Hindu-CatHoliC EnCountErs in Goa Religion, Colonialism, and Modernity alexander Henn indiana university Press Bloomington & indianapolis his book is a publication of indiana university Press oice of scholarly Publishing Herman B Wells library 350 1320 East 10th street Bloomington, indiana 47405 usa iupress.indiana.edu Telephone 800-842-6796 Fax 812-855-7931 © 2014 by alexander Henn all rights reserved no part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. he association of american university Presses’ resolution on Permissions constitutes the only exception to this prohibition. he paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the american national standard for information sciences— Permanence of Paper for Printed library Materials, ansi Z39.48-1992. Manufactured in the united states of america library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication data Henn, alexander, [date] Hindu-Catholic encounters in Goa : religion, colonialism, and modernity / alexander Henn. pages cm includes bibliographical references and index. isBn 978-0-253-01287-6 (hardback) — isBn 978-0-253-01294-4 (paperback) — isBn 978-0-253-01300-2 (e-book) 1. syncretism (religion)— india—Goa (state) 2. Hinduism—relations—Christianity. 3. Christianity and other religions—Hinduism. 4. Catholic Church—relations— Hinduism. 5. Postcolonialism—india—Goa (state) 6. Goa (india : state)— religion. 7. Goa (india : state)—religious life and customs. i. title. Bl2016.G6H46 2014 261.2'45095478—dc23 2013050142 1 2 3 4 5 19 18 17 16 15 14 1 Vasco da Gama’s Error Conquest and Plurality he true religion can be but one, and that which God himselfe teacheth[,] . . . all other religions being but strayings from him, whereby men wander in the dark, and in labyrinthine error. —samuel Purchas, 1613 (smith 1998: 272) on sunday, 20 May 1498, ater eleven months of adventurous navigation, the small leet of Vasco da Gama reached Malabar, the southwestern coast of india. he Portuguese captain cautiously waited a few days on board to ascertain that the local population had no hostile intentions against them and then went ashore with some of his men to pay his respects to the local king. When he arrived in Calicut, the capitol of the little indian kingdom, he had a curious adventure, which was handed down by one of his crew members, most likely the soldier Álvaro Velho,1 to whom we owe the oldest manuscript of the Journal of the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama. hey took us to a large church and this is what we saw: he body of the church is as large as a monastery, all built of hewn stone and covered with tile. at the main entrance rises a pillar as high as a mast, on the top of which was perched a bird, apparently a cock. in addition to this there was another pillar as high as a man, and very stout. in the center of the body of the church rose a chapel, all built of hewn stone, with a bronze door suiciently wide for a man to pass, and stone steps leading up to it. Within this sanctuary stood a small image which they said represented our lady. along the walls, by the main entrance, hung seven small bells. in this church the captain-major said his prayers, and we with him. We did not go within the chapel, for it is the custom that only certain servants of the church, called quafees,2 should enter. he quafees wore some threads passing over the let shoulder and under the right arm, in the same manner as our deacons wear the stole. hey threw holy water over us, and gave us some white earth, which the Christians of this country are in the habit of putting on their foreheads, breast, around the neck, and on the forearms. hey threw holy water upon the captain-major and gave him some 19 20 | Hindu-Catholic Encounters in Goa earth, which he gave in change to someone, giving them to understand that he would put it on later. Many other saints were painted on the walls of the church, wearing crowns. hey were painted variously, with teeth protruding an inch from the mouth, and four or ive arms. Below the church there was a large masonry tank, similar to many others which we had seen along the road. (ravenstein 1998: 52–54)3 he episode in the Calicut “church” caused great sensation at its time. Even though this was not fully unexpected, the assumption of inding Christians in this faraway region of india was news of greatest signiicance for the king and the people of Portugal and was immediately communicated to other European nobles and the pope in rome. to be sure, the iconography in the “indian church” showed some bizarre details, and the appearance of “indian Christians” who were said to “go naked down to their waist” was certainly peculiar to contemporary Europeans. hese circumstances notwithstanding, the Portuguese seafarers had no doubts that “the city of Calicut [was] inhabited by Christians,” some of whom, they felt, were wearing a special hair dress “as a sign that they are Christians” (ibid.: 49). in fact, they claimed to even have seen “another church” on their way to the king’s palace showing “things like those described above” (ibid.: 55). to modern scholars it is of course obvious that da Gama and his men had succumbed to a bold mistake. he details of their description clearly indicate that they had not been visiting a Christian church, but a Hindu temple in Calicut, most likely a Vishnu temple, as sanjay subrahmanyam argues (1997a: 132), adorned with an image of Garuda, the eagle-shaped vehicle of the Hindu god. he most intriguing question, which i address in this chapter, therefore is, how could Vasco da Gama fall prey to such a gross error? interestingly, the answers presented by leading historians in the ield vary largely. Charles Boxer prosaically observes that “da Gama on his arrival at Calicut was unable to distinguish between Hindu temples and Christian churches” ([1969] 1991: 34), and relates the explanation to the search for “Prester John,” the legendary Christian priest who allegedly ruled a large kingdom somewhere in the East. More precisely, Boxer argues that it was the myth of a lost Eastern Christianity, the rediscovery of which had become a messianic vocation of the Portuguese royalty, that made da Gama mistakenly ind “friendly (though not rigidly roman Catholic) indian ‘Christians’” (ibid.: 37). Michael Pearson’s analysis hints in a very diferent direction and relates the Calicut episode to what he perceives to be a “tolerant attitude” by some of the early-modern European explorers toward the foreign indian world. he Portuguese, he notes, developed a curious “desire to ind familiar things in asia” (1987: 116). Beginning with da Gama’s error, Pearson shows, famed Portuguese chroniclers visiting india or writing about it in the sixteenth century such as tomé Pires (1465– 1520?), duarte Barbosa (d. 1545), and Fernão lopes de Castanheda (1480–1559) were fascinated by what they perceived as “similarities” between certain religious Vasco da Gama’s Error | 21 concepts and rituals of the gentiles and their own Christian beliefs and practices. in particular, the Holy trinity, the Virgin Mary, and certain baptismal rites, as Pearson and donald lach (1994: 387, 401) point out, were seen as theologically comparable, if not genealogically related, notions and practices of gentiles and Christians. Pearson, however, also notes something utterly enigmatic about this curious “search for the similar.” While understandable as an initial hermeneutic attempt to invest the alien with familiar traits, why did this attitude prevail for so long? Why, in particular, did Pires, Barbosa, Castanheda, and others continue to refer to Hindu-Christian ainities long ater it seems to have been clariied that Hindus were not Christians, not even very lapsed ones. “How could they get it so wrong?” he asks ([1992] 2005b: 156). Even more puzzling, why did assumptions about Hindu-Christian ainities live on ater the impact of the Counterreformation had turned the initially “peaceful” encounters between Portuguese and indians, Christians and Hindus, into a hostile iconoclastic onslaught against Hindu culture? Pearson does not pretend to have plausible answers to these questions and, faute de mieux, explains them by philanthropic leanings. “it is possible,” he writes, “that those who continued, despite the evidence, to ind the same were simply more humane, less intolerant than most of their fellows who launched vicious attacks on Hinduism” (ibid.). sanjay subrahmanyam pays the closest attention to the Calicut episode of all modern scholars of indo-Portuguese history, yet he conspicuously abstains from addressing the intricacies mentioned by Pearson. For subrahmanyam, da Gama’s error simply was a short-lived “gafe” triggered by “the fact that the Portuguese were momentarily convinced that large Christian kingdoms awaited them in asia, and could be used as allies against the Mamluks and other Middle Eastern Muslim rivals” (2001: 26). He buttresses his thesis in another book by relating it to the curious information regarding the Christians living in the East that was delivered to the Portuguese captain by a man known as Gaspar da Gama or Gaspar of india. his Gaspar, a Jewish merchant with profound experience in the indian trade who da Gama had captured of the Kanara Coast and baptized a Christian in his name, certainly must have impressed his new Christian master when he presented Vasco da Gama with a fantastic list showing no less than “ten Christian kingdoms” spread over india and the Far East, all allegedly waiting to support the Portuguese with mighty armies in their war against the “Moors” (1997a: 152–153). subrahmanyam also points out that the situation in south india must have been confusing for da Gama as a group of Christians did in fact—and do to this day—live in southern india. hese Christians are known as st. homas Christians because they trace their mythological origin back to proselytizing activities of the apostle homas. scattered rumors about these homas Christians were spread in Europe since the medieval age and gradually solidiied in the renaissance and early-modern period, when irst Marco Polo (1254–1324), then nicolò 22 | Hindu-Catholic Encounters in Goa de Conti (ca. 1385–1469) reported to have seen the grave of the apostle homas in a city called Mylapur (Chennai, tamil nadu) in southern india. at the time of da Gama’s visit, the numbers of these homas Christians are uncertain and are estimated at anywhere between thirty and seventy thousand (Bayly 1989: 247; Frykenberg 2003: 41). although there is no certiied evidence for subrahmanyam’s assumption that da Gama or anyone of his crew may in fact have met with st. homas Christians in Malabar during their irst voyage (subrahmanyam 1997a: 119), it is easy to imagine that news about their existence had inluenced da Gama’s perception of the situation in this faraway country. Most importantly though, subrahmanyam argues that da Gama’s error was rectiied almost instantaneously, something he attributes to the fact that, arguably, proper knowledge about the religious identity of the “gentiles” had long been available in Europe. “By the return to lisbon of the second Portuguese voyage of Pedro Álvares Cabral (1500–1),” subrahmanyam notes, “matters had been clariied to a large extent and the knowledge already possessed from the iteenth century descriptions like that of nicòlo de Conti had been reconsolidated: the term ‘Gentile’ (gentio) was now used to designate Hindus and Buddhists alike, and to distinguish them from Christians and Moors” (2001: 26). in summary, historians are largely at variance regarding the interpretation of the Calicut episode and raise more questions than answers. What motivated the curious error of the Portuguese captain: expectations to ind the mythical Christianity of the East, philanthropic leanings toward the familiar in the alien, or wishful thinking regarding allies in the conlict with the Muslims? Was da Gama’s error thus an anachronistic short-lived gafe or even a harbinger of an Enlightenment perspective of cultural relativism, or were other epistemic conditions of cognition and perception involved? What does the episode in Calicut tell us about the dynamics of the attitudes of the Christian self toward the indian other in the early-modern colonial encounter? Prester John and the search for Eastern Christianity he assumption that da Gama’s confusion in Calicut was the result of longstanding rumors about certain Christians living in the East is supported by the celebrated disclosure, “We came in search of Christians and spices,” reportedly made by one of his sailors on their arrival at Malabar (ravenstein [1898] 1998: 48). in accordance with this information, Velho’s travelogue shows that the Portuguese, once they had reached the coastline of East africa, were constantly searching for hints and signs indicating the presence of Christians on their route. in Mozambique, they rejoiced for the irst time when some of the natives, whom they repeatedly interrogated on this issue, allegedly spoke about “many cities” in the region that were populated by Christians. Moreover, they understood their native informants saying, Vasco da Gama’s Error | 23 that Prester John resided not far from this place; that he held many cities along the coast, and that the inhabitants of those cities were great merchants and owned big ships. he residence of Prester John was said to be far in the interior and could be reached only on the back of camels. hese Moors had also brought hither two Christian captives from india. his information and many other things that we heard rendered us so happy that we cried with joy, and prayed God to grant us health so that we might behold what we so much desired. (ibid.: 24) unfortunately though, da Gama’s hopes to go on land the following day in the city of Mombasa and “hear jointly mass with the Christians reported to live there” were disappointed, as well as the hope of inding “many large cities of Christians and Moors, including one called Quambay (Gujarat)” on their way across the arabian sea (ibid.: 35, 47). nevertheless, the Portuguese captain and his men refused to give up their eforts to ind Christians and continued to undertake tests and seek signs revealing the suspected Christian identity of local people, even where these signs seemed rather far-fetched. For instance, da Gama’s men claimed to have recognized two “indian Christians” in Mozambique, describing them as “tawny men” who wore little clothing, had long beards, ate no beef, and spoke a language diferent from arabic. two rather curious forms of behavior convinced the Portuguese that these indians, who were said to be owners of big vessels and who had visited one of the Portuguese ships, were in fact Christians. First, it was reported that, when the visitors were shown an altar-piece representing our lady, they immediately prostrated themselves, murmured prayers, and, most curiously, made “oferings of cloves, pepper and other things” to the image. second, when da Gama and his leet let the harbor, the “indian Christians” were said to have “ired many bombards from their vessels and when they saw him pass they raised their hands and shouted lustily ‘Christ,’ ‘Christ’” (ibid.: 44–45). on another occasion in Mombasa, da Gama was invited into the house of “two men, almost white, who said to be Christians,” something that the Portuguese captain found conirmed by a “paper” shown to him, which he interpreted as an “object of their adoration” depicting the “Holy Ghost” (ibid.: 36). hese and similar incidents suggest that da Gama was ready to stretch evidence, if only to keep the hope alive that he was going to ind Christians in india. he details of the audience he had with the king of Malabar further conirm this. to begin with, da Gama took the doorman of the palace to be a sort of “bishop . . . whose advice the king acts upon in all afairs of the church” and saluted him “in the manner of the country by putting the hands together, then raising them towards the Heaven, as it is done by Christians when addressing God” (ibid.: 56, 