Tri-TESOL 2015 Conference Proceedings
Promoting Pragmatic Competence: Focus on Refusals
Anna Krulatz
Norwegian University of Science and Technology
Tülay Dixon
University of Utah Asia Campus
Being able to communicate successfully in a second language (L2) depends on
not only having the knowledge of grammar but also on the ability to select
context-appropriate language. Thus, pragmatics can prove to be one of the most
difficult aspects of language to acquire, even for advanced L2 speakers, and it
plays a crucial role in L2 teaching. Considerable amount of attention has been
devoted to teaching pragmatic skills in second and foreign language classrooms
in recent years (Bardovi-Harlig & Mahan-Taylor, 2003; Ishihara & Cohen, 2010).
This paper represents a step towards strengthening the link between research on
interlanguage pragmatics and L2 classroom practices. Focusing specifically on
the speech act of refusal, we illustrate the potential areas of difficulty for second
language learners. After a review of current literature on teaching refusals, a
qualitative analysis of selected examples of refusals produced by Korean and
Norwegian English as a second language (ESL) learners is presented. Specific
pedagogical approaches and strategies for teaching L2 refusals are offered,
including implications for curriculum development.
Anna Krulatz (anna.m.krulatz@ntnu.no) is Associate Professor of English at the Norwegian
University of Science and Technology in Norway, where she works with pre- and in-service
English teachers. Her main interests include second language teaching methodology with focus
on interlanguage pragmatics, content-based instruction, multilingualism, and teacher education.
Tülay Dixon (tulay.orucu@utah.edu) is an Adjunct Assistant Professor at the Department of
Writing and Rhetoric Studies at the University of Utah Asia Campus in South Korea. She
teaches academic writing courses to freshman year students. Her research interests lie in
course and curriculum development, technology integrated language teaching, and pragmatics.
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Promoting Pragmatic Competence: Focus on Refusals
Most second language learners (L2), once they find themselves in the target language
environment, experience the anxiety associated with the need to communicate with other native
and nonnative speakers. They may feel that they possess insufficient grammar and lexical
means to fully participate in interactions, and that they do not have native-like intuitions about
what is appropriate, polite, and acceptable in the target culture. This is where pragmatics, the
knowledge of “when to speak, when not, . . . what to talk about with whom, when, where, [and]
in what manner” (Hymes, 1972, p. 60), plays a role in the ability to communicate successfully in
a second language.
Speech acts have been extensively studied to understand how people of various
linguistic and cultural backgrounds use language in context. Studies have demonstrated that
how speech acts are performed may vary across languages and cultures (Beckers, 1999; Chen,
1996; Kinjo, 1987; Stevens, 1993). Nonnative speakers of a language might respond to
utterances in the target language the same way they would in their first language (L1), which
might result in more serious communication breakdowns than those resulting from grammatical
errors (Linde, 2009).
Teaching pragmatics, therefore, has received attention in L2 research; however,
teaching practices are not always grounded in current research findings (Cohen, 2012). This
paper focuses on the speech act of refusing, a face-threatening act that involves a complex
sequence of semantic formulas, and it aims to strengthen the link between research and L2
teaching practices.
Literature Review
Pragmatic Knowledge
The ability to perform speech acts requires various types of language knowledge. In
Canale and Swain’s (1980) model of communicative competence, performance of speech acts
belongs to sociolinguistic competence. According to Celce-Murcia, Dörnyei and Thurrell (1995),
pragmatic knowledge belongs to sociocultural competence, which allows language users to
consider the social and cultural context of utterances, and to actional competence, which is
responsible for comprehending and expressing communicative intent. Bachman and Palmer
(1996; 2010) propose that the knowledge of speech acts is situated within language use, the
component of language competence which allows us to create and interpret meanings in
context.
Refusal Strategies
Performance of refusals can vary greatly depending on sociolinguistic factors such as
the context and the status of those involved in the interaction, and it requires appropriate
strategies to minimize the negative effect on the interlocutor. Refusals can involve a long
sequence of interactional exchanges. At the same time, the linguistic means used to perform
them can vary depending on whether one is refusing an invitation, an offer, or a request (Beebe,
Takahashi & Uliss-Weltz, 1990; Salazar, Safont & Codina, 2009). Refusal strategies can be
classified into direct strategies, indirect strategies and adjuncts to refusals. Direct strategies
include a blunt no and negation (e.g., “I can’t” or “I don’t think so”). Indirect strategies include
suggesting other options, explanations, and avoidance. Adjuncts to refusals are external
modifications of the speech act. They include expressions of gratitude, consent, empathy, or a
positive opinion about the proposal before turning it down.
