Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions
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Politics, Religion, Gender, and Historiography:
Eastern European Perspectives
Marius Turda
To cite this article: Marius Turda (2008) Politics, Religion, Gender, and Historiography: Eastern
European Perspectives, Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, 9:1, 129-136, DOI:
10.1080/14690760701859618
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Date: 29 December 2017, At: 02:52
Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions,
Vol. 9, No. 1, 129–136, March 2008
Politics, Religion, Gender, and Historiography: Eastern
European Perspectives
MARIUS TURDA
Oxford Brookes University
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Tmpr_reviews@yahoo.co.uk
TudorGeorgescu
Taylor
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10.1080/14690760701859618
FTMP_A_286126.sgm
and
Francis
John R. Lampe, Balkans into Southeastern Europe: a Century of War and Transition.
Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006. pp. 338, £16.99, ISBN 0333793471.
Iván Zoltán Dénes (ed.), Liberty and the Search for Identity: Liberal Nationalisms and
the Legacy of Empires. Budapest: Central European University Press, 2006. pp. 510,
£31.95, ISBN 9789637326448.
Francisca de Haan, Krassimira Daskalova and Anna Loutfi (eds), A Biographical
Dictionary of Women’s Movements and Feminisms: Central, Eastern, and South Eastern
Europe, 19th and 20th Centuries. Budapest: Central European University Press, 2006.
pp. 678, £39.95, ISBN 9789637326394.
Sorin Antohi, Balázs Trencsényi and Péter Apor (eds), Narratives Unbound: Historical
Studies in Post-Communist Eastern Europe. Budapest: Central European University
Press, 2007. pp. 448, £24.95, ISBN 9789637326851.
Rogers Brubaker, Margit Feischmidt, John Fox and Liana Grancea, Nationalist
Politics and Everyday Ethnicity in a Transylvanian Town. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 2007. pp. 440, £19.95, ISBN 9780691128344.
Introductory Remarks
Almost concomitantly with the collapse of the Soviet Empire in eastern Europe,
scholars earnestly began to explain the post-communist condition both in terms of
every day experience and as an opportunity for the societies in the region to come
to terms with their troubled past.1 To the discomfort of many, it soon became
obvious that communism was, in fact, more influential in shaping national identity than generally assumed. Moreover, not only was communism difficult to
discard from society, culture and politics, but it emerged that, in many ways, it
upheld many of the ideas about the nation developed by pre-1945 fascism. Such
discoveries gnawed at the intellectual credibility of those scholars in the region
who viewed these two totalitarian movements as mutually exclusive as well as
foreign to the historical tradition of their countries.
Correspondence Address: Department of Arts and Humanities, Oxford Brookes Universtiy, Gipsy Lane,
Oxford OX3 0BP, UK. Email: mturda@brookes.ac.uk
ISSN 1469-0764 Print/ISSN 1743-9647 Online/08/010129-08 © 2008 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/14690760701859618
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M. Turda
This was also the moment when the ability to engage in a dialogue on controversial issues gave many the long-awaited prospect of challenging the standardised national narratives. The ensuing critique of communist scholarship and of its
post-1989 continuators, stemmed from a number of factors, including access to
archives, re-publication of interwar authors, the influx of western scholarship
and, most importantly, young eastern European scholars studying abroad. Yet
efforts to exploit the opportunity of a fresh start encountered many problems.2 In
terms of historical scholarship, the opening of the archives, for instance, was as
narrow as it was intense, focusing on the internal analysis of documents, seeking
to understand the ‘truth’ behind some of the twentieth century’s key events such
as the Second World War, the establishment of communist regimes and anticommunist resistance. While they lacked a precise consensus on the limits of the
relevant context of interpretation, supporters of this historiographic trend agreed
on the importance of the document itself, hoping retroactively to rescue national
history through a therapy of Rankean ‘wie es eigentlich gewesen [ist]’. The opposite trend, namely authors who insisted on a broad reading of texts, sometimes
from different historical traditions, promptly materialised. These authors were
not only attempting to demystify the past, but they equally considered the matter
of historical ‘truth’ to be simply irrelevant. The majority of historical studies
published after 1989 in eastern Europe belonged to either of these trends, some
authors preferring to publish collections of documents, whilst others chose interpretation of texts instead.