57). When meeting with the Zamorin, or king of Malabar, da Gama told him that the Portuguese king, dom Manuel, and his ancestors had undertaken “discoveries in the direction of india” for many years because they knew “that there [in india] were Christian 24 | Hindu-Catholic Encounters in Goa kings like them.” herefore, he continued, “dom Manuel . . . had ordered him not to return to Portugal until he should have discovered this King of the Christians [in the East], on pain of having his head cut of” (ibid.: 58). hese circumstances show that Vasco da Gama’s search for Christians had little to do with modern notions of discovery. When the Portuguese captain spoke about discovery, he did not have in mind inding novelties or seeking new experiences, let alone changing his ideas or worldview. instead, he sought to reconirm what he already thought and, thus, was certain, against all evidence and facts, to ind Christians and also, incidentally, immense riches and resources in india: We understood them to say—is therefore another information which he repeatedly believes to hear from the words exchanged with the natives in africa—that all these things [silver, gloves, pepper, ginger, rings, pearls, jewels, and rubies] with the exception of gold were bought by these Moors; that further on, where we were to go, they abounded, and that precious stones, pearls and spices were so plentiful that there was no need to purchase them as they could be collected in baskets. (ravenstein [1898] 1998: 23) like Christopher Columbus, Vasco da Gama pursued what tzvetan todorov called a “inalistic strategy of interpretation,” that is, an interpretation whose operations were grounded not on experience but authority (1985: 26). he two early-modern explorers, in other words, took to be known in advance the meanings of the signs and gestures encountered on their journeys and, to a considerable extent, the messages conveyed to them in foreign languages. here are striking parallels therefore in how Columbus and da Gama reasserted assumed knowledge against factual evidence. Convinced of inding a great and civilized continent, Columbus, in a celebrated episode of his journey, made his entire crew go on land in Cuba and swear a solemn oath that this was the great mainland of india for which they were searching, though a number of his men were doubtful (ibid.: 32). da Gama was sure to ind Christians in india and thus made his men, in a no less spectacular confusion, pray to images of saints in a Hindu temple in Calicut, though again some of them were not convinced that these were representations of saints. in fact, Hernan lopes de Castanheda mentions in his version of the Calicut episode that a certain João de sá, one of the men accompanying da Gama to the “church,” was doubtful and anxious that the “saints” he was ordered to worship may not be authentic. as a precaution, he therefore murmured, “if these are devils, i worship God” (Castanheda 1582: 44–45). What made the two explorers so self-asserted about their assumed knowledge were not only certain authoritative texts, such as Pierre d’ailly’s Imago mundi for Columbus and the mysterious Acts of homas for da Gama, which supposedly preigured and predicted what they were hoping to ind.4 More speciically, the two explorers joined luís de Camões (1524–1580) in trusting in what might be called a Christian epistemology that assumed the truth about the world Vasco da Gama’s Error | 25 in its entirety had been preigured by Christian doctrine, if perhaps in an encapsulated form or cryptic signs waiting to be deciphered. History of literature scholar shankar raman, analyzing the great epic Os Lusíadas (Camões [1571] 1973), which Camões had composed on the occasion of Vasco da Gama’s irst voyage to india, comes to a similar conclusion when summarizing the great poet’s view about the foreign land of india: “it is illogical to believe that God could have created parts of the world that were not from the very beginning available in some way to [Christian] man and thus part, even dimly, of man’s knowledge, since proper contemplation of the created world requires such knowledge. Ergo, these lands must already have been known, our failure to acknowledge them a mere consequence of not having read the ancient texts with the requisite care” (raman 2001: 69). among the “ancient texts” that arguably inspired Vasco da Gama’s search for Christians in india were, as already mentioned, the Acts of homas. dated to the second century, these documents are of unknown origin and provenance and have survived in syriac (aramaic) versions believed to have been produced in fourth-century Edessa (Greece). hey are regarded as the oldest documents relecting Christian traditions in southern india. he Acts of homas are interpreted as evidence of missionary activities undertaken by the apostle homas and, together with written and oral Malayali and tamil literature, are claimed today as proof of the ancient and independent Christian origins of the homas or syrian Christian communities of Kerala and tamil nadu (Frykenberg 2003: 34f.). although considered apocryphal by the Western church, the Acts of homas were a major source of myths and rumors circulating in medieval Europe about a Christianity of considerable proportion and power that allegedly was lost or hidden in the vast territories of the indies somewhere between Ethiopia in the west and Cathay (China) in the east. two sites became especially important for the dissemination of myths and news regarding these lost Eastern Christians. one was the near East and, in particular, Jerusalem, where Western pilgrims not only learned about the idiosyncrasies of the Christian churches of Jerusalem, Constantinople, alexandria, and antioch, but also their various armenian, Jakobite, Maronite, Chaldean, and syrian subdivisions, some of which were said to have relations with the lost Christians of the East (rogers 1962; aubin 1976). he other site was the Western church in rome whose leaders and theologians entertained ambiguous attitudes toward the lost Eastern Christianity. on the one hand, the Western church had a longstanding record of eforts at trying to unify the theological principles and political actions of the Christian churches of East and West, something that included repeated attempts to contact and communicate with the enigmatic Eastern Christians associated with st. homas and Prester John. on the other hand, it was a continuous concern of the Western church to counteract heretic deviations from Christian doctrine, something that led to an interest in monitoring segments of the Eastern Christians that were suspected 26 | Hindu-Catholic Encounters in Goa of adhering to the nestorian doctrines that had led to various secessions from the Greek or orthodox churches during the Middle ages. Historically signiicant thus in contexts of Christian diversity and diversiication, the discourse on the lost Eastern Christians gained new and critical signiicance in early modernity when Western Christianity not only was facing another dramatic episode of internal diversiication by the emerging Protestant reformation but also was increasingly entangled in encounters at the colonial frontier with until then largely unknown religious traditions in asia and america. not surprisingly, it was in the iteenth and sixteenth centuries that another set of apocryphal texts relating the story of a mysterious Eastern Christianity gained public attention in Western Europe. hese were the Letters of Prester John, which were taken to provide evidence of the existence of a formidable exotic Christianity located somewhere beyond the islamic world. his imaginary Eastern Christianity was commonly depicted as an ideal kingdom in which a wise priest, Prester John, ruled in perfect Christian morality and splendid material prosperity over a powerful army and a happy nation (aubin 1976; rogers 1962; slessarev 1959). surfacing irst in a latin version in the twelth century, the full impact of this literary imagination was reached in the iteenth and sixteenth centuries, when italian, dutch, French, German, and English versions of the Letters made the subject into a bestselling literary genre. he enormous popularity and commercial success of the Prester John literature was owed to a combination of utopian ideas and exotic images that provided both ediication and diversion to people in Western Europe alicted by episodes of Black death, religious wars, and a serious crisis of the feudal order and economy of their societies. Most successful chapbook versions of the genre, such as andrea da Barberino’s Guerino da Meschino, a ictitious travelogue into Prester John’s kingdom, published in 1473 in Padua, and Giuliano dati’s Treatise of the Supreme Prester John, Pope and Emperor of India and of Ethiopia, a rhymed version of the Letter of Prester John, published in 1493 in rome, combined the longstanding mythology of the st. homas Christians surmised in india with the alleged news of Prester John’s kingdom said to be located somewhere in Ethiopia or india (rogers 1962: 94, 97, passim). he popular genre also brought together classical and modern sources, that is augustine, Pliny the Elder, and strabo on the one hand, and Marco Polo, nicolò de Conti, and Poggio Bracciolini on the other, to buttress and illustrate publications such as De ritu et moribus indorum (on the rites and Customs of the indians) or Treatise on the Ten Nations and Sects of Christians, which were frequently published in one and the same collection. notably, the exoticism of the religious other and the diversity of the religious self thus intermingled in popular perception and fantasy. another noteworthy leitmotiv of the time was the arrival of high-ranking oriental dignitaries in the West, a subject that found a most intriguing artistic interpretation in a painting by Benozzo Gozzoli, completed around 1461, depicting—as Francis rogers cogently notes—the celebrated Vasco da Gama’s Error | 27 Magi, whose story had but recently been popularized by John of Hildesheim, not as the distant Melchior, Balthazar, and Jasper but as the contemporary Patriarch Joseph ii and Emperor John iii Palaeolugus of Constantinople, who indeed had visited Florence in the 1440s together with little lorenzo de Medici (ibid.: 51). notably, though, st. homas Christians and Prester John’s legendary Christian kingdom were not only the subject of popular literature and art but also of most real and serious politics. of course, Pope Eugene iV’s (1383–1447) letter to his “dearly beloved son in Christ, Prester John, illustrious King and Emperor of Ethiopia” could not induce its addressee to participate in the Council of Florence (1438–1442) at which the long-awaited decree of union between the roman and Greek churches was proclaimed, for the simple reason that this addressee existed only in his imagination (ibid.: 37). nevertheless, by the mid-iteenth century, papal authorities and their royal supporters took serious eforts to make the Christians believed to live in india or Ethiopia part of a grand plan that had been determined at the Council of Basel (1431–1438). he goal of this plan was nothing less than to recover the Holy land of Jerusalem and other lands which formerly belonged to Christians, and to bring back and restore to the one Christian fold, under one shepherd, the roman Pontif of the universal Church, the schismatic Greeks and armenians and, as far as possible, even those very indians who hold to the faith of st. homas the apostle, so that there may be one fold and one shepherd in the world, subject to the name and obedience of one true God, who is Jesus. (ibid.: 57) alberto da sartena, the newly appointed “[papal] commissary for india proper, Ethiopia, Egypt and Jerusalem,” was commissioned the task of communicating with the mysterious Eastern Christians and undertook various travels to Palestine and Cairo between 1435 and 1440, though he never reached Ethiopia or india (ibid.: 41). it was a natural development, therefore, that the King of Portugal, whom Pope nicholas V (1397–1455) in the celebrated bull Romanus Pontifex had granted the exclusive right of conquest and possession in africa and beyond, also took on the grand project of the uniication of all known and unknown parts of Christianity: “He [the Portuguese King] would best perform his duty to God in this matter [of exploration], if by his efort and industry that sea [to the south and east] might become navigable as far as to the indians who are said to worship the name of Christ, and thus he might be able to enter into relation with them, and to incite them to aid the Christians against the saracens and other such enemies of the faith” (ibid.: 64). Gentiles and religious Plurality it is against this background that i return to subrahmanyam’s remark that da Gama’s error in Calicut was a short-lived, anachronistic “gafe” and that proper 28 | Hindu-Catholic Encounters in Goa knowledge about the religious identity of the indian gentiles was current in Europe long before the irst sea passage to india. in particular we may recall subrahmanyam’s reference to news about india, which the italian traveler nicolò de Conti had brought to Europe in the iteenth century and which, according to him, made a clear distinction between Hindus and Buddhists, collectively called gentiles, and Muslims and Christians (2001: 26). subrahmanyam’s view seems to be supported by the fact that objections against da Gama’s assumption that Calicut was populated by Christians were reported almost instantaneously. important to note in particular are documents from Girolamo sernici, a Florentine merchant living in lisbon when da Gama returned from his voyage in July 1499. Writing letters about the event to a gentleman in italy, sernici irst reported the exciting news about a city in india named “Chalichut” that was “peopled by Christian indians” (ravenstein [1898] 1998: 125). in a second letter written a couple of weeks later, he revised his report referring to new information received from “the pilot whom they took by force,” that is, Gaspar da Gama: “He says that in those countries there are many gentiles, that is idolaters, and only a few Christians; that the supposed church and belfries are in reality temples of idolaters, and that the pictures within them are those of idols and not saints” (ibid.: 137f.). subrahmanyam’s argument that this quick rectiication of da Gama’s error should be seen against the background that proper knowledge about the religious identity of the indian gentiles had been current in Europe since the mid-iteenth century is indirectly supported by Joan-Pau rubieś. rubieś analyzes the travelogue of the Venetian merchant nicolò de Conti, who traveled for more than twenty years through Persia, india, and the Far East and, ater his return, dictated his experiences to Poggio Bracciolini (1380–1459), the secretary of Pope Eugene iV (2000). although a rather short and elliptical itinerary, the de Conti–Bracciolini account shows some interest in cultural issues and contains inter alia a description of religious ceremonies in Bisnaga (Vijyanagara) and news about the priestly classes of Cambay (Gujarat) and Zeilam (Ceylon). While being positively impressed by the city and kingdom of Vijyanagara as well as by the sophistication of the “race of Brahmins” of Ceylon, the italian merchant and papal humanist obviously were rather disgusted by certain religious practices that de Conti had seen in india, which they classiied as “idolatry.” a lengthy description follows in the travelogue that reports not only on the alleged worship of idols of “false gods” and “demons” but also mentions a range of inhuman and cruel practices including stories of self-immolation, self-mutilation, and ritual murder. ater having highlighted these details, rubieś, surprisingly, qualiies the de Conti–Bracciolini report as an early “account of Eastern religion” (2000: 106). He gives two reasons for this assessment. he two italians, rubieś argues, took care to notice that the people sacriicing their lives were