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Cross-cultural studies suggest that the basic types of refusal strategies are universal, yet
the specific content and frequency of the strategies vary across cultures. In some cultures, such
as Chinese and German, speakers tend to use indirect refusals (Beckers, 1999; Chen, 1996),
whereas direct strategies are preferred in cultures such as Polish (Rakowicz, 2009). Speakers
of English tend to employ softeners such as “I’m afraid . . .” frequently, while Egyptian speakers
of Arabic do not (Stevens, 1993).
Unlike other speech acts such as requests, complaints, and apologies, refusals have
received little attention in research on interlanguage pragmatics. Studies to date have found that
nonnative speakers use different semantic content in the head act than native speakers (Chang,
2009), employ direct and indirect strategies in nonnative-like ways (Jung & Kim, 2008), and may
experience difficulties selecting appropriate linguistic means for high-stakes refusals in
situations in which the social distance between the interlocutors is high (Taguchi, 2007). Several
studies (Beebe et al., 1990; Kwon, 2004) have also documented occurrences of pragmatic
transfer in L2 speakers’ refusals in English.
Refusals in English, Korean and Norwegian
In English, direct refusal formulas are preferred, but these are often assisted by reasons
and expressions of gratitude or a positive opinion (Kwon, 2004). Native speakers of English also
tend to use softeners such as “I’m afraid . . .” or “I don’t know if . . .” (Stevens, 1993). When
uttering refusals in response to invitations, they often express gratitude (Nelson, Al-Batal &
Echols, 1998), and overall they tend to provide specific reasons for refusals (Beebe et al.,
1990).
Very few studies to date have examined refusals in Korean. Kwon (2004) found that
Koreans prefer direct refusal strategies, as well as providing reasons and using alternative
statements. They also use extensive mitigation (i.e., linguistic devices that allow one to soften
the impact of a face-threatening speech act) such as providing reasons and apologies before
uttering a refusal. As Kwon (2004) notes, these pragmatic features of Korean refusals “may
cause pragmatic failure when Korean learners of English rely on their native culture-specific
refusal strategies” (p. 339).
To our knowledge, no studies of refusals in Norwegian, or another closely related
Scandinavian language such as Swedish or Danish, have been conducted to date. As a result,
our discussion here focuses on the more general characteristics and politeness norms in
Norwegian. Very generally speaking, in the Norwegian culture, which is characterized by
egalitarian individualism, there is a strong focus on equality between the interlocutors (Awedyk,
2003; Dittrich, Johansen & Kulinskaya, 2011). In addition, a strong emphasis on objectivity and
correctness is a prominent feature of the Norwegian culture (Horbowicz, 2010), as are peace
and quiet (Gullestad, 1989) and focus on harmony and avoidance of conflict (Elster, 2006). As a
result, Norwegians tend to employ conversational strategies that allow them to minimize the
possible imposition on the interlocutor (Rygg, 2012).
Data Collection and Participants
To illustrate the potential challenge areas in production of refusals for Korean and
Norwegian learners of English, we have selected samples from data collected in a large
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intercultural pragmatics project. The project, currently under way, aims to compare refusals
produced by Korean, Norwegian, and Turkish learners of English.
The data in this project have been collected using a written, anonymous, online
discourse completion task (DCT), a commonly used data collection method to elicit a particular
speech act developed by Blum-Kulka (1982). In DCTs, participants are first given a written
scenario that includes information regarding the setting and social statuses and then asked to
produce a certain speech act—refusals in this study—by completing a dialogue, writing an email
or a text. The task in this study consisted of two scenarios regarding refusals: one that elicited
refusals to an invitation from a friend, and another in which the respondents were asked to
refuse a request by a professor (see Appendix). Participants were given a brief description of
the situations and asked to respond following their intuitions.
To date, 41 Korean and 30 Norwegian respondents have participated in the study. The
Korean participants were freshman year students at a U.S. university in South Korea and
scored at least 80 on TOEFL IBT as part of the requirements for admission into the university.
The Norwegian participants were freshmen students enrolled in an English-medium teacher
training course at a Norwegian University. Participation in the survey was voluntary, but the
students were offered an extra credit in their writing or grammar course for completing the
survey.
Data were analyzed using the framework proposed by Salazar et al. (2009). In each
response, the head refusal was identified and classified as either direct or indirect. In addition,
adjunct strategies were labeled using the categories such as options, explanations, advice and
criticism. Below, we illustrate three potential areas of difficulty for the two groups of study
participants, namely inappropriate choice of main refusal strategies, overuse of adjunct
strategies, and underuse of adjunct strategies.
