de la Mujer. Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales, Madrid, pp. 138e302. Fusté, M., 1957. Estudio antropológico de los pobladores neo-eneolíticos de la región valenciana. Servicio de Investigación Prehistórica, Diputación Provincial de Valencia, Valencia. García Puchol, O., Cotino Vila, F., Miret Estruch, C., Pascual Benito, J. Ll., McClure, S.B., Molina Balaguer, Ll., Alapont, Ll., Carrión Marco, Y., Morales, J.V., Blasco Senabre, J., Culleton, B. Cavidades de uso funerario durante el neolítico final/calcolítico en el territorio valenciano: trabajos arqueológicos en Avenc dels Dos Forats o Cova del Monedero (Carcaixent, Valencia). Archivo de Prehistoria Levantina, in press. García Puchol, O., McClure, S., 2010. La Cova de la Pastora. In: Pérez Fernández, A., Soler Mayor, B. (Eds.), Restos de Vida, Restos de Muerte. Diputación de Valencia, Valencia, pp. 203e210. Hedges, R.E.M., Reynard, L.M., 2007. Nitrogen isotopes and the trophic level of humans in archaeology. Journal of Archaeological Science 34, 1240e1251. Honch, N.V., Higham, T.F.G., Chapman, J., Gaydarska, B., Hedges, R.E.M., 2006. A palaeodietrary investigation of carbon (13C/12C) and nitrogen (15N/14N) in human and faunal bones from Copper Age cemeteries of Varna and Durankulak, Bulgaria. Journal of Archaeological Science 33, 1493e1504. Juan Cabanilles, J., 2005. The Beaker manifestations in the Valencian Country. a synthesis. In: Rojo, M.A., Garrido, R., García, I. (Eds.), Bell Beakers in the Iberian Peninsula and their European Context. Universidad de Valladolid, Valladolid, pp. 401e409. Lillios, K. (Ed.), 1995. The Origins of Complex Societies in Late Prehistoric Iberia. International Monographs in Prehistory, Ann Arbor, MI. Lillios, K., 2008. Heraldry for the Dead: Memory, Identity and the Engraved Stone Plagues of Neolithic Iberia. University of Texas Press, Austin. Martí, B., De Pedro, M.J., Enguix, R., 1995. La Muntanya Assolada de Alzira y las necrópolis de la cultura del Bronce Valenciano. Saguntum PLAV 28, 72e92. McClure, S.B., García Puchol, O., Culleton, B.J., 2010. AMS dating of human bone from Cova de la Pastora: new evidence of ritual continuity in the prehistory of Eastern Spain. Radiocarbon 52 (1), 25e32. Ortner, D.J., 2003. Identification of Pathological Conditions in Human Skeletal Remains, 2nd. ed. Academic Press, New York. Pérez Fernández, A., 2010. Signos de violencia en el registro osteoarqueológico. In: Pérez Fernández, A., Soler Mayor, B. (Eds.), Restos de Vida, Restos de Muerte. Diputación de Valencia, Valencia, pp. 141e154. Pérez Fernández, A., Soler Mayor, B. (Eds.), 2010. Restos de Vida, Restos de Muerte. Diputación de Valencia, Valencia. 428 S.B. McClure et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 38 (2011) 420e428 Reimer, P.J., Baillie, M.G.L., Bard, E., Bayliss, A., Beck, J.W., Bertrand, C., Blackwell, P.E., Buck, C.E., Burr, G., Cutler, K.B., Damon, P.E., Edwards, R.L., Fairbanks, R.G., Friedrich, M., Guilderson, T.P., Hughen, K.A., Kromer, B., McCormac, F.G., Manning, S., Bronk Ramsey, C., Reimer, R.W., Remmele, S., Southon, J.R., Stuiver, M., Talamo, S., Taylor, F.W., van der Plicht, J., Weyhenmeyer, C.E., 2004. IntCal04 terrestrial radiocarbon age calibration, 26-0 ka BP. Radiocarbon 46, 1029e1058. Richards, M.P., Schulting, R.J., Hedges, R.E.M., 2003. Sharp shift in diet at onset of Neolithic. Nature 425, 366. Rincón de Arellano, A., Fenollosa, J., 1949. Algunas consideraciones acerca de los cráneos trepanados de la Cova de la Pastora (Alcoy). La labor del S.I.P. y su Museo. Años 1940-48. Valencia, pp. 66e76. Riquet, R., 1953. Analyse anthropologique des cranes énéolithiques de le grotte sepulcrale de “La Pastora” (Alcoy). Archivo de Prehistoria Levantina IV, 105e122. Roca de Togores Muñoz, C., Soler Díaz, J., 2010. Trepanaciones en la Prehistoria. Los casos datados por C14 de las cuevas de La Pastora (Alcoy) y En Pardo (Planes). In: Pérez Fernández, A., Soler Mayor, B. (Eds.), Restos de Vida, Restos de Muerte. Diputación de Valencia, Valencia, pp. 117e140. Rojo-Guerra, M., Garrido Pena, R., García-Martínez de Lagrán, I., 2005. El Campaniforme en la Península Ibérica y su Contexto Europeo. Universidad de Valladolid, Valladolid. Ruxton, G.D., 2006. The unequal variance t-test is an underused alternative to Student’s t-test and the ManneWhitney U test. Behavioral Ecology. doi:10.1093/ beheco/ark016. Silva, A.M., 1999. Human remains from the artificial cave of Sao Pedro do Estoril II (Cascais, Portugal). Human Evolution 14, 199e206. Silva, A.M., 2003. Portuguese populations of Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods exhumed from collective burials: an overview. Anthropologie 41, 55e64. Soler Díaz, J., Roca de Togores Muñoz, C., 1999. Estudio de los restos humanos encontrados en las intervenciones practicadas en los años 1961 y 1965 en la Cova d’En Pardo, Planes, Alicante. Análisis antropológico y aproximación a su contexto cultural, 369e377. Saguntum extra-2. Soler Díaz, J.A., 2002. Cuevas de inhumación múltiple en la Comunidad Valenciana. Real Academia de la Historia-Museo Arqueológico Provincial de Alicante, Madrid-Alicante. Soler Díaz, J., Roca de Togores Muñoz, C., Ferrer García, C., 2010. Cova d’En Pardo. Precisiones sobre la cronología del fenómeno de la inhumación multiple (Planes, El Comtat, Alicante). In: Pérez Fernández, A.P., Soler Mayor, B. (Eds.), Restos de Vida, Restos de Muerte. Diputación de Valencia, Valencia, pp. 195e202. UCI KCCAMS, 2007. Chemical pretreatment for bone: ultrafiltration method. Manuscript available online. http://www.ess.uci.edu/wdossantos/. van Klinken, G.J., 1999. Bone collagen quality indicators for palaeodietary and radiocarbon measurements. Journal of Archaeological Science 26, 687e695. Ward, G.K., Wilson, S.R., 1978. Procedures for combining radiocarbon age determinations: a critique. Archaeometry 20 (1), 19e31. Walker, P.L., Bathurst, R.R., Richman, R., Gjerdrum, T., Andrushko, V.A., 2009. The causes of porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia: a reappraisal of the irondeficiency-anemia hypothesis. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 139, 109e125. Waterman, A.J., 2007. Health status in prehistoric Portugal: dental pathology and childhood mortality patterns from the Late Neolithic burials of Feteira (Louinha). American Journal of Physical Anthropology 132, 245. Waterman, A.J., Horwath, B., 2009. Dental attrition patterns in two late prehistoric skeletal collections from the Estremadura region of Portugal: comparisons and results. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 138, 267.