driven by powerful and Vasco da Gama’s Error | 29 socially esteemed religious motifs, something he interprets as an acknowledgment of their “free will” by the two italian narrators. Moreover, rubieś points out, the account uses a certain referential language to describe what de Conti saw in india, such as “they say” and “they consider,” in which rubieś sees traces of an “acceptance of diverse beliefs in diverse social contexts [that] raises (at least potentially) the possibility of relativism” (ibid.: 109). Were nicolò de Conti and Poggio Bracciolini thus indeed harbingers of modernity who anticipated concepts of religious plurality and cultural relativism? doubts about this hypothesis seem justiied given the emphasis the two italians put on the observation that the indian gentiles “are all idolaters” (Major [1857] 2005: 9). although idolatry was already an old stigma, leading to discrimination of all those who were described as “inidels,” “pagans,” or “heathens” in European Christian discourse, the term gained new signiicance and acrimoniousness in the emerging modernity. his growing signiicance of “idolatry” stemmed from the fact that in the great cataclysm which eventually culminated in the Protestant reformation and Catholic renewal in the sixteenth century, the alleged semiotic ofence of mistaking the image for its prototype, that is, of worshipping the idol instead of what it stands for clearly asserted and aggravated the dividing line between Christians and so-called pagans. in this context, de Conti’s and Bracciolini’s highlighting of stories of how gentiles during religious ceremonies “cut of their own head, [thereby] yielding up their lives as a sacriice to their idols,” or had their “wives . . . burn themselves [with their dead husbands] in order to add to the pomp of the funeral” (Major [1857] 2005: 26, 6), are to be seen as an intensiication of the allegation that the gentiles were engaging more with the material reiication and performative dramatization of their religious beliefs than with their inner meanings. to be sure, de Conti and Bracciolini did have some interest in religious diversity. notably, however, this interest concentrated on Christian populations. Hence, the italians found and distinguished three varieties of Christians in the countries of the East. First were the “nestorian Christians” who were said to be “heretics” having their center in the city of Mylapur, where “the body of saint homas lies buried in a very large and beautiful church” (ibid.: 7). next mentioned were Christians said to live in a “kingdom twenty days journey from Cathay (China)” who were also “heretics” but have “churches . . . larger and more ornamented than ours” (ibid.: 33). Finally, Christians of Ethiopia and Egypt were mentioned, among whom “the period from Christmas to lent is kept as a festival, being devoted to feasting and dancing.” obviously alluding here to the longstanding gloriication of the alleged Eastern Christians associated with the legendary Prester John, de Conti and Bracciolini added that in the country of these Ethiopian and Egyptian Christians, no one ever sufered from “pestilence” but some people even lived to “more than a hundred and twenty years old” (ibid.: 30 | Hindu-Catholic Encounters in Goa 36f.). Contrary to these distinctions and qualiications of diverse Christians, all others—Hindus, Buddhists, and Muslims—were subsumed under the one notion of idolaters, though some of them triggered certain reminiscences for the italians, who seemed to have retained ambiguities about the real nature of the gentiles and, in particular, the suspicion that they had some ainity with Christians: “all worship idols nevertheless when they rise in the morning from their beds they turn towards the east, and with their hands joined together say, ‘God in trinity and His law defend us’” (ibid.: 13). Gentiles and the search for the similar he question of to what extent the encounter of Portuguese and indians, missionaries and gentiles, facilitated the emergence of a new, that is, modern perspective on religious diversity and cultural diference is critically connected with the question of why actual and imagined “similarities” between Christians and gentiles had such a fascinating attraction for the early-modern explorers, chroniclers, and missionaries. a prominent Portuguese chronicler who noticed such similarities was tomé Pires (1465–1520?). traveling in india, Malacca, and China between 1511 and 1516, he noted in his major work Suma Oriental, published around 1512 (albuquerque 1994: 2:907f.), “he whole of Malabar believes, as we do, in the trinity of Father, son, and Holy Ghost, three in one, the only true God. From Cambay to Bengal all the people hold this [faith]” (Pires [1944] 1967: 66). regarding the people of Gujarat, Pires was even convinced that these similarities were remnants of a Christian heritage that had fallen into decay: “he heathens of Cambay are great idolaters and sot, weak people. some of them are men who in their religion lead good lives, they are chaste, true men and very abstemious. hey believe in our lady and in the trinity, and there is no doubt that they were once Christians and that they gradually lost their faith because of the Mohammedans” (ibid.: 39). duarte Barbosa (d. 1545), who lived and worked in india from 1500 to 1506 and 1511 to 1545, and whose Livro das Coisas da Índia was written around 1515 in Calicut (albuquerque 1994: 1:116f.), produced the irst detailed European description of Hindu society (Barbosa [1518] 1918–1921).5 His elaborations are based on observations in Guzerate (Gujarat) and Malabar (Kerala). in Guzerate, he pointed out, the gentiles were divided into two sorts or classes. one were the “Baneanes” who are “great merchants” and whose description tells us today were Jains (ibid.: 1:110f.). he other were the “Bramenes,” described as “priests” who have a particular respect for Christian principles and saints: hese Bramenes or Heathen have in their creed many resemblances to the Holy trinity, and hold in great honor the relation of the triune hree, and always make their prayers to the true God, Creator and maker of all things, who is three persons and one God, and they say that there are many other gods who Vasco da Gama’s Error | 31 are rulers under him, in whom also they believe. hese Bramenes and Heathen wheresoever they ind our churches enter them and make prayers and adorations to our images, always asking for santa Maria, like men who have some knowledge and understanding of these matters; and they honor the Church as it is our manner, saying that between them and us there is little diference. (ibid.: 1:115f.) For Malabar, Barbosa’s account distinguishes no less than eighteen “castes” from Bramenes (Brahmins) through nayres (nayars) to Mainatos (dalits), most of whom were said to have “their own sort of idolatry” and some their own “pagodes” or temples (ibid.: 2:33f.). ater describing in detail how the Bramenes worshiped their “idols” through elaborate ceremonies, processions, and regular oferings, the report points out that they also “honor the trinity,” to which they refer as “Berma [Brahma], Besma [Vishnu] and Maceru [Maheshvara] who are three persons and only one God, whom they confess to have since the beginning of the world.” Barbosa added, however, that “they have no knowledge nor information concerning the life of our lord Jesus Christ” so that they seem to live in a peculiar state of half-truth: “hey believe and respect many truths, yet do not tell them truly” (ibid.: 2:37). as pointed out by Pearson (1987: 116) and lach (1994: 387, 401), the allusions to Christians living in Calicut and moreover to certain Christian roots among the gentiles at various places in western india survived in Portuguese travelogues and chronicles throughout the sixteenth and even the early seventeenth centuries. João de Barros’s (1496–1570) Décadas da Ásia (written in the middle decades of the sixteenth century), Fernão lopes de Castanheda’s (1480–1559) História do descobrimento et conquista da Índia pelos portugueses (published between 1551 and 1554), and damiao de Góis’s (1502–1574) Cronica do felicissimo rei Dom Manuel (published 1566–1567) all reproduced the celebrated Calicut episode reconirming, more or less directly, the Portuguese captain’s assumption of having discovered a Christian church. he historically latest reproduction of the Calicut episode so-far unearthed can be found in Frei Paulo de trindade’s (1570–1651) Conquista espiritual de Oriente, a history of the Franciscan order in india, written between 1630 and 1636 in india (trindade 1962–1967: 1:viif.). his version again presents an almost word-by-word reproduction of Velho’s original; trindade enriches the story, though, by weaving together various genealogical and narrative threads of Christian mythology. according to “ancient annals,” he reports, the historical king of Calicut was one of the hree Holy Magi who, ater his celebrated visit to Bethlehem, had been baptized by the apostle homas. he appeal of authenticity of this artful connecting of the Christians of Calicut and the homas Christians is further enhanced by the fact that trindade takes the story to rectify earlier narrations, which had located the place of origin of the Magi in Persia, by claiming new evidence that at least one of them came from in- 32 | Hindu-Catholic Encounters in Goa dia (ibid.: 2:297). Moreover, trindade presents the Calicut episode, more than 150 years ater the fact, as evidence of the divine providence that had placed the Portuguese conquest of the orient under the protection of the Christian Maria. He states, “he great captain d. Vasco da Gama, as we had reported, found a chapel dedicated to the Holy Virgin Mother of God and our lady when he reached india. He received no small consolation that heaven had ready for him in the midst of so much inidelity, the house and image of the Queen of angels which assured him the prediction that the Portuguese would be Her protégés” (ibid.: 2:298). notably, however, there were also Portuguese chroniclers who rejected the assumption that Christians had been living in Calicut at the time of da Gama’s arrival and who denied that there existed similarities between the religious beliefs and practices of Christians and gentiles. one of them was diogo do Couto (1542–1616), who spent about iteen years in india as a soldier and writer and, in the late sixteenth century, took over from João de Barros responsibility as state chronicler for continuing the series Décadas da Ásia (albuquerque 1994: 1:318f.). Couto demystiied allusions to Christianity in india most efectively in a passage of his Década Quinta da Ásia in which he dealt with the three supreme Hindu gods Brahemâ (Brahma), Bisnû (Vishnu), and Rudrâ (shiva). ater explaining the association of the gods with the three elements earth, water, and ire, and ater elaborating their various functions, he explicitly refused the assumption that the beliefs and practices of the gentiles, based on this threefold nature of the divine, could have any relationship with the Christian trinity: and from this [similarity] some scholars took reason to consider whether these gentiles have knowledge of the Holiest trinity. João de Barros erred in this way because they [the gentiles] cannot know [the Holy trinity], and also damião de Gois makes the same mistake, because the gentile theologians did not have the same practice we do. and even today many do err as to what the Brahmans do in hearing them say that, like we worship three persons in one divinity, they also do to the three in the one Mamurte as we had said [before]. (Couto 1937: 391) his insertion deserves closer inspection because Couto belonged to a group of Portuguese scholars writing in the sixteenth century who were obviously impressed by the social complexity, material richness, and cultural sophistication of Hindu society and culture, and who laid the cornerstones for its systematic exploration. Barbosa was one of them, providing the irst elaborate description of the complex hierarchies and regulations constituting the system of castes in Gujarat and Malabar. Gaspar Correia (1492–1567) became known for his enthused account of the royal rituals, festivals, and temples in the kingdom of Vijayanagara (Karnataka) (subrahmanyam 2001: 39f.). Couto, inally, deserves the greatest attention for two chapters in his Década Quinta da Ásia in which he dealt extensively and in great detail with what at a later point in time became known as Hinduism. he two chapters evidence that the Portuguese chronicler Vasco da Gama’s Error | 33 had developed signiicant interest in this subject and had collected arguably the vastest knowledge in European writing about it both from his own observations and from other sources. in particular, Couto, who most probably did not read sanskrit or any other indian language, must have engaged in extensive conversations with learned Brahmans about Hindu beliefs and practices and, above all, their ancient books and writings. no doubt his remarkable interest generated for him a great and genuine respect for the foreign religious culture, something that is relected in the fact that he was among the irst Europeans to explicitly use the term religião or “religion” to describe what others contemptuously called gentilismo, “idolatry” or “paganism” (Couto 1937: 382). in chapter three of the Década Quinta da Ásia, entitled About the Views, Rites and Ceremonies of All the Gentiles of Industan, Living between the Indus and the Ganges. And about What Is Said about the Origins of heir Scriptures Which heir heologians Teach in heir Schools, he thus wrote, it should be known that among the gentiles of the orient there is maintained and sustained but one view of God, the creation and corruption of creatures, which is a lesson to be read in their schools by their Bragmanes, who are teachers of their religion. of this they have many books in their latin, which they call Geredão [sanskrit], which contain all that they are to believe, and all the ceremonies they are to do. hese books are divided into bodies, members, and articles, whose originals are ones which they call Vedaos, which are divided in four parts, and these in another ity-two in this way: six are called Xastra, which are the bodies; eighteen are called Purana, which are the members; twenty-eight are called agamon, which are the articles. (ibid.: 382) Couto went on to speak of their causa prima, which, “they say,” is “God, a pure spirit, embodied, ininite, almighty, omniscient, all benevolence, omnipresent, whom they call Xarues, Xivaru, which means creator of all” (ibid.: 383). He then talked about their notion of “angels whom they call Monixavaru, which means saints” and of “souls who must be immortal, but if one has sinned, when he dies, his soul passes through a living being, where it is purged before it deserves to ascend into heaven” (ibid.: 384). his is why, he concluded, the gentiles take great care of animals, and some do not even kill bedbugs because these all may be human souls purged for their sins. he souls of the worst sinners are said to transform into the most ilthy animals and the worst of all into dogs. Many souls however are believed to pass through the bodies of cows which are therefore most venerated among them: “in the kingdom of Cambaia [Gujarat] we have seen it many times that, when a cow was urinating in the streets, the Baneas [Jains], men and women, came out and reached their hands and took the urine and spread it over their heads, saying some words, just like we do it with the Holy Water” (ibid.: 384). at this point, Couto inserted an interesting reference saying that this “brutish view” (openião bruta) can already be found among the “ancient Gentiles” (antigos gentios), since it was Epedocles  agregentino (Empedocles of 34 | Hindu-Catholic Encounters in Goa agrigentum; ca. 490–430 bce), the Greek philosopher known for his theory of natural elements, who said that all “spirits of the air, the sea and the earth” who have “lived badly” have