Results
Choice of Main Refusal Strategies
One of the main areas of difficulty we identified in our data pertains to the use of main
refusal strategies. In English, direct refusal strategies are preferred. In contrast, our data contain
several examples of indirect refusals, including plain indirect strategies, reasons and
explanations, and statements of regret and apology. Direct strategies have been identified as
well, but were in some cases blunt and not accompanied by any external modifications. Table 1
below illustrates these issues.
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Table 1: Head Acts
Example
Strategy type
Participant’s
background
I would love to attend to your party, but I am
really sorry that I will not be able to make it.
Plain indirect
Korean
I'm so sorry, but I'm going to Paris on
Wednesday.
Plain indirect
Norwegian
I’m sorry that I cannot participate in your party
due to my appointment in that day.
Indirect + reason
Korean
But I really don’t feel confident talking up in
front of so many students. Sorry!
Indirect + apology
Korean
No.
Direct (blunt)
Norwegian
Overuse and Misuse of Adjunct Strategies
Some of the responses in our data displayed an elaborate use of adjunct strategies.
While it has to be noted that it is not unusual for native speakers to provide many reasons,
especially when refusing a friend, some of the reasons found in our data could be interpreted as
inappropriate, or exceedingly informal or elaborate (see Table 2). While in English, expressions
of gratitude and reasons are commonly used as adjunct strategies, the nonnative speakers in
our study employed strategies such as advice, criticism and elaborate reasons with potentially
excessive amount of detail, in particular if there is a status difference between the interlocutors.
The majority of such elaborate responses were found in the data obtained from the Korean
participants.
Table 2: Overuse and Misuse of Adjunct Strategies
Example
Strategy type
Participant’s
background
I think the best way I can help them is to meet
them in person and give them advice face-toface.
Advice
Korean
I have a part time job from 6 to 10. My boss
might be angry if I don't show up. I already
missed two times of work, and I might lose my
job if I miss this time again.
Excessive detail
Korean
I am afraid I don't consider the suggestion is
the best way to help those students.
Criticism
Korean
[T]hank you for giving me the oppurtunity to
come to your class. I hope you proseed your
good work as a teacher, and i'm sure your
students will be less anxious as time goes by!
Gratitude + advice
Norwegian
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Underuse of Adjunct Strategies
Unlike the examples above, which contained extensive external modifications of
refusals, some responses were very brief, consisting only of the head act, or the head act with
minimal external modifications. The head acts were performed using direct strategies, which are
preferred in English, or indirect strategies, e.g., regret, and the adjunct strategies consisted of
no more than one sentence (see Table 3). Such refusals may be perceived as insufficiently
justified. We want to note that these extremely brief refusals were only found in the responses
provided by Norwegian participants.
Table 3: Underuse of Adjunct Strategies
Example
Strategy type
Participant’s
background
I'm sorry but I will not be able to make it!
Direct
Norwegian
Thanks for the invite to your party, but I can't
come. Enjoy!
Direct
Norwegian
Thank you, but next week I'm already
overloaded with things to do. My final exam is
just around the corner so I have to study. Sorry
I couldn't help, good luck to your students.
Indirect + reason +
apology
Norwegian
I´m sorry, but I have to say no.
Apology + direct
Norwegian
Discussion
Teaching pragmatics
The excerpts above illustrate various challenges L2 learners may face when
participating in interactions in English that call for employment of refusals. As pragmatic norms
in any language display a great degree of variation, and pragmatic competence in an L2 takes a
substantial amount of time to develop, “[w]ithout instruction, differences in pragmatics show up
in the English of learners regardless of their first language background or language proficiency”
(Bardovi-Harlig & Mahan-Taylor, 2003, p. 38). Thus, the importance of explicit teaching of
pragmatics to second and foreign language learners has been underscored in literature (Kasper
& Rose, 2002; Bardovi-Harlig & Mahan-Taylor, 2003; Ishihara & Cohen, 2010). In fact, it has
been argued that pragmatics need to be taught from beginning levels of language instruction
(Félix-Brasdefer & Cohen, 2012).
Various inductive and deductive strategies for teaching pragmatics have been proposed.
According to Bardovi-Harlig and Mahan-Taylor (2003), the use of authentic materials and
providing learners with input before they are asked to analyze target language pragmatic norms
and produce output are two important criteria for successful instruction of pragmatics. Rose
(2012) suggests that pragmatics instruction should be integrated with grammar teaching, while
Cohen and Sykes (2013) outline an approach that aims at helping learners develop strategies
for learning pragmatics so that they can “deal with both common patterns and variety [in target
language pragmatic behavior] simultaneously through observation, explicit inquiry, and
experimentation” (p. 94).
