Stoeber, J., & Childs, J. H. (2011). Perfectionism. In R. J. R. Levesque (Ed.), Encyclopedia of
adolescence (pp. 2053-2059). New York: Springer. DOI: 10.1007/978-1-4419-1695-2_279
Perfectionism
Joachim Stoeber and Julian H. Childs
University of Kent
Keywords: perfectionism; personality; subjective well-being; psychological maladjustment;
parenting
__________________________
Address correspondence to Joachim Stoeber, School of Psychology, University of Kent,
Canterbury, Kent, CT2 7NP, UK; email: J.Stoeber@kent.ac.uk
Springer Encyclopedia of Adolescence: Perfectionism
Overview
Perfectionism has been associated with higher levels of psychological maladjustment and
disorder in adolescence and lower levels of subjective well-being and psychological adjustment.
Perfectionism, however, is a multidimensional disposition, and not all dimensions of perfectionism
are necessarily unhealthy and maladaptive. This entry presents an overview about perfectionism in
adolescence and the main dimensions of perfectionism: perfectionistic strivings and perfectionistic
concerns. It shows how the two dimensions are related to subjective well-being, psychological
adjustment and maladjustment, and disorder. Moreover, it informs on how perfectionism can be
measured and what factors influence the development of perfectionism in children and
adolescents. Moreover, it will discuss what is still unknown about perfectionism and why the
notion that perfectionism can be healthy or adaptive is controversially debated.
Dimensions of Perfectionism
Perfectionism is a personality disposition characterized by striving for flawlessness and
setting excessively high standards for performance accompanied by tendencies for overly critical
evaluations (Flett & Hewitt, 2002; Frost, Marten, Lahart, & Rosenblate, 1990). It is a disposition
that pervades all areas of life, particularly work and school, and may also affect one’s personal
appearance and social relationships (Stoeber & Stoeber, 2009).
Traditionally, perfectionism has been regarded as a sign of psychological maladjustment
and disorder (e.g., Burns, 1980; Pacht, 1984) as people seeking treatment for anxiety and
depression often showed elevated levels of perfectionism. In addition, early psychological
conceptions regarded perfectionism as a one-dimensional personality disposition (e.g., Burns,
1980). In the 1990s, however, a more differentiated view emerged conceptualizing perfectionism
as multidimensional and multifaceted (Frost et al., 1990; Hewitt & Flett, 1991; see Enns & Cox,
2002, for a review). Moreover, it emerged that two main dimensions of perfectionism should be
differentiated (Frost, Heimberg, Holt, Mattia, & Neubauer, 1993; Stoeber & Otto, 2006):
perfectionistic strivings and perfectionistic concerns. The dimension of perfectionistic strivings
captures those facets of perfectionism that relate to perfectionistic personal standards and a selforiented striving for perfection. This dimension was found to be associated with positive
characteristics, processes, and outcomes such as conscientiousness, adaptive coping, and positive
affect and also higher levels of subjective well-being and psychological adjustment. In comparison,
the dimension of perfectionistic concerns captures those facets of perfectionism that relate to
concern over mistakes, doubts about actions, concern over others’ evaluation of one’s
performance, and feelings of discrepancy between one’s expectations and performance. This
dimension was found to be associated with negative characteristics, processes, and outcomes such
as neuroticism, maladaptive coping, and negative affect and also higher levels of indicators of
psychological maladjustment and disorder (see Stoeber & Otto, 2006, for a comprehensive
review). Moreover, with the two main dimensions of perfectionism, people can be classified into
three groups of perfectionists: healthy perfectionists, unhealthy perfectionists, and
nonperfectionists (see Figure 1). Healthy perfectionists (also referred to as adaptive perfectionists)
show high levels of perfectionistic strivings, but low levels of perfectionistic concerns. Unhealthy
perfectionists (also referred to as maladaptive perfectionists) show high levels of perfectionistic
strivings and high levels of perfectionistic concerns. Finally, nonperfectionists show low levels of
perfectionistic strivings (see also Rice & Ashby, 2007). The differentiation between perfectionistic
strivings and perfectionistic concerns as well as the differentiation between the three groups of
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perfectionists (particularly healthy and unhealthy perfectionists) has proven key to understanding
the findings from research on perfectionism in general and research on perfectionism in
adolescence in particular.