to be purged before “they deserve entering into glory” (ibid.: 384). others in india who had managed to see more of the truth, he continued, tell that in their “second Heaven” there is one place called Xorvago where all those relax who had lived a good life and another place that is called naraca that is full of ire and as many types of tortures as there are types of sins performed by angels of the third category, “who are depicted in all possible ugliness, as we do for the devil, and called by many names, the most common ones being: diagal or saitan, name of what is known everywhere and [even] till those savages could not be lost” (ibid.: 385). he chapter ends with a note on the four worst sins— “killing, stealing, drinking wine and taking some one else’s wife”—and modes of atonement such as going on pilgrimages and making sacriices in temples. he main and most common mode of worship, Couto wrote, are performed in temples including “ramanacor near Manar,” that is, rameshvaram in tamil nadu; “Xilabarao, eight legoas from negapatao,” that is, a today-unknown temple in nagapattinam, tamil nadu; “Canjavar,” that is, Khajurao in Madhya Pradesh; “triquinimale in the kingdom of Gigi,” that is, Koneswaram in trincomalee in sri lanka; “tripiti and tremel in the kingdom of Bisnaga,” that is, tirumaletirupati of Vijayanagara in Karnataka; “Jagarnatte,” that is, Jagarnath in orissa; and “Vixavat in Bengalla,” that is, most likely Visvanathan in Benares. He added the temples of “tanavare in Ceylon . . . Pico in adao . . . Jaquette . . . and ininitely many others where the devil is well venerated” (ibid.: 387). Chapter four is entitled About the Other hree Parts of heir Sources and All Other Rites and Customs of the Gentiles and about heir hree Rulers and about the Mistake hat Some Made in Assuming hat hey Have Knowledge about the Holiest Trinity. And about the Distinctions of heir Castes and about How hey Preserve hese. it starts with a comment on the divine rulers (regentes) who govern the cosmos and the elements: “hese blind gentiles say that this primera causa that they take for God is so mighty that, for not having to care about lowly things, he gives all celestial bodies to rulers so that they move and govern them” (ibid.: 390). he chapter then goes on to specify ive divine rulers, all of whom are said to have wives or even appear as women, that is, goddesses, and their respective spheres: one who governs all the planets called Xadaxivão and his wife, Hûmanī; one who governs ire called rudra and his wife, Parvadi; one who governs air called Measura and his wife, Maenomadi; one who governs water called Bisnu and his wife, lacami; and one who governs earth called Brahemâ and his wife, Xarasuadi. hese ive, they say, govern all created matter, but [above all] there are three who are worshipped as gods, that is, Brahemâ, Bisnū and rudra, who are the rulers of Earth, Water and Fire, because one creates, the other proliferates and the other consumes, and because they are the cause of creation, breeding and Vasco da Gama’s Error | 35 decay of all. and these three, they call Máá Murte, which means the “three supreme ones” and they airm that they had been generated by the same God. and like that they portray them together, one body and three faces, as we see them in the temple of Elefanta, where we even see that igure . . . with three faces as large as a big barrel, made in stone like marble with a miter on its head, round with three cone ends, like the ones of our Pontifs, a piece that can count as one of the wonders of the world. and in memory of these three rulers all Gentiles wear a thread braided of three lines around their neck. (ibid.: 391) two other passages and inally an episode from the remaining part of the chapter about how indians perceived the Portuguese themselves are worth mentioning. in one passage that closely follows the description of the ive cosmic rulers, Couto made reference again to classical knowledge of his time by stating that “this idolatry [of the indian gentiles] seems to have spread in all the orient from the ancient Egyptians” who likewise worshipped the stars and elements as deities (ibid.: 391). his statement relates to the observation that the gentiles are indeed making “speculations about natural causes,” in particular the signs, courses, qualities, and conjunctions of the planets, and that they have “great experts” among them who predict loods, droughts, famines, wars, and other events. He concluded, however, when ignorant people saw that these predictions had come true, they took them for miracles and worshiped the experts. in order to increase their authority and inluence, these experts therefore, by the help of “the Moors, the hypocrites of the world,” engaged in magic art and sorcery and did tricks and deceptions that were “the signal of the devil” (ibid.: 394). in another section, Couto referred to a “most appreciated and erudite book called Valvuer,” that was written in the city of Maliador (Mylapur, Chennai, tamil nadu) “at the time of the venerated st. homas”: “his book contains 1330 verses dealing with the knowledge of a single Creator, with the respect one owed him, with the contempt for the idols, and the praise of penitence, humility and abstinence . . . [and] for these things and others written it is to be presumed that they had knowledge of the apostle st. homas and learned from him his doctrine” (ibid.: 392). toward the end of the chapter, Couto reports an episode from a journey he and two companions undertook from Goa to Chaul (Maharashtra), which gives an interesting insight into how the Portuguese were perceived and treated by local indians outside of the territory of Portuguese control. For lack of any other supply, the small Portuguese party once had to rely on “Bragmanes” for food. although the food was served with “great care and ceremony,” the Portuguese were puzzled by the great ritual precautions taken by the Brahmans in the interaction. it was winter and the Portuguese were asked to dof their outer wear on an outside veranda, then fed inside the house. he plates, though, were placed about “ten to twelve steps away” from Couto and his men, who had to get up to reach the food and return the plates themselves, avoiding any direct contact with their hosts. ater they had eaten, “they [the gentiles] brought vessels with water which they 36 | Hindu-Catholic Encounters in Goa poured on the plates from which we had eaten and ater making us execute many puriications they washed with great . . . ceremony the verandas on which we had dressed, as if we were ill from some disease contagion” (ibid.: 394). in summary, then, Couto had an ambiguous attitude toward the religious culture of the gentiles. His interest in and even respect for their theology, literature, and cosmology is undeniable, yet he did not spare his contempt and uttered numerous derogatory remarks regarding their “blindness,” “brutish views,” “idolatry,” and even “veneration of the devil.” in fact, the great chronicler opened his celebrated essay About the Views, Rites and Ceremonies of All the Gentiles of Industan with a derogatory remark that deserves closer inspection because it triggered an interesting interpretation by subrahmanyam. Couto began his essay by “giving thanks to the almighty God for the mercy that he did us, in giving us knowledge of Himself [and] in making us see the ugly, nefarious, and crass rites of these blind gentiles” (ibid.: 382). obviously irritated about this passage, subrahmanyam reaches for a drastic interpretation, suggesting that the negative remark was a self-conscious act by which Couto pulled “the teeth of the Counter-reformation and its censorship” (subrahmanyam 2001: 36). Without much evidence, the historian thus turns the Portuguese chronicler here into a rebel against contemporary authorities and insinuates that Couto consciously inserted his negative remarks about the gentiles in order to deceive censors about his otherwise sympathetic description. notably, in presenting this interpretation, subrahmanyam suppresses the second half of the critical sentence quoted, which further qualiies “the ugly, nefarious, and brute rites of these blind Gentiles” by adding, “that were mentioned in the diversity of earthly animals in the world which st. Peter saw in his vision of the vessel poring them out, as can be seen in our acts of the apostles, number one” (Couto 1937: 382).6 in other words, Couto made reference here to a story from the acts of the apostles, that is the ith book of the new testament, which is ascribed to the apostle luke and which deals among other things with what in modern parlance might be called religious diversity. More precisely, the story describes a vision that the apostle Peter had when he was falling into a trance while hungry: in this vision the apostle saw a vessel coming down from heaven. in this vessel were all sorts of wild animals, reptiles and birds. hen Peter heard the voice of God telling him: Get up, Peter, kill and eat. he apostle replied: no, lord, i have never eaten any thing common or unclean. upon this, the voice spoke to Peter again: What God has cleansed, do not you call common. his was done three times, and then the vessel was taken up again into heaven. (McGarvey 1872: 133; see also acts of the apostles 10:9–16) Bible scholars agree that Peter’s vision deals metaphorically with the problem of commensality, that is, the living and eating together of Jewish Christians and gentiles in late antiquity. Given that the principle torah distinction between Vasco da Gama’s Error | 37 clean and unclean food marks the critical subject here, Clinton Wahlen points out that the story introduces a third category of “common” or “doubtfully pure food” (2005: 505). it is this third category of food, he argues, that widened the possibilities of social contact for Jewish Christians to include also “potentially deiled” yet “God-fearing Gentiles,” who were distinguished from the “(intrinsic) uncleanness [of] pagans” who continued to be excluded from social contact (ibid.: 515). returning to the interpretation of Couto’s negative remarks regarding the indian gentiles, the reference to the biblical story does not suggest that the chronicler was engaged in any kind of “double bookkeeping” but rather that he identiied himself with the situation of st. Peter and felt a strong and genuine dilemma regarding how to assess and deal with the gentiles who, on the one hand, seemed to him ignorant, nefarious, and even unclean, and, on the other hand, were cultured, sophisticated, even God-fearing. hese uncertainties about the status of gentiles were not uncommon in latemedieval and early-modern times. he book of Genesis, ater all, lists among the locations of the descendants of noah “the isles of the gentiles divided in their lands; every one ater his tongue, ater their families, in their nations” (Genesis 10:5) and thus indicates that there existed or still exists a genealogical relationship among gentiles, Jews, and Christians. are gentiles then genuine pagans or did some or all of them once have knowledge of Christian truth? if the latter, what were the reasons for their apostasy from Christendom: geographical dispersal, as both the terms “pagan” and “heathen” seem to indicate, or moral decay, as the term “idolater” seems to specify with its reference to the notorious relapse of the Jews worshipping the Golden Calf (Exodus 32:4)? How were the various religious cultures of the gentiles related to the divisions and heresies of Christianity? another, even more disquieting theological hypothesis questioned whether part or all of the religious culture of the gentiles had in fact been manipulated and fabricated by the devil in order to deceive people and take them of the right path. hat Couto too saw diabolic inluences in the religious culture of the indian gentiles becomes evident in a remark he made right ater the passage quoted earlier, in which he showed himself so obviously impressed by the erudite books of the gentiles, which evoked reminiscences of his own Christian culture and latin scriptures. “all these books [that is the Vedaos, Xastras, Puranas, and agamon] are written in heroic and pompous verses and words, an invention that the devil (o demonio) had fabricated so that their versatility and seductiveness obliged them to hear them and be afected by them. like this he [the devil] made so much that whatever Brahman he wanted to make believe a lie in thought or verses did so with so much devotion and authority” (Couto 1937: 383). in other words, the devil is a malicious beguiler who—especially when helped by the “Moors,” whom Couto had identiied earlier as the “hypocrites of the world”—makes false gods, beliefs, and practices look true so that the “blind gentiles” are fooled and made to believe and do what is wrong. 38 | Hindu-Catholic Encounters in Goa his idea that alleged similarities between pagan concepts and practices and Christian culture are actually audacious acts of simulacrum or deception fabricated by the devil was common in the early-modern world. We ind it clearly expressed in the travelogue of Manuel Godinho (b. 1633), the Portuguese Jesuit who traveled in 1663 along the western coast of india. Engaging in dialogues over theological questions with Hindu Brahmans of Gujarat, Godinho’s description of their “errors” shows that not only the curious “search for similarities” but also the persistent suspicion that these similarities might be diabolic fraud occupied the minds of the early-modern explorers and missionaries: his is the fundamental error in which these Brahmins, who are more conversant with the matters of our holy Faith, get involved when they come to discuss it. . . . if you explain to them that it is incorrect to worship many deities, they reply the Christians also do the same, since they have the Father, the son and the Holy spirit as their deities and, if you tell them that they are not three deities but three persons in one God, they argue in a similar manner about their ictitious trinity. he common enemy has managed to ape the true God everywhere in blind paganism, simulating the mysteries of the Faith, so that, even when truth is later proclaimed, men cannot distinguish it from the falsehoods in which they were brought up, for, when one is shortsighted and things present some similarity, one thing is easily mistaken for another. and then, since the devil knew to counterfeit our things so well as to be able to disguise his own, he simulated for the Brahmins even the cloister, temples, habits, choir and other monastic practices. (Godinho [1665] 1990: 42) in conclusion, the scholarly interpretations of Vasco da Gama’s error vary a great deal. subrahmanyam classiies the misperception of the Portuguese captain as a temporary “gafe,” that is, an anachronistic relapse to a time before the knowledge had been established that Christians, Muslims, and those called gentiles had distinct religions. Pearson associates da Gama’s error and, by extension, the mindset of those who thought to recognize signiicant similarities between the religious cultures of Christians and gentiles with a distinctly “tolerant attitude.” he interpretations by the two leading scholars in the ield could not be more diferent, except for the fact that both judge the Portuguese captain against a modern notion of religious plurality. to be sure, there are good reasons to justify the contextualization of the circumstances of the celebrated error with new perspectives and experiences brought by the revolutionary changes of emerging modernity. da Gama’s grand voyage indeed initiated the lasting and widening encounter of European Christianity with the religious diversity of india and asia. here also can be no doubt that there were people who almost instantaneously recognized that the alleged indian Christians were in fact gentiles. among those were even scholars, such as diogo do Couto, who laid the foundation for the systematic study of what centuries later was recognized as Hinduism. intriguingly, the material