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It is important that focus on pragmatics should guide not only individual lessons, but
whole language syllabi. Ishihara (2010) stresses the importance of integrating pragmatics into
general curricula and suggests that it could potentially be taught along a range of topics. FélixBrasdefer & Cohen (2012) point out that pragmatics-focused instruction can easily be integrated
into structural syllabi, arguing that such an approach provides language learners with useful
communicative resources. In the similar venue, Krulatz (2014) postulates that pragmatics
should be a central component of content-based language teaching (CBLT) because students
may be more motivated to raise their pragmatic awareness when the main focus of class is
communication about meaningful content (p. 24).
Teaching Refusals
Some specific suggestions on teaching refusals can be found in the existing literature.
Fernández-Guerra (2013) suggests using snippets from TV series as they provide students with
input that exemplifies how native speakers perform this speech act in relation to sociopragmatic
factors (e.g., social status, politeness, setting). He acknowledges that the conversations in TV
series are previously written scripts resulting in input that might be criticized as non-authentic.
Nevertheless, he argues that TV series are “made by native speakers, for native speakers to
hear, and so consists of authentic language” (Baddock, 1996, p. 20, as cited in FernándezGuerra, 2013).
Martínez-Flor and Beltrán-Palanques (2013), and Usó-Juan (2013) also recognize the
potential of audiovisuals in pragmatics teaching, and in their instructional approaches to
teaching refusals, they aim to address three factors that are crucial for pragmatics learning:
exposure to input, opportunities for producing output, and feedback. The first phase of MartínezFlor and Beltrán-Palanques’s (2013) four-phase inductive–deductive approach to teaching
refusals focuses on raising students’ pragmalinguistics awareness. During this phase, refusal
strategies employed in selected scenes from movies are compared to the ones used by the
students and explained using Salazar et al.’s (2009) taxonomy. The second phase aims to
increase awareness on sociopragmatic factors such as social distance, power, degree of
imposition, gender, and age, and to explain how these factors might affect the realization of
refusals. The third phase provides students with opportunities in which they can perform
refusals using the knowledge they gained in the first two phases, and during the final phase
teachers give feedback to students on their performance of the speech act of refusing.
Drawing conclusions from our findings, we would like to suggest that students of various
linguistic backgrounds may benefit from individualized instruction geared to their specific
language needs. Our data indicate that Korean and Norwegian students face different areas of
difficulty, a fact that language teachers should take into consideration when planning instruction.
Thus, it may be useful to conduct awareness-raising activities in which students reflect on their
own pragmatic performance and compare it to native-speaker models.
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Conclusion
Performing refusals in a second or foreign language is challenging because pragmatic
norms vary among languages and cultures. As the excerpts obtained from the Korean and
Norwegian participants in our study illustrate, difficulties may arise concerning not only the
selection of appropriate head act and adjunct strategies, but also the linguistic means to perform
them. While Korean students may employ an excessive amount of strategies and thus come
across as overly polite and subservient, Norwegian users of English, who either employ very
few request modifications or select informal language forms, can be perceived as too direct and
therefore overly familiar or even rude.
It is important to acknowledge, however, that the findings presented in this paper are
preliminary as the data collection process has not yet been finalized. In addition, despite several
examples of problems with L2 refusals, our data also contain a wide range of refusals which
could be deemed perfectly appropriate.
Notwithstanding its limitations, this paper has important implications for L2 pedagogy.
Performing speech acts in a foreign language can pose a challenge for language learners, and
language teachers can support the development of language learners’ pragmatic competence.
Research suggests that employment of explicit teaching methods, and, in particular, using
inductive approaches in which students discover the pragmatic rules, can be very efficient. We
would also like to underscore that it may be beneficial for learners to consider their linguistic and
cultural backgrounds and to be guided through the discovery process of the differences in the
L1 and L2 pragmatic norms. In doing so, teachers could strengthen the link between the
findings from research and the pedagogical practices in the foreign and second language
classroom.
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Appendix
DCT scenarios
Subject: Birthday party invitation
Hi,
It’s my birthday next week, and I am having a party to celebrate it. It’s going to be next Friday at
7 pm at my house at my house. RSVP by Tuesday to let me know if you can make it. I would
love to see you there!
Thomas
Subject: Invitation to give a short presentation
Hi,
This is Professor Johnson—you took my English class last semester. I am emailing you
because you wrote an outstanding term paper, and I was wondering if you would be willing to
come to my class next week to talk about it. My new students are quite anxious about the paper,
and I think it would be nice for them to talk to someone who has already gone through the
process. It would not have to be long, perhaps 10–15 minutes. Please let me know if that is
something you could do.
Thank you in advance,
Prof. Johnson
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