To begin to understand some of these studies, we need to raise two questions.
Firstly, is there substance in the interpretative claim that historical traditions are
‘invented’ and hence prone to continuous modification and re-construction?
Secondly, are historical visions of national uniqueness as sharply opposed to each
other as proponents of nationalist historiographies would suggest?
This succinct survey of some of the recent scholarship dealing with eastern
Europe takes into account developments in general history, history of ideas,
gender studies, anthropology and historiography, and hopes to offer some
preliminary answers to the above questions.
Old Wine in New Bottles
Before 1989, reliable accounts of eastern Europe were generally produced by
western scholars.3 These general synopses resisted dogmatic reductionism and
transcended immediate local nationalist interests, thus initiating a particular style
of history writing, one which proposed an eclectic methodology informed by a
detached narration of the most important historical facts. Moreover, this historiographic trend distilled and interpreted not only the key texts produced by eastern
European academics, but it also opened up to new scholarship from collateral
disciplines like political sciences, historical sociology and cultural anthropology.4
Not surprisingly, then, after the collapse of communism these scholars were
amongst the first to extend their expertise into the transition period, clearly
competing with the emerging local historians. To be sure, gradually, the more the
latter consolidated their position, the more the former lost their pre-eminence.
Yet, western scholars are not completely eclipsed by their eastern European counterparts, as proven by John R. Lampe’s latest book, Balkans into Southeast Europe.
This is a comprehensive survey of political movements and ideas in Greece,
Bulgaria, Romania and Yugoslavia it its many forms, from the conservative,
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Politics, Religion, Gender, and Historiography 131
nationalist, populist and fascist movements of the interwar period to communist
and post-communist regimes between 1945 and 1989 and after 1990, respectively.
It is also is an excellent introduction to the history of the Balkan states of Greece,
Romania, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia in the last century. Essentially, Lampe demonstrates how traditional narratives of political events and quantitative techniques
may still be used as tools to access the history of a region convulsed by wars and a
prolonged conversion from democratic to fascist and communist regimes, and
whose recent history has been dominated by revolutions, independence movements and the EU enlargement. Utilising general histories of the region written by
western and local scholars alike, this new book exemplifies the excellent uses to
which the enumeration of political events and a macro-perspective on political
history can be put in the history of this region, and the need to cautiously balance
well-known facts with qualitative analysis. Qualified confirmation is given to the
thesis that this region’s history was one of ‘unstable juxtaposition of nation-states
and empires with lagging economic development and overwhelmingly rural societies’ (p.9), but this claim is neither original nor sufficiently explored.
Lampe examines two fundamental questions pertaining to this region: why is
war such a recurrent feature? How did it shape the history of the region? The
explanations provided are not necessarily original as they have been already
developed by a plethora of books on the Balkans since 1990.5 The book does,
however, convey the troubled history of the region, and as such it contains several
interesting generalisations, culminating in the conclusion that ‘[i]n appraising
the full twentieth century, however, let us remember the region’s considerable
European steps, false as well as true, along the hard, war-torn way that this
volume has tried to trace’ (p.295). This book will be of great use to undergraduate
students interested in the general political events of the last century in southeast
Europe; unfortunately, there is little in terms of new research approaches for a
specialised audience and there is nothing there to be furthered investigated.
If Lampe may be seen to represent the category of scholars favouring general
histories of the region, a more specialised but no less passionate tendency, which
attracts western and eastern European scholars alike, is equally important. This
is not only a growing area of research but at present benefits from the contribution of some of the most gifted scholars working on and from eastern Europe.
One illustrative example is the volume edited by Iván Z. Dénes on the Liberal
Nationalisms and the Legacy of Empires.