under in- Vasco da Gama’s Error | 39 vestigation, however, also provides substantial indications why it took so long for the recognition of the existence of a multiplicity of independent religions across the globe. ironically, this recognition was delayed in the early-modern period not because the gentiles were, as was done later in classical modernity, conceived as the radical and racial other, but because they were perceived as a hidden and distorted form of the religious self. he longevity of this conceptual absorption of the other arguably stemmed from its basis in multiple narrative, epistemological, political, and theological grounds. ancient legends about a lost Eastern Christianity, we have seen, held their ground even against most obvious experiential evidence because they were old, because they ofered political hope for a Christian reunion against the global superiority of islam, and because their allegedly text-based authority still overruled the seemingly ephemeral knowledge gained by discovery and practical encounter. to imagine and eventually recognize that gentiles have genuine and autonomous religions proved problematic in early modernity because it was diicult to conceptualize history diferently from the model of biblical genealogy and divine revelation. he term “gentile” thus retained its ambiguous, even dazzling meaning, which oscillated between genuine pagan, apostatized Christian, and someone misguided and deceived by the only imaginable other to the Christian truth, that is, the antichrist or devil. he association of the gentiles with corrupted forms of Christianity, as sushil srivastava cogently argues, ended only as late as the early twentieth century, when the term “gentile” became consistently rendered as “heathen” in English translations of early-modern Portuguese travelogues and chronicles such as Mansel longworth dames’s 1918 edition of he Book of Duarte Barbosa (2001: 589). rather than a quick or tolerant recognition of religious plurality, the circumstances of Vasco da Gama’s error and the “search for the similar” thus indicate the long-lasting and fundamental problems originating from the fact that he found himself in a profound dilemma when facing a religious culture of previously unseen complexity, sophistication, and pomp without however being, epistemologically speaking, ready, and, theologically speaking, willing to acknowledge it as a religion. in simpler terms, the problem was how to acknowledge a religion other than Christianity if, by scholastic deinition and orthodox belief, Christianity was the only religion or “truth” possible. one solution to this problem, which arguably explains the paradoxes inherent in da Gama’s error and the mystery of its persistence over time, is a kind of “assimilationism” (todorov 1985) that can be described by this formula: if the temples, iconographies, and ceremonies of the gentiles were a religion, then they had to be Christian or at least had to have some genealogical relation or theological ainity with Christianity; if they had no Christian origins or ainities, then they could not be a religion but had to be paganism or, what in many ways was the same, a work of the devil. notes introduction 1. Vasco da Gama’s irst naval passage between Portugal and india in the years 1497– 1499 is seen today as the commencement of Europe’s colonial expansion to asia. its most important political and economic efect was to circumvent the Muslim ottoman Empire’s control of Europe’s land connections with Central and East asia. 2. Vijayanagara was the largest medieval Hindu kingdom in south india. it originated in 1336 and controlled much of the highland of the deccan. long resisting the expansion of the Muslim Bahmani sultanate in central india, it was eventually in 1632 conquered by an alliance of the deccan sultanates of Bijapur and Golkonda. 3. How much this composite Hindu-Muslim society was characterized by syncretistic intersections between the two predominant religious traditions in Karnataka is cogently demonstrated in Jackie assayag’s At the Conluence of Two Rivers: Muslims and Hindus in South India (2004). 4. Trimūrti is a Hindu concept and iconography that brings the three majors gods Brahma, Vishnu, and shiva together. 5. devi is a generic Hindu designation for “goddess.” 6. hīrta means literally “river ford” and marks the transition or connection between mundane and sacred spheres that typically happens at pilgrimage sites or any holy place. By extension, thīrta designates the use of water in Hindu rituals. 7. Bhakti or “devotion” characterizes a particular form of Hindu piety that favors an intimate relationship with god expressed especially in devoted prayers and songs. 8. With regard to the Estado da Índia at large, it has been argued that—if one takes seriously the concept of “seizure of land” that resonates in the etymology of the term “colonization”—the early-modern Portuguese expansion in asia cannot yet really be called colonialism, but rather marks a loosely connected system of maritime trading posts involved in a combination of free trade and coercive tribute-taking operations (Pearson 1987: 77; see also subrahmanyam 1993; Boxer [1969] 1991; homaz 1981–1982). For Goa, the ineiciency of the colonial state is evidenced in particular by the signiicant economic inluence that Hindu merchants, landowners, and middlemen were able to assert throughout the colonial period (Pearson 1973a, 1973b; de souza 1975). 1. Vasco da Gama’s Error 1. Álvaro Velho’s authorship of the oldest manuscript of da Gama’s journey is assumed today by most modern historians. see subrahmanyam 1997a: 81; rubiés 2000: 165; rogers 1962: 89. 185 186 | Notes to pages 19–60 2. While ravenstein ([1898] 1998: 54) assumes quafees may derive from arabic kaz for “judge,” subrahmanyam (1997a: 133) suggests a derivation from arabic kâir for “unbeliever.” 3. i am using ravenstein’s 1898 English translation (reprinted as a 1998 facsimile) of the sixteenth-century manuscript of Vasco da Gama’s irst voyage to india. he irst modern Portuguese edition of this manuscript, which is ascribed today by most historians to Álvaro Velho, was done by diogo Köpke and antónio da Costa Paiva in 1838 (subrahmanyam 1997a: 80). a modernized version of the Köpke/Paiva edition has been published by luís de albuquerque in 1989 under the title Relação da primeira viagem de Vasco da Gama. 4. Foucault inds a similar attitude of privileging authoritative text before empirical experience in the magnum opus of Miguel Cervantes (1547–1616): “don Quichotte reads the world to prove the books” (Foucault [1966] 1980: 79). 5. he original of the Livro das Coisas da Índia has been lost and survives only through an italian edition that was published by Giovanni Battista ramusio around 1550. 6. Peter’s vision is part of the tenth chapter of the acts of apostles, not the irst. 2. image Wars 1. Mailapur, the township of Madras (Chennai, tamil nadu), where the Portuguese had built a church over the claimed tomb of the apostle st. homas, was another site affected by the campaign. 2. during the rule of the deccan-based dynasties of Chalukyas (600–700 ce) and silaharas (800–1000 ce), Gopakapattana became the new capital of Goa replacing the ancient Bhoja city of Candrapura (modern Chandor, salcete). archaeological remains and sanskrit inscriptions indicate that Gopakapattana had a temple dedicated to shiva that also sheltered images of a local deity named Govanatha or Goveshvara. he rule of the Kadamba (1000–1400 ce) brought a signiicant boost to the regional Hindu culture, which led to the construction of more temples (Mitterwallner 1983a: 23f.). in particular, there are indications that Kadamba rulers adopted the local deity saptakotishvara as their family god and built a sumptuous basalt-stone temple for him on the island of diwar (tiswadi; Henn 2009; Mitragotri 1999: 159). he rich temple culture of the island is also conirmed by Pereira (1978: 37–61) 3. Boxer made a similar remark regarding the “characteristic improvidence of the Portuguese” (rabb 1974: 678). 4. as explained in more detail in the next chapter, “power” means that the images and icons are taken to possess and transmit the agency of the divine or sacred forces they embody. While Goan Hindus commonly refer to this power by saying that the images and their prototypes are jāgrit, that is, “awake” and responsive to their devotees’ needs ˙ and requests, Goan Catholics talk about the miraculous quality of the images or crosses of certain saints. his iconic agency may have positive, that is, protective or therapeutic, or negative, that is, destructive or punitive, efects. 5. For a similar distinction of vana and kśetra, settlement and ield, in Maharashtra, see sontheimer 1994. 6. see also Victor and Elizabeth turner’s classic Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture (1978). Notes to pages 61–75 | 187 7. Goan Hindus, especially saraswat Brahmins who had let Goa and resettled further away in north Kanara, Maharashtra, and Bombay also keep memories of their Goan roots through religious knowledge and practices such as mythologies, family deities, and occasional pilgrim visits (Wagle 1974: 231; Conlon 1967: 227). 3. Christian Purānas ˙ 1. one notable exception was Garcia da orta’s Coloquios dos simples, e drogas, e cousas mediçinaes da India, a compendium dealing with medicinal plants, published in Goa in 1563. 2. here is a strong indication that stephens’s magnum opus was irst published under the Portuguese title Discurso sobre a vinda de Jesu Christo Nosso Salvador ao mundo. he title Kristapurana seems to have become common only with the second edition of 1649 (Cunha rivara 1858: 84). 3. no copies of these early-modern editions exist today. he Kristapurana, however, was re-edited in roman script in 1907 in Mangalore, having been reconstructed from handwritten copies still in liturgical use among the Goan diaspora population in south Kanara. in 1925, a handwritten manuscript in the devanagari script was found in the school of oriental studies archives in london, which Georg schurhammer dated to the eighteenth century (Falcao 2003: 42). Finally, in 1956 and 1996, modern re-editions in devanagari appeared in Pune and Mumbai, respectively. 4. stephens also wrote the Arte da Lingoa Canarim (Grammar of Konkani), which was printed ater his death in 1640 and is considered the irst printed indian-language grammar. 5. Falcao (2003: 41) mentions that stephens used about four hundred diferent “Hindu names” for Jesus Christ in his Kristapurana. 6. Falcao’s analysis is based on the Marsden manuscript of the Kristapurana found in the school of oriental and asian studies archives in london, which is of unknown date and in devanagari script. as Falcao points out, it may be “more sanskritized and indianized” than earlier versions in roman script. he same reservation applies to the 1956 and 1997 devanagari editions used by Van skyhawk and tulpule. 7. Cunha rivara’s perspective must be treated with some caution though, since he was one of the earliest Konkani activists defending Konkani as an independent language against claims that it is a derivate or dialect of Marathi. He therefore had an obvious interest in arguing that there existed an ancient written Konkani literature that was destroyed by the Catholic conquest and inquisition. 8. Cunha rivara cogently translates Conconni Ponni as Concanismo, since it combines the adjective “Konkan” with the suix -pon indicating a nominalization (as for instance in bhurgepon for “childhood”). Konkonpon, to this day, is used in spoken Christian Konkani as a designation for Hinduism. How the term igures in the emerging terminological designation and theological acknowledgment of an independent “religion” of the gentios of the Konkan and india in the early-modern Portuguese and Christian discourse is a complex issue that i discuss in the conclusion. 9. diogo ribeiro’s Vocabulario das lingues canarim (1620) conirms that, in the seventeenth century, the Portuguese rendering of the Konkani word kuddo and kuddepon ˙˙ ˙˙ did indeed stand for both “blind” and “blindness” as well as “false” and “falsehood.” his 188 | Notes to pages 85–124 semantic peculiarity conirms, once again, the ambiguity of the early-modern Christian perception of the gentiles, in the sense that the “falsehood” of gentile religious beliefs was potentially only a cognitive failure or “blindness” and not necessarily the total absence of knowledge or access to the truth. 4. Ganv 1. traditionally, three subgroups or jāti of the devadasi caste were active in Goa. hese were the Kalavant, who were in charge of dancing and music during temple ceremonies, the Bhavani who cleaned and decorated the temples, and the Perni who performed the Jagar play (sirkar 1983; shirodkar and Mandal 1993; Cabral e sá 1997) 2. Khazān are saline loodplains along Goa’s tidal estuaries and part of a unique agricultural ecosystem. Maintained by a complex system of dykes and sluice gates that regulate the tidal inlow and outlow of waters, khazān is a highly productive type of land used for agriculture and pisciculture that, however, is subject to manifold ecological hazards such as looding and salinization (noronha et al. 2002). 3. Eight villages are speciically mentioned: Kushasthala (Cortalim), Kelosi (Kelosim), Mathagrama (Madgaon), Varenya (Verem), lot ali (lotulim), Kudasthali (Curto˙ rim), and two islands in the Mandovi river, Cudamani (Chorão) and dipavati (diwar) (Mitragotri 1999: 48; Wagle 1970: 9). 4. he concept of “sanskrization” was introduced into the indological discourse in the 1950s by M. n. srinivas. it circumscribes a process of the ennobling of deities and ritual practices that includes among other things iconographic changes, the adding of name suixes like -ishvar, the change from bali or bloody to nayvedia or vegetarian oferings, etc. (srinivas 1989). as srinivas and other scholars emphasize, these transformations are usually neither linear nor irreversible but, as a rule, initiate oscillations between “great traditions and small traditions,” as robert redield and Milton singer cogently described it in 1954, or processes of “universalization and parochialization,” as McKim Marriott called it in 1955, all of which are seen as characteristic to the dynamic and hybrid culture of Hinduism (Fuller 1992: 24; sontheimer 1989). 5. temple registration was started by the Portuguese in 1886 under the Regulamento das Mazanias act, that is, the “regulation of the Mazania,” the Portuguese rendering of the Konkani notion for “council of mahājān.” his regulation stipulated for the oicial registration of the names of mahājān, together with a legal inventory of the movable and immovable property of the temple and possibly also the regulation of usufructs, remunerations of servants, listing of regularly performed ceremonies and festivals, etc. (Pereira 1978: 26f.). 6. his school also includes Xavier 1903, Pereira 1978, Kosambi (1962) 1992, homaz 1981–1982, and Martires lopes 1996. 7. arguably the most important interreligious caste alliance in Goa’s modern history was the closing of ranks between Hindu and Catholic Brahmins in the celebrated referendum of 1967, which prevented the merger of Goa with Maharashtra (rubinof 1998; Fernandes 2003). 8. he paradigm of space, contiguity, and neighborhood may have still other efects on the process of Gemeinschat and syncretism. Hence, Veena das’s expansion of turner’s Notes to pages 126–145 | 189 notion of communitas to interreligious experiences reminds us of the “integrative model of pilgrimage” (1989). Joanne Waghorne speaks of the integrative efect of the “sharing of public space” for Hindus and Catholics in tamil nadu whose processions take the same routes (2002). 5. demotic ritual 1. Zagor: comical performance in Konkani by illiterate amateurs; crass theater in Goa; Zagor is currently banned by the ecclesiastical authority, under severe penalties, though it was not more immoral than many European theatrical forms. 