Research on Perfectionism in Adolescence
If we define adolescence as the life time from 10 to 21 years (Steinberg, 2008), but
exclude studies with undergraduate students (because undergraduate student samples also contain
older students) and studies with gifted adolescents, adolescent inpatients, adolescents seeking
treatment, and adolescent athletes (because they represent special populations), most research
findings on perfectionism in adolescence come from studies conducted with school students
attending grades 6 to 12. Mirroring the findings from studies with undergraduate and adult
samples, the findings from studies with adolescent school students show that perfectionism in
adolescence is often associated with indicators of psychological maladjustment and disorder.
However, across studies, the findings consistently demonstrate that perfectionistic concerns—not
perfectionistic strivings—is the dimension of perfectionism that is predominantly associated with
such indicators. For example, perfectionistic concerns in adolescents are associated with higher
levels of fear of failure, stress, depression, anxiety, and somatic complaints (Einstein, Lovibond, &
Gaston, 2000; Gilman, Ashby, Sverko, Florell, & Varjas, 2005; Hewitt et al., 2002; Nounopoulos,
Ashby, & Gilman, 2006; Stoeber & Rambow, 2007). In addition, perfectionistic concerns are
associated with low levels of academic confidence and satisfaction with life (satisfaction with self,
school, family). In contrast, the perfectionistic strivings dimension of perfectionism has been
found to be associated with indicators of subjective well-being and psychological adjustment. For
example, perfectionistic strivings in adolescents are associated with higher levels of hope for
success, motivation for attending school, motivation for exam preparation, mastery and work
orientation (showing a preference for challenging tasks), academic confidence, peer acceptance,
number of hours spent studying per week, and academic achievement (as indicated by higher
grade point average) as well as with higher self-esteem and satisfaction with life (Accordino,
Accordino, & Slaney, 2001; Einstein et al., 2000; Gilman et al., 2005; Nounopoulos et al., 2006;
Stoeber & Rambow, 2007).
Moreover, adolescents classified as healthy perfectionists generally show higher levels of
subjective well-being and psychological adjustment (e.g., satisfaction with life, grade point
average) than adolescents classified as unhealthy perfectionists. In some studies, adolescents
classified as healthy perfectionists even showed significantly higher levels of subjective well-being
and psychological adjustment (e.g., satisfaction with life) than adolescents classified as
nonperfectionists (Öngen, 2009; Wang, Yuen, & Slaney, 2009). In contrast, adolescents classified
as unhealthy perfectionists have been found to show higher levels of indicators of psychological
maladjustment and disorder (e.g., depression) than adolescents classified as healthy perfectionists
and nonperfectionists (e.g., Gilman et al., 2005; Wang et al., 2009).
Measuring Perfectionism in Adolescence
In the past 20 years, the measurement of perfectionism has made great progress evolving
from one-dimensional measures of perfectionism (e.g., Burns, 1980) to multidimensional
measures of perfectionism capturing all important aspects of perfectionism (see Enns & Cox,
2002, for a review). To measure multidimensional perfectionism in adolescence, three self-report
questionnaires are predominantly used: (a) the Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (MPS;
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Hewitt & Flett, 1991) and its version specifically adapted for children and adolescents, the ChildAdolescent Perfectionism Scale (Flett, Hewitt, Boucher, Davidson, & Munro, 2000); (b) the Frost
Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (FMPS; Frost et al., 1990); and (c) the Almost Perfect
Scale-Revised (APS-R; Slaney, Rice, Mobley, Trippi, & Ashby, 2001). The MPS and CAPS
contain scales that measure self-oriented perfectionism and socially prescribed perfectionism. Selforiented perfectionism captures self-oriented striving for perfection, whereas socially prescribed
perfectionism captures beliefs that others have high standards for oneself and that acceptance by
others is conditional on fulfilling these standards. The FMPS contains scales that measure
personal standards and concern over mistakes; and the APS-R contains scales that measure high
standards and discrepancy. Both personal standards and high standards capture setting extremely
high standards for one’s performance, whereas concern over mistakes captures concerns about
making mistakes and not living up to these high standards, and discrepancy captures feelings of
discrepancy between one’s expectations and performance. Despite their differences, all three
measures can be used to capture the two main dimensions of perfectionism: Perfectionistic
strivings can be captured with MPS/CAPS self-oriented perfectionism, FMPS personal standards,
and APS-R high standards; and perfectionistic concerns can be captured with MPS/CAPS socially
prescribed perfectionism, FMPS concern over mistakes, and APS-R discrepancy (Stoeber & Otto,
2006). Moreover, by using median splits or empirically determined cut-off scores, the scales can
be used to classify individuals into the three groups of healthy perfectionists, unhealthy
perfectionists, and nonperfectionists (see Rice & Ashby, 2007; Stoeber & Otto, 2006).