Liberalism and National Mythopoeia
In his foreword to this volume, Michael Freeden explains the need for such a
collaborative enterprise thus: ‘A view of liberalism as a complex and mutating set
of beliefs has emerged, in which universal aspirations jostle against the furtherance of particular preferences and differences, while ideologies – rather than
perceived as dogmatic and doctrinaires – are understood to be in a continuous
state of flux and reconfiguration’ (p.ix). Such flexibility is remarkably well
expressed in diverse historic traditions against which the contributors discuss
liberal ideas and their association with nationalism since the mid-nineteenth
century.
In retrospect, the general verdict has been to situate liberalism in eastern
Europe at the confluence between modernity and tradition, therefore considering
it as the expression of western cosmopolitan civilization which other cultures
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M. Turda
imitate and adopt. This volume critically engages with this historiographic stereotype, and aims at dispelling it. Thus, each chapter should be treated as an independent contribution on the history of political liberalism in its broadest sense,
rather than as a coherent whole. Periods and subjects addressed range widely:
from liberalism and nationalism in Britain to the Dutch and Belgian liberalism
and regionalism in the nineteenth century; from German and Austrian liberalism
to Polish, Hungarian and Czech liberalism to Russian, Romanian, Bulgarian and
Turkish liberalisms.
While emphasising the highly individualised and moralistic nature of liberalism
during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, clear connections with more recent
developments in eastern Europe are nevertheless established. The book also raises
questions as to the links between national traditions and subsequent liberal ideologies; between western and eastern European forms of liberalism; and between
enlarged conceptual frameworks and broader, more centralised and state-sponsored strategies towards social homogenisation and political integration.
Liberty and the Search for Identity dispels outdated scholarship on liberalism and
its connection with the current democratic culture emerging in central and eastern Europe. It thus carefully examines the historical origins of liberal ideas both in
western Europe and in countries like Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria in order to
fully contextualise current debates about the role of liberalism in shaping the
development of eastern European societies. To this end, the importance of this
book lies both in its re-interpretation of historical sources and in emphasising the
need for extending this model of analysis to particular case studies.
To be sure, fresh examinations of previously expounded topics are always best
received when the historiographic field also opens up to alternative interpretations and when traditional readings of the national canons are questioned. The
following examples are extracted from three different fields: gender studies,
cultural and social anthropology, and historiography.
New Fields of Research
Whilst an abundance of studies on gender exist elsewhere, these topics have
received an appropriate scholarly attention in eastern Europe only since 1989.6
A Biographical Dictionary of Women’s Movements and Feminisms is the most comprehensive collaborative work to date addressing feminist movements in eastern
Europe. The dictionary complements previous works such as those by Susan
Zimmerman, Karen Offen, Sylvia Paletschek and Bianka Pietrow-Ennker,7 not
only in its geographical coverage but also in terms in individuals selected.
Although concerned fundamentally with biographical details, this dictionary
identifies important correlations between the life of women and the secularisation
and scientific rationalisation of theories of nation and gender. The dictionary thus
provides an excellent overview of long-forgotten feminist activists and the
manner in which these figures should be remembered in their national contexts,
while also benefiting the broader field of gender studies. To that end, the editors
could have engaged with questions of public health, social hygiene and health
education, fields in which the feminists in eastern Europe were particularly visible. The discussions of how these numerous women of various social backgrounds tried during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to claim gender
equality and social and political recognition is especially illuminating. The dictionary’s principal argument is that women writers and activists were attempting to
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Politics, Religion, Gender, and Historiography 133
promote public awareness of the role of women in society, both as a reflection of
general European trends of social emancipation and as a response to particular
historical and religious traditions in each of these countries.