2. on the subject of the once-respected status of devadāsī, Goan scholars emphasize that, supported by their yajamān or “patrons,” a number of Goan devadāsī women visited renowned music schools in Jaipur, agra, and Gwalior in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and became famous indian artists. he best-known devadāsī singer from Goa today is lata amonkar. a number of old caste names such as chedvān (girls), farjand (boys), and band (bonded) are, however, also taken to indicate the (illegitimate) ofspring of the old yajamān-devadāsī relationships (Cabral e sá 1997; sirkar 1983; shirodkar and Mandal 1993). 3. i am especially grateful to alito siqueira for alerting me to this document. 4. More references to tax levies paid for Zagor performances in the villages of Palle (Bicholim), Betora (tiswadi), and nirankal (Ponda), though most likely only relevant in the nineteenth century, can be found in Pereira 1981: 43 and 136. 5. i did the most intensive ieldwork on the Kakra Jagar in 1994, when i had the opportunity to not only audio- and video-record but also transcribe and translate most of the nomana (hymns) and songe (songs). altogether, i have seen the ceremony in Kakra four times, that is, 1993, 1994, 1995, and 2010, something that allows me today to also recognize and compare continuities and changes over the years. apart from Kakra, i have seen Jagar ceremonies in at least twelve villages: siolim (Bardez), Baga (Bardez), naushe (tiswadi), Bambolim (tiswadi), orshel (tiswadi), siridao (tiswadi), Fatorpa (Quepem), Malkarne (Quepem), Keri (Ponda), apeval (Ponda), Veling (Ponda), Magilvado (Ponda), and Pisgal (Ponda). 6. i produced two video ilms on the Goan Jagar; one unpublished ninety-minute ilm on the Kakra Jagar in 1994 for which i owe special thanks to alito siqueira, Gauri Patwardhan, and P. sateesh; and another iteen-minutes ilm called Staying Awake for God: Introducing the Zagor in 2010, which presents a survey of the Goan Jagar from 1994 to 2010 with clips from ten villages. his ilm was produced together with alito siqueira and Gaspar d’souza and is available at http://vimeo.com/18668418. 7. he spring protected by Jhariveilo became the issue of a major conlict in the 1980s that exempliied the oten diicult relations between the marginalized Gaude community and its rapidly modernizing environment, when the construction work of Goa university seriously damaged and polluted the water supply of the village community. 8. Chandālla: a vile, ilthy, wicked person, also low caste or a pariah (stephens 1907: 539). 9. Mogālla: afectionate, loving (ibid.: 552). 10. Suranga: beautiful, ine, splendid (ibid.: 576). 190 | Notes to pages 160–180 6. Crossroads of religion 1. Goa ater the end of the neruhvian planned economy and with india’s opening to global markets experienced an extraordinary boom in its cities and tourism industry (das 2002). tourist arrivals have increased from 380,000 in 1980 to 1,263,000 in 2000 (Government of Goa, daman, and diu 1981: 89; Government of Goa 2001: 115). he number of tourists visiting Goa every year, therefore, roughly equals today its population. More important still, the tourism boom exposes Goa to a dynamic of urbanization that, notwithstanding the comparatively small total igure of its urban population of 668,869 (ibid.: 3), compares with india’s metropolitan cities. 2. sathya sai Baba (b. 1926), a contemporary Hindu Holy Man igure with a national and international reputation, claims to be an avatar or successor of shirdi sai Baba (urban 2003; srinivas 2008). Conclusion 1. Charles stewart and rosalind shaw locate the political relevance of the term “syncretism” in the period of religious wars and civil strife accompanying the Protestant reformation in central Europe. More precisely, they name humanist George Calixtus (1586– 1656) as the leader of a circle of Protestant theologians who debated, in what was called the “syncretistic controversies,” the possibilities for a doctrinal and ritual reconciliation of diverse Protestant denominations with Catholicism (stewart and shaw 1994a: 4). 2. to make this claim is of course not to say that Hinduism or any other ancient or living religion for that matter was ever free of symbolic representation or interpretation. What is implied, however—and here the historians’ emphasis on the signiicance of the Jesuit distinction of social from religious customs must be acknowledged—is that the period of the Protestant reformation and European colonialism that is commonly characterized as the beginning of modernity disseminated and enforced the symbolic reading of religious expression and practice like never before. references albuquerque, luís de. 1989. Relação da primeira viagem de Vasco da Gama, texto modernizado. in Grandes Viagens Marítimas, vol. 1, edited by luís de albuquerque, 7–51. lisbon: Publicações alfa. ———, ed. 1994. Dicionário de história dos descobrimentos Portugueses. 2 vols. lisbon: Caminho. albuquerque, Manuel J. s. de. 1922. Sumario cronologico de decretos diocesanos do arcebispado: Desde 1775 até 1922. rachol, india: Paroco de rachol. anderson, Benedict. 1991. Imagined Communities: Relections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. new York: Verso. angle, Prabhakar. 1994. Goa: Concepts and Misconcepts. Bombay: Goa Hindu association. appadurai, a., and C. appadurai Breckenridge. 1976. “he south indian temple: authority, Honor and redistribution.” Contributions to Indian Sociology 10 (2): 187–211. asad, talal. 1983. “anthropological Conceptions of religion: relections on Geertz.” Man 18: 237–259. ———. 1993. Genealogies of Religion: Discipline and Reasons of Power in Christianity and Islam. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins university Press. ———. 2003. Formations of the Secular: Christianity, Islam, Modernity. stanford, Calif.: stanford university Press. assayag, Jackie. 2004. At the Conluence of Two Rivers: Muslims and Hindus in South India. new delhi: Manohar. assayag, Jackie, and Gilles tarabout. 1997. “Présentations.” in Altérité et identité: Islam et Christianisme en Inde, edited by Jackie assayag and Gilles tarabout, 9–24. Paris: École des Hautes Études en sciences sociales. assmann, Jan. 1988. “Kollektives Gedächtnis und kulturelle identität.” in Kultur und Gedächtnis, edited by Jan assmann and tonio Hölscher, 9–19. Frankfurt: suhrkamp. ———. 2010. he Price of Monotheism. translated by robert savage. stanford, Calif.: stanford university Press. ataide de lobo, antonio. 1907. A freguezia de Siolim: Souvenir do benzimento da nova egreja parrochial de S. Antonio. nova Goa, india: typograia da Minerva indiana. ———. 1931. A Freguezia de Siolim: Subsidios para su historia. Mapuca, india: tipographia Popular. aubin, Jean. 1976. “l’ambassade du prêtre Jean a d. Manuel.” in Mare Luso-Indicum études et documents sur l’histoire de l’Ócean Indien et des pays riverains á l’époque de la domination Portugais, vol. 3, edited by Jean aubin, 2–56. Geneva: libraire Minard. axelrod, P., and M. a. Fuerch. 1996. “he Flight of the deities: Hindu resistance in Portuguese Goa.” Modern Asian Studies 30 (2): 387–421. 191 192 | References ———. 1998. “Portuguese orientalism and the Making of the Village Communities of Goa.” Ethnohistory 45 (3): 439–476. azevedo, Carmo. 1984. “a Miracle no More.” Goa Today, november, 11–15. ———. 1985. “he Milagres Church of Mapusa.” Purabhilekh puratatva 3: 95–104. Babb, l. 1991. “sathya sai Baba’s Miracles.” in Religion in India, edited by t. n. Madan, 277–293. new delhi: oxford university Press. Bachtin, Michail M. 2008. Chronotopos. Frankfurt am Main: suhrkamp. Baden Powell, B. H. 1900. “he Village of Goa in the Early 16th Century.” Journal of the Royal Asiatik Society 11: 261–291. Barbosa, duarte. (1518) 1918–1921. he Book of Duarte Barbosa: An Account of the Countries Bordering on the Indian Ocean and heir Inhabitants. 2 vols. Edited by Mansel longworth dames. london: Hakluyt society. Barreto Xavier, Ángela. 2008. A invenção de Goa: Poder imperial e conversões culturais nos séculos XVI e XVII. lisbon: imprensa de Ciências sociais. Bayly, susan. 1989. Saints, Goddesses and Kings: Muslims and Christians in South Indian Society 1700–1900. new York: Cambridge university Press. Bell, Catherine. 1992. Ritual heory, Ritual Practice. oxford: oxford university Press. Belting, Hans. 2000. Bild und Kult: Eine Geschichte des Bildes vor dem Zeitalter der Kunst. Munich: Beck. Bernand, Carmen, and serge Gruzinski. 1988. De l’idolâtrie: Une archéologie des sciences religieuses. Paris: Éditions du seuil. Bhabha, Homi. 1994. he Location of Culture. london: routledge. Biermann, Benno M. 1953. “der erste Bischof in ost-indien.” Neue Zeitschrit für Missionswissenschaten 11: 81–90. Blumenberg, Hans. 1986. Wirklichkeiten in denen wir leben. stuttgart: reclam. Borghes, Charles. 1993. “Christianization of the Caste system in Goa.” in Goan Society through the Ages, edited by B. s. shastry, 48–57. new delhi: asian Publication services. Bourdieu, Pierre. 1971. “Genèse et structure du champ religieux.” Revue française de sociologie 12: 295–334. ———. 1993. Sozialer Sinn: Kritik der theoretischen Vernunt. Frankfurt am Main: suhrkamp. Boxer, Charles r. 1963. Race Relations in the Portuguese Colonial Empire. oxford: Clarendon Press. ———. (1969) 1991. he Portuguese Seaborne Empire 1415–1825. london: Carcanet. Brown, Peter. 1991. Die Heiligenverehrung: Ihre Entstehung und Funktion in der lateinischen Christenheit. leipzig: Benno. Burghart, richard. 1989. “something lost, something Gained: translations of Hinduism.” in Hinduism Reconsidered, edited by Günther-dietz sontheimer and Hermann Kulke, 213–225. new delhi: Manohar. Burks, arthur. 1949. “icon, index, and symbol.” Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 9 (4): 673–689. Cabral e sá, Mário, ed. 1997. Winds of Fire: he Music and Musicians of Goa. new delhi: Promilla. Camille, Michael. 1989. he Gothic Idol: Ideology and Image-Making in Medieval Art. new York: Cambridge university Press. Camões, luís de. (1571) 1973. he Lusiads. translated and introduced by William C. atkinson. Harmondsworth, Eng.: Penguin Books. References | 193 Cannell, Fenella. 2010. “he anthropology of secularism.” Annual Review of Anthropology 39: 85–100. Castanheda, Hernan lopes de. 1582. he First Booke of the Histories of the Dicoverie and Conquest of the East Indians. translated by n. l. Gentleman. london: homas East. Catholic Encyclopedia. n.d. new advent. http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/; accessed august 2012. Chakrabarty, dipesh. 2000. Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial hought and Historical Diference. Princeton, n.J.: Princeton university Press. Chandeigne, Michel, ed. 1996. Goa 1510–1685: L’Inde portugaise, apostolique et commercial. Paris: Éditions autrement. Chatterji, Partha. 1993. he Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Post-Colonial Histories. Princeton, n.J.: Princeton university Press. Christian, William, Jr. 1989. Local Religion in Sixteenth Century Spain. Princeton, n.J.: Princeton university Press. Clémentin-ojha, Catherine. 1994. “la suddhi de l’arya samaj ou l’invention d’un rituel de (re)conversion a l’Hinduisme.” Archives de sciences sociales des religions 87: 99–114. Cliford, James. 1988. he Predicament of Culture: Twentieth-Century Ethnography, Literature, and Art. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard university Press. Cohn, Bernard s. 1996. Colonialism and Its Forms of Knowledge: he British in India. Princeton, n.J.: Princeton university Press. Cohn, Bernard s., and nicholas dirks. 1988. “Beyond the Fringe: he nation state, Colonialism, and the technologies of Power.” Journal of Historical Sociology 2: 224–230. Colpe, Carsten. 1974. “syncretism.” in he Encyclopedia of Religions, vol. 14, edited by Mircea Eliade, 218–227. new York: Macmillan. ———. 1975. “synkretismus, renaissance, säkularisation und neubildung von religionen in der Gegenwart.” in Handbuch der Religionsgeschichte, vol. 3, edited by J. P. asmussen, J. laessoe, and C. Colpe, 441–523. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and ruprecht. Comarof, John l., and Jean Comarof. 1991. Of Revelation and Revolution: Christianity, Colonialism, and Consciousness in South Africa, vol. 1. Chicago: university of Chicago Press. Congresso Provincial da india Portuguesa (7°). 1927. Memorias Secção VI: Emigracão. nova Goa, india: tipographia r. M. rau and irmãos. Conlon, Frank. 1967. A Caste in a Changing World: Chitapur Saraswat Brahmins 1700–1955. new delhi: homson Press. ———. 1974. “Caste by association: he Gauda sarasvata Brahmana uniication Movement.” Journal of Asian Studies 33 (3): 351–365. Couto, aurora. 2010. “he Composite Culture of Goa.” in Water: Culture, Politics and Management, edited by india international Center, 82–91. new delhi: Pearson Education. Couto, dejanirah. 1996. “‘Goa dourada,’ la ville dorée.” in Goa 1510–1685: L’Inde portugaise, apostolique et commercial, edited by Michel Chandeigne, 40–73. Paris: Éditions autrement. Couto, diogo do. 1937. Década quinta da Ásia. Edited by Marcus de Jong. Coimbra, Portugal: Biblioteca da universidade. 194 | References Cunha, J. Gerson da, ed. 1877. he Sahyadri Khanda of the Skanda Purana: A Mythological, Historical, and Geographical Account of Western India. Bombay: haker, Vining and Company. Cunha, t. B. n.d. Denationalisation of Goans. Panaji, india: Goa Gazetteer department. Cunha rivara, Joachim Heliodoro da. 1858. Ensaio historico da lingua concani. nova Goa, india: imprensa nacional. ———, ed. (1862) 1992. Arquivo Portuguez oriental, vol. 4, Os Concílios de Goa e o Synodo de Diamper. new delhi: asian Educational services. dalgado, sebastião rudolpho. (1918) 1988. Glossário Luso-Asiatico. 2 vols. new delhi: asian Educational services. daniel, Valentine E. 1987. Fluid Signs: Being a Person in the Tamil Way. Berkeley: university of California Press. daniélou, alain. 1964. Hindu Polytheism. london: routledge and Kegan Paul. das, G. 2002. India Unbound: he Social and Economic Revolution from Independence to the Global Information Age. new York: anchor Books. das, Veena. 1984. “For a Folk-heology and a heological anthropology of islam.” Contributions to Indian Sociology 18: 293–300. ———. 1989. “diference and division as designs for life.” in Contemporary India: Essays on the Uses of Tradition, edited by Carla Borden, 45–56. new delhi: oxford university Press. d’Costa, adelyn. 1977. “Caste stratiication among roman Catholics of Goa.” Man in India 57 (4): 283–292. d’Costa, anthony. 1962. “he demolition of the temples in the island of Goa in 1540 and the disposal of temple lands.” Nouvelle revue de science missionaire 18: 161–176. d’Cruz, sebastian. 1982. he Parish and the Village of Siolim: Souvenir of Platinum Jubilee of St. Anthony’s Church 1907–1982. siolim, india: n.p. ———. 1994. St. Anthony’s Church and the Villages of Siolim and Marna. siolim, india: n.p. dempsey, Corinne. 1998. “rivalry, reliance, and resemblance: siblings as Metaphor for Hindu-Christian relations in Kerala state.” Asian Folklore Studies 1: 51–70. de silva, Chandra richard. 1994. “Beyond the Cape: he Portuguese Encounters with the People of south asia.” in Implicit Understandings: Observing, Reporting and Relecting on the Encounters between Europeans and Other Peoples in the Early Modern Era, edited by stuart schwartz, 295–322. Cambridge: Cambridge university Press. de souza, nora seco. n.d. “st. Francis Xavier: Goincho sahib.” in Goa Cradles of My Dreams, edited by nora seco de souza, 8–14. Pilar, india: Xaverian Press. de souza, robert, and Joel d’souza. 1987. “sisters of Harmony.” Goa Today, June, 32–33. de souza, teotonio. 1975. “Glimpses of Hindu dominance of Goan Economy in the 17th Century.” Indica 12: 27–35. ———. 1979. Medieval Goa: A Socio-Economic History. new delhi: Concept. ———, ed. 1985. Indo-Portuguese History: Old Issues, New Questions. new delhi: Concept. ———. 1990. Goa through the Ages, vol. 2, An Economic History. new delhi: Concept. dias, Elmina. 1993. “no Place for Zealots.” Navhind Times, 18 october. dias, Mariano Jose. 1980. “he Hindu-Christian society of Goa.” Indica 17: 109–116. References | 195 ———. 