However, there are two caveats. First, self-oriented perfectionism as measured with the
MPS and CAPS, which is an indicator of perfectionistic strivings, has been associated with
disordered eating in adolescents, even when the influence of perfectionistic concerns is controlled
for (McVey, Pepler, Davis, Flett, & Abdolell, 2002; Miller-Day & Marks, 2006). Moreover, the
MPS and CAPS scale measuring self-oriented perfectionism not only contains items that capture
perfectionistic strivings, but also items that capture beliefs that it is important to be perfect
(Campbell & Di Paula, 2002; Stoeber & Childs, in press) and items that capture self-criticism
(McCreary, Joiner, Schmith, & Ialongo, 2004; O’Connor, Dixon, & Rasmussen, in press).
Because only perfectionistic strivings are associated with subjective well-being and psychological
adjustment (whereas importance of being perfect is not) and because self-criticism is associated
psychological maladjustment and disorder, some studies have found that self-oriented
perfectionism was associated with psychological maladjustment and disorder in adolescents (e.g.,
Einstein et al., 2000; Hewitt et al., 2002). To measure pure perfectionistic strivings, it is therefore
advisable to use only those items of the MPS/CAPS that capture perfectionistic striving (Campbell
& Di Paula, 2002). Second, the FMPS scale measuring perfectionist personal standards contains
two items that capture contingent self-worth (i.e., making one’s self-worth dependent on one’s
achievement or on others’ approval). Consequently, it is advisable to remove these items from the
scale to measure “pure personal standards” (DiBartolo, Frost, Chang, LaSota, & Grills, 2004).
Development of Perfectionism in Adolescence
Whereas the measurement of perfectionism has made great progress over the past 20 years
and the different correlates and consequences of perfectionistic strivings and perfectionistic
concerns are now well understood, the question of why some children and adolescents become
perfectionists is still little understood. While there is general agreement that perfectionism has its
roots in childhood development and that parents play a key role in the development of
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perfectionism (see Flett, Hewitt, Oliver, & Macdonald, 2002, for a review), research on the
development of perfectionism is still in its infancy because of the dearth of longitudinal studies
with children and adolescents. Most of our present knowledge is based on cross-sectional studies
of university students and their parents and on studies with university students’ retrospective
reports of perceived parenting. However, cross-sectional studies cannot show causal influences
and developmental trajectories, and findings from retrospective studies may be biased (or even
distorted) because how people remember their childhood and upbringing is influenced by people’s
present-day personality (Halverson, 1988). Still, the studies have produced converging evidence
suggesting three main hypotheses as to how parents influence the development of perfectionism in
their children and adolescents: (a) the parents’ perfectionism hypothesis, (b) the parental pressure
hypothesis, and (c) the parenting style hypothesis.
The parents’ perfectionism hypothesis is based in social learning theory (Bandura, 1977).
It proposes the idea that children and adolescents develop perfectionism because they “model”
(i.e., observe and imitate) their parents’ perfectionism. Supportive evidence for this hypothesis
comes from studies that investigated correlations between university students’ perfectionism and
their parents’ perfectionism (Chang, 2000; Frost, Lahart, & Rosenblate, 1991; Vieth & Trull,
1999). These studies found significant correlations between children’s and parents’ perfectionism
suggesting that modeling of parents plays a significant role in the development of perfectionism.