Essentially, the dictionary takes a route little travelled by historians thus far, in
seeking to trace the evolution of feminist thinking in eastern Europe. It ultimately
delineates the growing preoccupation of social historians, anthropologists and
political theorists with marginalised social activists and feminist figures, charting
how new gender roles were being carved out in societies undergoing profound
changes during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
Perhaps the very fact that A Biographical Dictionary of Women’s Movements and
Feminisms generates new understandings of the role played by women and
gender in shaping ideologies and social contexts, then, is its most important
achievement. Gender, like the nation and ethnicity, is historically and culturally
specific, and it ought to be considered anew for each national context, in the way
the next book under observation here exemplifies with such dexterity.
Anthropology and Ethnic Identity
Rogers Brubaker can claim to have written one of the books most cited by the new
generation of scholars on nationalism in eastern Europe.8 Recently, he has teamed
up with some of them, and put his theory of shifting triadic relations between
‘nationalizing states’, ‘national minorities’ and their ‘external national homelands’
to the test. The result is a refreshing insight into the mechanisms of ethnic interaction in Transylvania.
Despite a long and vigorous tradition of anthropological scholarship into the
ways in which different cultures have viewed ethnic interaction, only lately have
there been attempts to produce major studies, comparative or otherwise, of
multi-ethnic urban environments.9 Nationalist Politics and Everyday Ethnicity in a
Transylvanian Town, another example of trans-national collaborative work,
explores these recent trends in nationalist studies and applies them to the understanding of factors that contributed to shaping Hungarian and Romanian ethnicities in the town of Cluj/Koloszvár in Romania. According to the authors, the
imagery and iconography of the social interaction in the multi-ethnic urban environment of Cluj/Koloszvár, points to a ‘relational, processual, and dynamic
understanding of ethnicity and nation’ instead of the overtly ‘substantialist
understanding of ethnic groups and nations as bounded entities, collective individuals, and self-conscious actors’ which exists in the general scholarship (p.10).
Moreover, the book points to some of the historical foundations of that imagery
and chimes in with other recent studies of nationalism and national identity
which allude to the problems such ethnic interaction has created for the status of
Hungarians and Romanians in the post-1989 context.10 The city of Cluj/Koloszvár
has been repeatedly singled out as an example of ethnic radicalism resulting from
excessive centralism and dogmatic nationalism. In this analysis the city is defined
explicitly as a complex space, where conflicting ethnic, social and gender identities are formed and re-formed, but also as a space where multilingualism and
multiple senses of belonging co-exist.
Different personal stories are unveiled to consider how far ethnicity, language
and history have woven themselves into the social fabric of this city. Key
elements include portraits of the city’s dwellers, their daily routines and occupations, education and religion, as well as inter-marriages and migrations. As for
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the resurgence of nationalist views in this Transylvanian city, especially between
1990 and 2000, the authors’ stated intention is ‘not to make the anachronistic
claim that contemporary conflicts are grounded in “ancient hatreds”: nationalist
conflict in East Central Europe, as elsewhere, is a distinctively modern phenomenon, emerging only in the middle of the nineteenth century’ (p.23). And the
undertaking is successful, as the authors convincingly communicate theories of
ethnicity and nationalism, from Fredrik Barth to Benedict Anderson, and draw
out the recurring motifs of what everyday ethnicity actually represents. All these
achievements strongly recommend this book as a welcome addition to the literature on nationalism in contemporary eastern Europe. It will inevitably find its
way into specialist debates and graduate reading lists. As such, it is best read in
conjunction with Narratives Unbound, a collection of studies dealing with postcommunist historiography.
Historiography and the Usable Past
The first attempt to map out historiographic developments in eastern Europe
after the changes of 1989 was initiated by the American Historical Review in 1992.11
Since then, however, contrary to numerous international projects, individual and
collective publications, very little of importance has been published in the field of
historiography.12
Narratives Unbound corrects this deficiency by looking at recent historiographic
trends in Hungary, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Romania and Bulgaria.