1995. “liturgical Books in devanagri Konkani.” Renovação 25: 2003–2004. dirks, nicholas d. 1989. “he invention of Caste: Civil society in Colonial india.” Social Analysis 25: 42–53. ———. 1993. he Hollow Crown: Ethnohistory of an Indian Kingdom. ann arbor: university of Michigan Press. ———. 1995. Colonialism and Culture. ann arbor: university of Michigan Press. d’Mello, ashley. 1994. “a Pilgrim’s Progress.” he Times of India, January, 14, 19. doniger, Wendy. 2009. he Hindus: An Alternative History. new York: Penguin Books. doshi, saryn, and P. P. shirodkar. 1983. “temple sanctuaries: Expressions of devotion.” in Goa: Cultural Patterns, edited by saryn doshi, 53–60. Bombay: Marg. droogers, a. 1989. “syncretism: he Problem of deinition, the deinition of the Problem.” in Dialogue and Syncretism: An Interdisciplinary Approach, edited by H. Gort et al., 7–25. amsterdam: Eerdmans. d’souza, Joel. 1993. “a Common Faith.” Goa Today, september, 16–20. dumont, louis. 1970. Homo Hierarchicus: he Caste System and Its Implications. london: Paladin. durkheim, Émile. (1912) 1971. he Elementary Forms of Religious Life. translated by J. W. swain. london: allen and unwin. Eck, diana. 1981. Darsán: Seeing the Divine Image in India. Chambersburg, Penn.: anima Books. Eliade, Mircea. 1986. Kosmos und Geschichte: Der Mythos der ewigen Wiederkehr. Frankfurt: insel. Erndl, M. Kathleen. 1993. Victory to the Mother: he Hindu Goddess of Northwest India in Myth, Ritual, and Symbol. new York: oxford university Press. Esteves, sart. 1986. Politics and Political Leadership in Goa. new delhi: sterlin. Falcao, nelson. 2003. Kristapurāna: A Christian-Hindu Encounter. A Study of Incul˙ turation in the Kristapurāna of homas Stephens, S.J. (1549–1619). anand, india: ˙ Gujarat sahitya Prakash. Fernandes, aurelio. 2003. “Goa’s democratic Becoming and the absence of Mass Political Violence.” Lusotopie: 331–349. Figueiredo, Joao Manuel Pacheco de. 1963. “Goa pré-portuguesa.” Studia 12: 139–259. Foral de Bardes. (1647) 1712. Vol. 1. Panjim, india: directorate of archives, archaeology, and Museum. Foral de Salcete (1567–1585). 1990. Purabhilekh puratatva 8 (2): 33–71. Foucault, Michel. (1966) 1980. Die Ordnung der Dinge. Frankfurt: suhrkamp. ———. 1988. he History of Sexuality. translated by robert Hurley. new York: Vintage Books. Freedberg, david. 1982. “he Hidden God: image and interdiction in the netherlands in the sixteenth Century.” Art History 5: 133–153. ———. 1989. he Power of Images: Studies in the History and heory of Response. Chicago: university of Chicago Press. Frykenberg, robert Eric. 2003. “Christians in india: an Historical overview of heir Complex origins.” in Christians and Missionaries in India: Cross-Cultural Communication since 1500, edited by robert Eric Frykenberg, 1–32. london: Erdmann. Fuller, Christopher John. 1976. “Kerala Christians and the Caste system.” Man 11: 53–70. ———. 1992. he Camphor Flame: Popular Hinduism and Society in India. Princeton, n.J.: Princeton university Press. 196 | References Funkenstein, a. 1986. heology and the Scientiic Imagination from the Middle Ages. Princeton, n.J.: Princeton university Press. Furtado, luis. 1985. “Mapusa’s lady of the Miracles.” Goa Today, March, 38. Gaborieau, Marc. 1975. “la transe rituelle dans l’Himalaya Central: Folie, avatar, meditation.” Purusartha 2: 147–172. Gade, Martine. 1996. “saint François Xavier, l’incorruptible.” in Goa 1510–1685: L’Inde portugaise, apostolique et commercial, edited by Michel Chandeigne, 92–114. Paris: Éditions autrement. Gaitonde, V. d., ed. and transl. 1972. he Sahyadri Khanda of the Skanda Purana: A Mythological, Historical, and Geographical Account of Western India. Bombay: Katyayni. Geertz, Cliford. 1973. he Interpretation of Cultures. new York: Basic Books. General administration department of Goa, daman, and diu. 1966. “order.” Boletim oicial do estado da Índia 3: 428. Godinho, Manuel. (1665) 1990. Intrepid Itinerant: Manuel Godinho and His Journey from India to Portugal in 1663. Edited by J. Correia-afonso; translated by V. lobo and J. Correia-afonso. new delhi: oxford university Press. Góis, damiao de. (1926) 2001. Cronica do felicissimo rei D. Manuel, vol. 1 (1566–67). 4 vols. Edited by d. lopes. Coimbra, Portugal: imprensa da universidade. Gomes, Bernadette M., and sunjay shirodkar. 1991. “Zagor: rising above religion.” Gomantak Times, January, 6. Gomes, olivinho J. F. 1987. Village Goa: A Study of Goan Social Structure and Change. new delhi: Chand and Company. Government of Goa. 1991. Statistical Pocket Book of Goa 1989–1991. Panjim, india: Government Printing Press. ———. 2001. Statistical Handbook of Goa 2001. Panjim, india: Publication division. Government of Goa, daman, and diu. 1981. Statistical Pocket Book of the Union Territory of Goa, Daman, and Diu, 1981. Panjim, india: Government Printing Press. Government of india. 1979. Gazetteer of the Union Territory: Goa, Daman, and Diu (1979), vol. 1, part 1. Edited by V. t. Gune. Panjim, india: Government of india Press. ———. 2011. Census. http://censusindia.gov.in/Census_data_2001/Census_data _inder/C_series/Population_by_religious_communities.htm; accessed august 2012. Guha, ranajit. 1989. “dominance without Hegemony and its Historiography.” in Subaltern Sudies VI, edited by ranajit Guha, 210–309. oxford: oxford university Press. Hall, Maurice. 1992. Windows on Goa: A History and Guide. london: Quiller Press. Hein, norvin. 1995. “lila.” in he Gods at Play: Lila in South Asia, edited by William sax, 13–20. oxford: oxford university Press. Henn, alexander. 2000. “he Becoming of Goa: space and Culture in the Emergence of a Multicultural lifeworld.” Lusotopie: 333–339. ———. 2003. Wachheit der Wesen: Politik, Ritual und Kunst der Akkulturation in Goa. london: lit-Verlag. ———. 2006. “he lord of Mapusa: Genesis of an urban God in Goa.” Purusartha 25: 31–47. ———. 2008. “Beyond norm, text and dialectics: ritual as social Praxis.” in Rituals in an Unstable World: Contingency—Embodiment—Hybridity, edited by alexander Henn and Klaus-Peter Koepping, 9–29. Frankfurt am Main: Peter lang. References | 197 ———. 2009. “Hindu traditions in Goa.” in Encyclopedia of Hinduism, vol. 1, edited by Knut a. Jacobson, 249–254. leiden: Brill. Henn, alexander, alito siqueira, and Gasper d’souza. 2010. Staying Awake for God: Introducing the Zagor. Film. http://vimeo.com/18668418; accessed 14 october 2013. Heras, Henry. 1933. he Conversion Policy of the Jesuits in India. Bombay: indian Historical research institute. Herskovitz, Melville J. (1941) 1958. he Myth of the Negro Past. Boston: Beacon Press. Hsia, Po-Chia r. 2005. he World of Catholic Renewal 1540–1770. Cambridge: Cambridge university Press. Humphrey, Caroline, and James laidlaw. 1994. he Archetypal Actions of Ritual: A heory of Ritual Illustrated by the Jain Rite of Worship. oxford: Clarendon Press. ifeka, Caroline. 1985. “he image of Goa.” in Indo-Portuguese History: Old Issues, New Questions, edited by teotonio de souza, 181–195. new delhi: Concept. ———. 1989. “Hierarchical Women: dowry system and its implication among Christians in Goa.” Contributions to Indian Sociology 23 (2): 261–284. inden, ronald. 1986. “orientalist Constructions of india.” Modern Asian Studies 20 (3): 401–446. ———. 1990. Imagining India. oxford: Blackwell. india Portuguesa. 1956. Repartição central de estatistica e informação: 8. Recenseamento geral da população, vol. 2. n.p.: tipographia aranjo. Jafrelot, Christophe. 1994. “les (re)conversions a l’Hinduisme (1885–1990): Politisation et difusion d’une ‘invention de la tradition’.” Archives de sciences sociales des religions 87: 73–98. Jakobson, roman. 1965. “Quest for the Essence of language.” Diogenes 51: 21–37. Jedin, Hubert. 1935. “Entstehung und tragweite des trienter dekrets über die Bilderverehrung.” heologische Quartalsschrit 116: 143–188, 404–429. Juergensmeyer, M. 2000. Terror in the Mind of God: he Global Rise of Religious Violence. Berkeley: university of California Press. Kakodkar, archana. 1988. “shuddhi: reconversion to Hinduism in Goa.” in Goa: Cultural Trends, edited by P. P. shirodkar, 242–263. Panjim, india: directorate of archives, archaeology, and Museum. Kamat, Jevi. 1957. “dada vaidya ani shuddhi karan.” in Vaidya Amriti Grantha: In Memoriam Dada Vaidya, 90–100. Poona, india: s. M. Joshi. Kamat, Pratima. 2001. “Goa indo-Portuguesa: he ‘Engineering’ of Goan society through Colonial Policies of Coercion and Collaboration.” Portuguese Studies Review 9 (1–2): 435–466. Kamath, s. u. 1992. “origin and spread of the Gauda saraswats.” Saraswat 1: 39–61. Kaufmann, s. B. 1982. “a Christian Caste in Hindu society: religious leadership and social Conlict among the Paravas in southern tamilnadu.” Modern Asian Studies 15 (2): 203–245. Keane, Webb. 2004. “language and religion.” in A Companion to Linguistic Anthropology, edited by a. duranti, 431–448. Malden, Mass.: Blackwell. ———. 2007. Christian Moderns: Freedom and Fetish in Mission Encounter. Berkeley: university of California Press. Kerkar, rajendra. 2010. “sister act: Faces of two Feasts.” Times of India, Goa, 20 april, 2–5. Khedekar, V. 1983. “rhythm and revelry: he Folk Performers.” in Goa: Cultural Patterns, edited by saryn doshi, 133–144. Bombay: Marg. 198 | References King, richard. 1999. Orientalism and Religion: Postcolonial heory, India and the “Mythic East.” new delhi: oxford university Press. Kosambi, d. (1962) 1992. Myth and Reality. Bombay: Popular Prakashan. Koselleck, reinhart. 1984. Vergangene Zukunt zur Semantik geschichtlicher Zeiten. Frankfurt: suhrkamp. Krengel, Monika. 1999. “spirit Possession in the Central Himalayas: Jagar-rituals—an Expression of Custom and rights.” Purusartha: La possession en Asie du Sud. Parole, Corps 21: 265–288. Kulkarni, a. r. 1994. “he Proselytization and Puriication Movement in Goa and Konkan.” in Discoveries, Missionary Expansion and Asian Cultures, edited by teotonio de souza, 91–105. new delhi: Concept. lach, donald. 1994. Asia in the Making of Europe, vol. 1, he Century of Discovery. Chicago: university of Chicago Press. leavitt, John H. 1985. he Language of the Gods: Discourse and Experience in a Central Himalayan Ritual. Ph.d. dissertation, university of Chicago. levitt, stephan Hillyer. 1973. he Patityagramanirnaya: A Puranic History of Degraded Brahman Villages. Ph.d. dissertation, university of Pennsylvania. ———. 1977. “he sahyadrikhanda: some Problems Concerning a text-Critical Edition of a Puranic text.” Purana 19 (1): 1–40. lima, anne. 1996. “Justice et miséricorde.” in Goa 1510–1685: L’Inde portugaise, apostolique et commerciale, edited by Michel Chandeigne, 135–158. Paris: Éditions autrement. MacCulloch, diarmaid. 2005. he Reformation. london: Penguin. Madan, t. n. 1998. Modern Myth, Locked Minds: Secularism and Fundamentalism in India. new delhi: oxford university Press. ———. 2005. “religions of india, Plurality and Pluralism.” in Religious Pluralism in South Asia and Europe, edited by J. Malik and H. reifeld, 42–75. new delhi: oxford university Press. Mahambre, u. 1993. “Controversy raked up over shiting of Porvorim Chapel.” Navhind Times, 30 october. Major, r. H., ed. (1857) 2005. India in the Fiteenth Century, Being a Collection of Narratives of Voyages to India: he Travels of Nicolò Conti, in the East, in the Early Part of the Fiteenth Century. Facsimile edition. london: Elibron Classics. Marriott, McKim. 1955. “little Communities in an indigenous Civilization.” in Village India: Studies in the Little Community, edited by McKim Marriott, 171–222. Chicago: university of Chicago Press. Martins, t. 1912. Collecção de decretos diocesanos da archidiocese de Goa. nova Goa, india: tipographia arthur. Martires lopes, Maria Jesus dos. 1996. Goa setecentista: Tradição e modernidade (1750–1800). lisbon: universidade Católica Portuguesa. Masuzawa, tomoko. 2005. he Invention of World Religions; or, How European Universalism Was Preserved in the Language of Pluralism. Chicago: university of Chicago Press. Mayaram, s. 2005. “living together separately: ajmer as a Paradigm for the (south) asian City.” in Living Together Separately: Cultural India in History and Politics, edited by Mushirul Hasan and asim roy, 144–170. new delhi: oxford university Press. References | 199 McGarvey, J. W. 1872. A Commentary on the Acts of Apostles with a Revised Version of the Text. lexington, Ky.: transylvania Printing. http://www.ccel.org/ccel /mcgarvey/acts.ch10.html; accessed 1 June 2010. Meibohm, M. 2002. “Past selves and Present others: he ritual Construction of identity at a Catholic Festival in india.” in Popular Christianity in India: Riting between the Lines, edited by selva raj and C. dempsey, 61–84. albany: state university of new York Press. ———. 2004. Cultural Complexity in South India: Hindu and Catholic in Marian Pilgrimage. Ph.d. dissertation, university of Pennsylvania. Mexia, afonso. (1526) 1992. “Foral de usos e costumes dos gancares, e lavradores desta ilha de Goa e outras aneixas.” in Arquivo Portuguez oriental, vol. 5, edited by J. H. da Cunha rivara, 117–133. new delhi: asian Educational services. Michaels, axel. 1998. Der Hinduismus: Geschichte und Gegenwart. Munich: Beck. ———. 2006. “ritual and Meaning.” in heorizing Rituals, vol. 1, Issues, Topics, Approaches, Concepts, edited by Jens Kreinath, Jan snoek, and Michael stausberg, 3–14. leiden: Brill. Mitragotri, V. r. 1989. “ravalnath, a saivite deity of Goa and Konkan.” Puratar 14: 49–52. ———. 1999. Sociocultural History of Goa: From Bhojas to Vijayanagara. Panaji, india: institute Menezes Braganza. Mitragotri, V. r., and K. M. Mathew. 1991. “he deities of Goa Mentioned in sahyadrikhand and the Historicity of the date.” Paper presented at the Fith seminar on the History of Goa, university of Goa, Panjim, india, 19–20 February. Mitter, Partha. 1977. Much Maligned Monsters: History of European Reaction to Indian Art. oxford: Clarendon Press. Mitterwallner, Gritli von. 1981. “he rock-Cut Cave temples of arvalem Goa.” in Madhu: Recent Researches in Indian Archaeology and Art History, edited by M. s. nagaraja rao, 165–174. new delhi: agam Kala Prakashan. ———. 1983a. “he Hindu Past: sculpture and architecture.” in Goa: Cultural Patterns, edited by saryn doshi, 21–40. Bombay: Marg. ———. 1983b. “testimonials of Heroism: Memorial stones and structures.” in Goa: Cultural Patterns, edited by saryn doshi, 41–49. Bombay: Marg. Mosse, david. 1994. “he Politics of religious synthesis: roman Catholicism and Hindu Village society in tamil nadu, india.” in Syncretism/Anti-Syncretism: he Politics of Religious Synthesis, edited by Charles stewart and rosalind shaw, 85–107. london: routledge. ———. 1997. “Honour, Caste and Conlict: he Ethnohistory of a Catholic Festival in rural tamil nadu (1730–1990).” in Altérité et identité: Islam et Christianisme en Inde, edited by J. assayag and G. tarabout, 71–120. Paris: Édition Ehess. nandy, ashis. 1990. “he Politics of secularism and the recovery of religious tolerance.” in Mirrors of Violence, edited by Veena das, 69–94. new delhi: oxford university Press. narayan, rayan. 2011. “Murder Most Foul.” Goan Observer, 4 June. http://goanobserver .com/murder-most-foul.html; accessed august 2012. nazareth, Casimiro Christovão de. (1873) 1894. Mitras lusitanas no oriente: Catalogo dos preladas da egreja metropolitana e primacial de Goa e das dioceses sufraganeas com a recopilação por elles emittidas de Goa. 2nd edition. lisbon: imprensa nacional. 200 | References newman, robert. 2001. Of Umbrellas, Goddesses and Dreams: Essays on Goan Culture and Society. Mapusa: other india Press. noronha, l., et al. 2002. “Goa: tourism, Migrations and Ecosystem transformations.” Ambio 3 (4): 295–302. oberhammer, G., ed. 1983. Inklusivismus: Eine indische Denkform. Vienna: institut für indologie der universität Wien. oliveira Marques, a. H. de. 1971. Daily Life in Portugal in the Late Middle Ages. Madison: university of Wisconsin Press. “over a lakh attend old Goa Feast.” 