Moreover, one study (Vieth & Trull, 1999) found significant gender differences—female
students’ perfectionism correlated higher with their mother’s perfectionism and male students’
perfectionism correlated higher with their father’s perfectionism—suggesting that same-sex
modeling (mother-daughter, father-son) is more important than opposite-sex modeling (motherson, father-daughter).
The parental pressure hypothesis is based in two different, but closely related, models of
socialization: the social expectations model and the social reactions model (see Flett et al., 2002,
for details). Parental pressure to be perfect is a combination of parental expectations that the child
should be perfect (social expectations) and parental criticism if the child fails to fulfill these
expectations (social reactions). Traditionally, parental pressure has been associated with
maladaptive perfectionism and with indicators of poor psychological adjustment (Frost et al.,
1993; Stoeber & Otto, 2006). However, a number of studies have found that parental pressure
can also be associated with adaptive perfectionism and good psychological adjustment (e.g.,
Stöber, 1998; Stoeber & Eismann, 2007). An explanation for these double associations may be
that the two elements of parental pressure—parental expectations and parental criticism—have
different effects: Parental expectations may mainly lead to perfectionistic strivings, whereas
parental criticism may mainly lead to perfectionistic concerns (Rice, Lopez, & Vergara, 2005).
The parenting style hypothesis, finally, is based in the theory and research on parenting
styles by Baumrind (1971, 1991) and the findings that an authoritarian, harsh, and controlling
parenting style is associated with higher levels of psychological maladjustment and disorder
compared to a authoritative, warm, and supportive parenting style (see Darling & Steinberg,
1993, for a review). Accordingly, an authoritative, harsh, and controlling parenting style is seen as
a factor in the development of unhealthy forms of perfectionism, particularly perfectionistic
concerns. Preliminary empirical support for this proposition comes from findings that a harsh
parenting style (characterized as critical parenting and low parental care) is associated with high
levels of perfectionistic concerns (e.g., Enns, Cox, & Clara, 2002; see Flett et al., 2002 for a
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review). Moreover, parental psychological control has been shown to lead to increases in
adolescents’ perfectionistic concerns over time (Soenens et al., 2008). In contrast, parental
responsiveness and positive parental communication (characterized as supportive, open
communication orientations) have been associated with low levels of perfectionistic concerns
(Miller-Day & Marks, 2006). What parental rearing styles may foster the development of
perfectionistic strivings, however, is still unknown.
Furthermore, it is still unknown how environmental and social factors other than parents—
for example, siblings, peers, teachers, and the school environment—influence the development of
perfectionism in adolescents. In talented adolescent musicians, for example, perfectionistic
strivings and perfectionistic concerns regarding one’s music studies were as strongly related to
perceived pressure to be perfect from music teachers as was perceived pressure to be perfect from
parents (Stoeber & Eismann, 2007). Further to environmental and social factors, adolescents’
personality plays a role in the development of perfectionism. Adolescents who were high in the
personality trait of conscientiousness (i.e., the personality trait capturing individual differences in
organization, persistence, and motivation in goal-directed behavior) showed increases in
perfectionistic strivings over time (Stoeber, Otto, & Dalbert, 2009). Finally, perfectionism also
seems to have a genetic component, indicating that individual differences in perfectionism are
partly inherited (Tozzi et al., 2004).
Limitations
Besides the lack of longitudinal studies investigating the development of perfectionism in
children and adolescents, there are further gaps in the research literature that future studies will
have to address. In particular, there is a lack of studies investigating the longitudinal effects of
perfectionism on adolescents’ subjective well-being, psychological adjustment and maladjustment,
and disorder. Because the majority of studies on perfectionism in adolescents has been conducted
with samples from North America (USA, Canada) and Western Europe, we do not know if these
findings generalize to other cultures. In particular, studies involving a direct cross-cultural
comparison are missing. However, the few cross-cultural studies that have been conducted so far
suggest that the relationships perfectionistic strivings and perfectionistic concerns show with
indicators of psychological adjustment and maladjustment are similar across cultures (e.g.,
German vs. Chinese adolescents: Essau, Leung, Conradt, Cheng, & Wong, 2008; North American
vs. Croatian adolescents: Gilman et al., 2005).