Written by young scholars from eastern Europe, these chapters endeavour to set
these trends firmly within the context of political and social changes after 1989 as
well as within contemporary developments in European and North American
historiography. All chapters share a common conceptual platform, namely that
national historiography is defined essentially in accordance with, and in endorsement of, pervasive nationalist themes. It is shown, for example, how much more
emphasis was placed by historians in eastern Europe on modernisation, nationalism, anti-Semitism and ethnic minorities. The importance of totalitarian movements was therefore – it is argued – articulated as considerably more paramount
for the discipline of history than for other ones. Reference is also made to a
number of quintessentially particular themes such as revolution, independence,
fascism and communism. The types of historical schools and discourses that were
developed and continue to be developed in these countries, as well as their subsequent application to emerging academic fields, are also carefully delineated. The
discussion of Hungarian historiography is perceptively situated next to the analysis of Polish historiography, followed by general overviews of Czech, Slovak,
Romanian and Bulgarian cases.
It emerges that the historiographies in eastern Europe have largely experienced
a similar conceptual trajectory since 1945. Historians have defined their search for
a usable past in opposition either to something external (Europe, the Balkans, the
Soviet Union) or internal (ethnic minorities, class enemies, and so on). This
common feature notwithstanding, the book suggests that, conceptually, a growing concern with the normative historiographic developments additionally
shifted attention towards more multidisciplinary oriented thinking in local historiographies. Methodologically, the book therefore points to both the virtues and
the limitations of traditional historiographies which stress continuity rather than
disjuncture.
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Politics, Religion, Gender, and Historiography 135
Additionally, while acknowledging a broadening of western historiographic
models in this period – especially as all of the contributors to the volume have
studied at western universities – the book also aims to accommodate the growing
interests of a new generation of local historians. It is therefore insistent that traditional historians in eastern Europe are still largely operating within the national
paradigms of historical continuity and ethnic uniqueness, by contrast to recent
work on political ideologies, like Liberty and the Search for Identity, which has
underlined the extent to which domestic developments were largely the result of
external influences.
Furthermore, recent scholarship appears to have witnessed a more marked
division between mainstream historical discourse and alternative interpretations
of the national canons. In western Europe, by contrast, a better relationship
seems to have existed historically between complementary historical discourses
than appears to have emerged in eastern Europe after 1989. In Hungary, the
Czech lands and Poland, for example, critical historical sociology and revisionist
Marxism have enjoyed a sustained appraisal during communism, whilst in
Romania and Hungary dogmatic nationalism and orthodox communist thinking
have dominated the historical profession.
Ultimately, Narratives Unbound highlights the centrality of national identity in
shaping historical discourses, while questioning its threatened place within the
current historical debates. Like Liberty and the Search for Identity, Antohi and his
colleagues believe that coming to terms with a difficult past is a central concern of
social and national policies. Likewise, although more focused on this issue,
namely whether the revolutions of 1989 were ‘enough to introduce a radical break’
in historical theory and historiographic practices (p.xi), the book indicates a growing anxiety on behalf of post-communist elites and their relationship with historiography and political projects such as liberal democracy and modernisation.
Scholars will quibble with some of the simplistic judgments encountered in
some of the chapters, as one may well wonder whether the treatment of recent
scholarship could have been more meticulous, without adding too much to the
length of the book. Those caveats aside, this book will soon become compulsory
reading for those interested in eastern Europe.
Preliminary Conclusions
There is much more one could say about recent scholarship on eastern Europe
than has been attempted here.13 New studies are published regularly, and some
of them are prodigious, both in terms of secondary and primary sources, the writing intelligible and elegant. Most importantly, much of this new scholarship is
produced by scholars from eastern Europe. As this review hopefully demonstrated, these authors’ commitment to international scholarship does not blind
them to the creativity of their local historiographic traditions, albeit these traditions are sometimes unable to meet standards of analytic distance, and are often
encumbered with academic controversy.