1990. Navhind Times, 4 december. Pais, F. (1595) 1952. Tombo da ilha de Goa e das terras de Salcête e Bardês. nova Goa, india: imprensa nacional. Patil, anand. 1999. “literatures in Portuguese Colonial Goa: he Battle of Puranas.” Govapuri: Bulletin of the Institute Meneses Braganza 1 (3): 56–84. Pearson, Michael. 1973a. “indigenous dominance in a Colonial Economy: he Goan rendas 1600–1670.” in Mare Luso-Indicum: Études et documents sur l’histoire de l’Ócean Indien et des pays riverains á l’époque de la domination Portugais, vol. 2, edited by J. aubin, 61–73. Paris: libraire Minard. ———. 1973b. “Wealth and Power: indian Groups in the Portuguese indian Economy.” South Asia 1–3: 36–44. ———. 1987. he Portuguese in India. Cambridge: Cambridge university Press. ———. (1984) 2005a. “Goa during the First Century of Portuguese rule.” in he World of the Indian Ocean 1500–1800: Studies in Economic, Social and Cultural History, 36–49. aldershot, Eng.: ashgate. ———. (1992) 2005b. “he search for the similar: Early Contacts between Portuguese and indians.” in he World of the Indian Ocean 1500–1800: Studies in Economic, Social and Cultural History, 144–159. aldershot, Eng.: ashgate. Pereira, Cliford. n.d. “homas stephens: an English Jesuit in Goa.” http://lists.goanet .org/pipermail/goanet-goanet.org/2004-May/099612.html; accessed 15 october 2013. Pereira, rui Gomes de. 1978. Goa: Hindu Temples and Deities. Panaji, india: Printwell Press Goa. ———. 1981. Goa: Gaunkari, he Old Village Associations. Panjim, india: n.p. Perez, rosa Maria. 1997. “Hinduism and Christianity in Goa: he limits of Caste.” in Stories of Goa, edited by rosa Maria Perez, susana sardo, and Joaquim Pais de Brito, 107–121. lisbon: national Museum of Ethnology. Pires, tomé. (1944) 1967. he Suma Oriental: An Account of the East, from the Red Sea to Japan, Written in Malacca and India in 1512–1515. translated and edited by armando Cortesão. nedeln, liechtenstein: Kraus reprint limited. Pissurlencar, Pandurang. 1962. Goa pré-Portuguesa através dos escritores lusitanos dos séculos XVI e XVII. Bastora, india: rangel. Priolkar, anant Kakba. 1958. he Printing Press in India: Its Beginnings and Early Development. With an Historical Essay on the Konkani Language by J. H. Cunha Rivara. Bombay: Marathi samshodhana Mandala. ———. 1967. Goa Rediscovered. Bombay: n.p. rabb, heodore. 1974. “he Expansion of Europe and the spirit of Capitalism.” he Historical Journal 17 (4): 675–689. rafael, Vicente. 1988. Contracting Colonialism: Translation and Christian Conversion in Tagalog Society under Early Spanish Rule. ithaca, n.Y.: Cornell university Press. References | 201 raman, shankar. 2001. Framing India: he Colonial Imaginary in Early Modern Culture. stanford, Calif.: stanford university Press. raj, selva. 2002. “transgressing Boundaries, transgressing turner: he Pilgrimage tradition at the shrine of st. John de Britto.” in Popular Christianity in India: Riting between the Lines, edited by selva raj and Corinne dempsey, 85–113. albany: state university of new York Press. raj, selva, and Corinne dempsey, eds. 2002. Popular Christianity in India: Riting between the Lines. albany: state university of new York Press. ravenstein, E. G. (1898) 1998. A Journal of the First Voyage of Vasco Da Gama (1497– 1499). new delhi: asian Educational services. redield, robert, and Milton singer. 1954. “he Cultural role of Cities.” Economic Development and Cultural Change 3: 53–73. ribeiro, diogo. 1620. Vocabulário das língues canarim feito pelles padres do Companhia de Jesus. Goa university library, Pissurlenkar Collection. ricoeur, Paul. 1980. “narrative time.” Critical Inquiry 7 (1): 169–190. robinson, rowena. 1993. “some neglected aspects of the Conversion of Goa: a socioHistorical Perspective.” Sociological Bulletin 42: 65–83. ———. 1998. Conversion, Continuity and Change: Lived Christianity in Southern Goa. new delhi: sage. ———. 2000. “taboo or Veiled Consent? Goan inquisitorial Edict of 1736.” Economic and Political Weekly, 1 July, 2423–2431. rodrigues, l. a. 1990. “Glimpses of the Konkani language at the turn of the sixteenth Century.” Boletim do Instituto Menezes Bragança 163: 43–72. rogers, Francis. 1962. he Quest for Eastern Christians: Travels and Rumors in the Age of Discovery. Minneapolis: university of Minnesota Press. ———. 1964. “he attraction of the East and Early Portuguese discoveries.” Luso-Brazilien Review 1 (1): 43–59. rubieś, Joan-Pau. 2000. Travel and Ethnology in the Renaissance: South India through European Eyes, 1250–1625. Cambridge: Cambridge university Press. rubinof, arthur G. 1998. he Construction of a Political Community: Integration and Identity in Goa. new delhi: sage. rubinof, Janet ahner. 1988. “Vangad: he Concept of lineage in Goan Corporate Village.” in City, Countryside and Society in Maharashtra, edited by d. W. atwot, M. israel, and n. K. Wagle, 191–207. toronto: university of toronto Press. rudolph, Kurt. 1979. “synkretismus—Vom heologischen scheltwort zum religionswissenschatlichen Begrif.” in Humanitas Religiosa: Festschrit H. Biezais, 198–212. stockholm: almquist and Wiksell international. sahliyeh, E. 1990. “religious resurgence and Political Modernization.” in Religious Resurgence and Politics in the Contemporary World, edited by E. sahliyeh, 1–16. albany: state university of new York Press. said, Edward. 1985. Orientalism: Western Conception of the Orient. london: Penguin. saldanha, antonio de. (1655) 1963. Santo Antonichi Acharya: he Miracles of St. Antony. Edited by a. K. Priolkar. Bombay: Marathi samshodhana Mandala. saldanha, J. a. 1908. “he First Englishman in india and His Works, Especially His Christian Puran.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 22: 209–221. saldanha, Mariano. 1912. “o culto Christão entre os Hindus.” O Heraldo, 24 July, 55–58. sardessai, Manohar l. 1980. “Portuguese inluence on the Konkani language.” Indica 17: 117–122. 202 | References sardessai, Mhadavi. 2012. “on a trail with Kõkno.” Paper presented at the twenty-second European Conference on south asian studies, lisbon, 25–28 July. schiefelin, Edward l. 1985. “Performance and the Cultural Construction of reality.” American Ethnologist 12: 707–724. schrimpf, robert. 1996. “le diable et le goupillon.” in Goa 1510–1685: L’Inde portugaise, apostolique et commercial, edited by Michel Chandeigne, 115–133. Paris: Éditions autrement. seth, Vanita. 2010. Europe’s Indians: Producing Racial Diference, 1500–1900. durham, n.C.: duke university Press. shirodkar, P. P. 1988. “inluence of nath Cult in Goa.” in Goa: Cultural Trends, edited by P. P. shirodkar, 8–21. Panjim, india: directorate of archives, archaeology, and Museum. ———. 1991. “Vaishn avism in Goa.” Paper presented at the Fith seminar on the History ˙ of Goa, Goa university, Goa, india, 19–20 February. ———. 1993. “naga Worship in Goa.” Paper presented at the indian Council of social science research Workshop on Goan Folklore: heories, Perspectives, and Methodologies, Goa university, Goa, india, 16–17 april. shirodkar, P. P., and H. H. Mandal, eds. 1993. People of India, vol. 21, Goa, Anthropological Survey of India. Bombay: Popular Prakashan. shrine of [the] Holy Cross of Bambolim. 1996. souvenir. 10 october. silva rego, antonio da. 1948–1958. Documentação para a história das missões do padroado Portugues do Oriente, vols. 1–12, 1499–1582. lisbon: n.p. siqueira, alito, and alexander Henn. 2001. “he Ganvpon and the Communidad: towards an anthropological reading for the social History of Goa.” Paper presented at the Maritime activities of india with special reference to the Portuguese: 1500– 1800 Conference, department of History, Goa university, Goa, india, 25–28 april. sirkar, rameshchandra. 1983. “dedications to the altar: he devadasi tradition.” in Goa: Cultural Patterns, edited by saryn doshi, 145–151. Bombay: Marg. smith, Jonathan Z. 1998. “religion, religions, religious.” in Critical Terms for Religious Studies, edited by M. taylor, 269–284. Chicago: university of Chicago Press. sontheimer, Günther-dietz. 1989. “Hinduism: he Five Components and heir interaction.” in Hinduism Reconsidered, edited by Günther-dietz sontheimer and Hermann Kulke, 197–212. new delhi: Manohar. ———. 1994. “he Vana and the Kśetra: he tribal Background of some Famous Cults.” in Religion and Society in Eastern India: Eschmann Memorial Lectures, edited by G. C. tripathi and Hermann Kulke, 116–164. new delhi: Manohar. sontheimer, Günther-dietz, and Hermann Kulke, eds. 1989. Hinduism Reconsidered. new delhi: Manohar. slessarev, Vsevolod. 1959. Prester John: he Letter and the Legend. Minneapolis: university of Minnesota Press. srinivas, M. n. 1989. he Cohesive Role of Sanskritization and Other Essays. new delhi: oxford university Press. srinivas, s. 2008. In the Presence of Sai Baba: Body, City and Memory in a Global Religious Movement. leiden: Brill. srivastava, Harish C. 1990. “demographic History and Human resources.” in Goa through the Ages: An Economic History, vol. 2, edited by t. de souza, 55–116. new delhi: Concept. References | 203 srivastava, sushil. 2001. “situating the Gentoo in History: European Perceptions of indians in Early Phase of Colonialism.” Economic and Political Weekly, 17 February, 576–594. staal, J. F. 1979. “he Meaninglessness of ritual.” Numen 26 (1): 2–22. stein, Burton. 1975. “he state and the agrarian order in Medieval south india: a Historical Critique.” in Essays on South Asia, edited by Burton stein, 64–91. Honolulu: university of Hawai’i Press. stephens, homas. 1907. he Christian Puranna of Father homas Stephens of the Society of Jesus. Edited by Joseph l. saldanha. Mangalore, india: simon alvares. stewart, Charles. 1995. “relocating syncretism in social science discourse.” in Syncretism and the Commerce of Symbols, edited by G. ajmer, 13–37. Göteborg, sweden: international arctic social sciences association. stewart, Charles, and rosalind shaw. 1994a. “introduction.” in Syncretism/Anti-Syncretism: he Politics of Religious Synthesis, edited by Charles stewart and rosalind shaw, 1–26. london: routledge. ———, eds. 1994b. Syncretism/Anti-Syncretism: he Politics of Religious Synthesis. london: routledge. stietencron, Heinrich von. 1989. “Hinduism: on the Proper use of a deceptive term.” in Hinduism Reconsidered, edited by Günther-dietz sontheimer and Hermann Kulke, 11–28. new delhi: Manohar. stroumsa, Guy G. 2010. A New Science: he Discovery of Religion in the Age of Reason. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard university Press. subrahmanyam, sanjay. 1993. he Portuguese Empire 1500–1700: A Political and Economic History. london: longman. ———. 1997a. he Career and Legend of Vasco da Gama. Cambridge: Cambridge university Press. ———. 1997b. “he romantic, the oriental and the Exotic: notes on the Portuguese in Goa.” in Stories of Goa, edited by rosa Maria Perez, susana sardo, and Joaquim Pais de Brito, 29–43. lisbon: national Museum of Ethnology. ———. 2001. Penumbral Visions: Making Politics in Early Modern South India. oxford: oxford university Press. talbot, C. 1995. “inscribing the other, onscribing the self: Hindu-Muslim identities in Precolonial india.” Comparative Studies in Society and History 3 (1): 692–722. tambiah, s. J. 1979. “a Performative approach to ritual.” Proceedings of the British Academy 65: 113–167. ———. 1996. Leveling Crowds: Ethnonationalist Conlicts and Collective Violence in South Asia. Berkeley: university of California Press. taussig, M. t. 1993. Mimesis and Alterity: A Particular History of the Senses. london: routledge. hapar, romila. 1989. “imagined religious Communities: ancient History and the search for a Hindu identity.” Modern Asian Studies 23 (2): 209–231. ———. 1997. “syndicated Hinduism.” in Hinduism Reconsidered, 2nd edition, edited by Günther-dietz sontheimer and H. Kulke, 54–79. new delhi: Manohar. hiel-Horstmann, Monika. 1985. Nächtliches Wachen: Eine Form indischen Gottesdienstes. Bonn: indica et tibetica. homaz, luís Filipe. 1981–1982. “Goa—une societé luso-indienne.” Bulletin des études portugaises et bresiliennes 42–43: 15–44. 204 | References todorov, tzvetan. 1985. Die Eroberung Amerikas: Das Problem des Anderen. translated by Wilfried Böhringer. Frankfurt am Main: suhrkamp. trindade, Freire Paulo de. 1962–1967. Conquista Espiritual de Oriente. 3 vols. Edited by F. Felix lopez. lisbon: Centro de Estudios Historicaos ultra Marinos. tulpule, shankar G. 1979. Classical Marathi Literature. Wiesbaden, Germany: otto Harrassowitz. turner, r. l. 1966. A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Language. oxford: oxford university Press. turner, Victor, and Edith turner. 1978. Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture: Anthropological Perspectives. oxford: Blackwell. urban, H. B. 2003. “avatar of our age: sathya sai Baba and the Cultural Contradictions of late Capitalism.” Religion 33: 73–93. Valaulikar, shenoi Vahman ragunat Varde, aka shenoi Goembab. (1945) 1977. Aine Velar. Margao, india: Konkani Basha Mandal. Van der Veer, Peter. 1994. “syncretism, Multiculturalism and the discourse of tolerance.” in Syncretism/Anti-Syncretism: he Politics of Religious Synthesis, edited by Charles stewart and rosalind shaw, 196–211. london: routledge. ———. 1995. “introduction.” in Conversion to Modernities: he Globalization of Christianity, edited by Peter Van der Veer, 1–21. london: routledge. Van skyhawk, Hugh. 1999. “‘ . . . in his Bushy land of salsette . . .’: Father homas stephens and the Kristapurān a.” in Studies in Early Modern Indo-Aryan Languages, ˙ Literature and Culture, edited by a. Entwistle et al., 363–378. new delhi: Manohar. Veiga Coutinho, lucia da. 1994. “a Puzzling Epithet: an Exploration of the rationale behind the ‘Goencho saib’ sobriquet.” Goa Today, december, 22–25. Verenkar, sham. 1991. Goenchea lokvedacho rupkar. Panjim, india: Goa Konkani academy. Waghorne, Joanne. 2002. “Chariots of the God/s: riding the line between Hindu and Christian.” in Popular Christianity in India: Riting between the Lines, edited by selva raj and C. dempsey, 11–38. albany: state university of new York Press. Wagle, n. K. 1970. “he History and social organisation of the Gaud saraswat Brahmans of the West Coast of india.” Journal of Indian History 142: 7–25. ———. 1974. “he Gaud saraswat Brahmanas of West Coast india: a study of heir Matha institution and Voluntary associations (1870–1900).” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bombay 26: 228–249. Wahlen, Clinton. 2005. “Peter’s Vision and Conlicting deinitions of Purity.” New Testament Studies 51: 505–518. Walker, Benjamin. 1983. Hindu World: An Encyclopedic Survey of Hinduism. 2 vols. london: Munshiram Manoharlal. Weber, M. (1920) 1978. Economy and Society. Berkeley: university of California Press. White, C. s. 1972. “he sai Baba Movement: approaches to the study of indian saints.” Journal of Asian Studies 31 (4): 863–878. White, Hayden. 1980. “he Value of narrativity in the representation of reality.” Critical Inquiry 7 (1): 5–27. Wicki, José, ed. 1969. O Livro do Pai dos Cristãos: Edição crítica anotada. lisbon: Centro de Estudos Históricos ultramarinos. Wilfred, Felix. 1998. “Christianity in Hindu Polytheistic structural Mould: Converts in southern tamilnadu respond to an alien during the ‘Vaco da Gama Epoch.’” Archives de sciences sociales des religions 43: 67–87. References | 205 Xavier, Felippe nery. 1852. Colecçao das leis peculiares das communidades agricolas dos concelhos das Ilhas, Salcete e Bardez. Panaji, india: imprensa nacional. ———. 1861. Resumo histórico da maravilhosa vida, conversões, e milagres de S. Francisco Xavier, apóstolo, defensor, e patrono das Índias. nova Goa, india: imprensa nacional. ———. 1903 (vol. 1); 1907 (vol. 2). Bosquejo histórico das communidades das aldeas dos concelhos das Ilhas, Salcete e Bardes 1801–1901. 2 vols. Bastora, india: rangel. Županov, ines. 1995. “he Prophetic and the Miraculous in Portuguese asia: a Hagiographic View of Colonial Culture.” Santa Barbara Portuguese Studies 2: 135–161. ———. 2001. Disputed Mission: Jesuit Experiments and Brahmanical Knowledge in Seventeenth-Century India. new delhi: oxford university Press.