Moreover, these new eastern European perspectives indicate that they are more
than just coruscating reproductions of idioms, trends and styles of writing developed elsewhere. On the contrary, it is clear that after almost two decades of
changes and transformation, a new generation of scholars has emerged in eastern
Europe, whose expertise has not only critically appraised existing scholarship on
totalitarian movements like communism and fascism, or on the history of ideas
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and historiography, but also expanded to include new topics like gender and
political religions. It will not be long until this emerging scholarship reaches its
mature stage, and announces the disappearance of eastern Europe (and its
geographical permutations) as an object of study.
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Notes
1. To avoid innumerable references to shifting symbolic geographies, in this review article ‘eastern
Europe’ includes all former communist states (without Russia) of central, eastern and southeast
Europe, and the Balkans (with Greece).
2. One example is the new scholarship on Romanian fascism. See Marius Turda, “New Perspectives
on Romanian Fascism: Themes and Options”, Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 6/1
(2005), pp.143–50.
3. Some of the most recognisable are: Joseph Rothschild, East Central Europe between the Two World
Wars (Washington: University of Washington Press, 1974); Charles and Barbara Jelavich, The
Establishment of the Balkan National States, 1804–1920 (Washington: Washington University Press,
1977); Barbara Jelavich, History of the Balkans, 2 vols (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1983); and Ivan T. Berend, The Crisis Zone of Europe: an Interpretation of East-Central European
History in the First Half of the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).
4. The most visible examples probably are: Keith Hitchins, Rumania, 1866–1947 (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1994); Richard J. Crampton, A Short History of Modern Bulgaria (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1987); and Richard Clogg, A Concise History of Greece (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1992). These books have been re-edited a few times and translated
into Romanian, Bulgarian and Greek, respectively.
5. See especially Robert D. Kaplan, Balkan Ghosts: a Journey through History (New York: St Martin’s
Press, 1993); Mark Mazower, The Balkans: a Short History (New York: Random House, 2000); and
Misha Glenny, The Balkans: Nationalism, War & the Great Powers, 1804–1999 (Harmondsworth:
Penguin Books, 2001).
6. See Barbara Einhorn, Cinderella Goes to Market: Citizenship, Gender and the Women’s Movements in East
Central Europe (London: Verso, 1993); Chris Corrin (ed.), Gender and Identity in Central and Eastern
Europe (London: Frank Cass, 1999); and Susan Gal and Gail Kligman (eds), Reproducing Gender:
Politics, Publics and Everyday Life after Socialism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000).
7. Susan Zimmerman, Die bessere Hälfte? Frauenbewegung und Frauenbestrebungen im Ungarn der
Habsburgermonarchie 1848 bis 1918 (Vienna: Promedia Verlag, 1999); Karen M. Offen, European
Feminisms, 1700–1950: a Political History (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000);
Sylvia Paletschek and Bianka Pietrow-Ennker (eds), Women’s Emancipation Movements in the
Nineteenth Century: a European Perspective (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2004).
8. Rogers Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New
Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
9. Jeremy King, Budweisers into Czechs and Germans: A Local History of Bohemian Politics, 1848–
1948 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003).
10. Marius Turda, “Transylvania Revisited: Public Discourse and Historical Representation in
Contemporary Romania”, in Balázs Trencsényi et al. (ed.), Nation-Building and Contested Identities: Romanian and Hungarian Case Studies (Iaşi: Polirom, 1998), pp.197–206; Constantin Iordachi
and Marius Turda, “Reconciliere politică versus discurs politic: percepţ ia Ungariei în istoriografia
românească , 1989–1999”, Altera 6/14 (2000), pp.153–74.
11. See the special issue of The American Historical Review 97/4 (1992) devoted to the ‘Historiography
of the Countries of Eastern Europe’, which contains reports on Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary,
Romania, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria.
12. One such attempt is Karl Kaser, (Re)writing History: Historiography in Southeast Europe after
Socialism (Münster: LIT Verlag, 2004).
13. See also Marius Turda, “National Historiographies in the Balkans, 1830–1945”, in Stefan Berger
and Chris Lorenz (eds), Society and the Nation: Ethnicity, Class, Religion and Gender (forthcoming
Palgrave, 2008).
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