Finally, it is important to note that some researchers are very critical of the notion that
perfectionism may be healthy or adaptive (e.g., Greenspon, 2000). These researchers—most of
whom come from a clinical background and work with clinical populations or with people seeking
counseling or treatment—are predominantly focused on the negative characteristics, processes,
and outcomes associated with perfectionism and consequently have serious doubts that
perfectionism can be anything other than maladaptive (see Benson, 2003). Yet, it has long been
recognized that there are forms of perfectionism that are not necessarily unhealthy and
maladaptive and not necessarily associated with psychological maladjustment and disorder (e.g.,
Hamachek, 1978). Moreover, there is converging evidence that perfectionistic strivings are
associated with positive characteristics, processes, and outcomes—particularly when the negative
influence of perfectionistic concerns is controlled for or when healthy perfectionists are regarded
who are high in perfectionistic strivings and low in perfectionistic concerns (Stoeber & Otto,
2006). Consequently, some clinical psychologists have begun realizing that there is nothing
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unhealthy or maladaptive about the striving for perfection as such (Lundh, 2004). What is
unhealthy and maladaptive are dysfunctional cognitions (beliefs, perceptions, and attitudes) that
are often associated with perfectionistic concerns such as persistent concern over mistakes and
doubts about actions, harsh self-criticism, perceived pressure that others expect you to be perfect,
and conditional acceptance, that is, making self-acceptance conditional upon achieving perfection
and believing that others will only accept you if you are perfect (e.g., Lundh, 2004; Shafran,
Cooper, & Fairnburn, 2002). Such cognitions can be highly distressing, and perfectionistic
adolescents suffering from these cognitions may need special attention, help, counseling, or
treatment (for helpful interventions, see Antony & Swindon, 1998; Pleva & Wade, 2007). In
perfectionistic adolescents who do not hold such dysfunctional beliefs, perceptions, and attitudes,
however, perfectionistic strivings are nothing to be concerned about. In these adolescents,
perfectionistic strivings may rather form part of a healthy pursuit of excellence.
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perfectionism, and disordered eating. Health Communication, 19, 153-163.
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Shafran, R., Cooper, Z., & Fairburn, C. G. (2002). Clinical perfectionism: A cognitivebehavioural analysis. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 40, 773-791.
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Stöber, J. (1998). The Frost Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale: More perfect with four
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Stoeber, J., & Childs, J. H. (in press). The assessment of self-oriented and socially prescribed
perfectionism: Subscales make a difference. Journal of Personality Assessment.
Stoeber, J., & Eismann, U. (2007). Perfectionism in young musicians: Relations with motivation,
effort, achievement, and distress. Personality and Individual Differences, 43, 2182-2192.
Stoeber, J., & Otto, K. (2006). Positive conceptions of perfectionism: Approaches, evidence,
challenges. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 10, 295-319.
Stoeber, J., Otto, K., & Dalbert, C. (2009). Perfectionism and the Big Five: Conscientiousness
predicts longitudinal increases in self-oriented perfectionism. Personality and Individual
Differences, 47, 363-368.
Stoeber, J., & Rambow, A. (2007). Perfectionism in adolescent school students: Relations with
motivation, achievement, and well-being. Personality and Individual Differences, 42, 13791389.
Stoeber, J., & Stoeber, F. S. (2009). Domains of perfectionism: Prevalence and relationships with
perfectionism, gender, age, and satisfaction with life. Personality and Individual Differences,
46, 530-535.
Tozzi, F., Aggen, S. H., Neale, B. M., Anderson, C. B., Mazzeo, S. E., Neale, M. C., et al.
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Vieth, A. Z., & Trull, T. J. (1999). Family patterns of perfectionism: An examination of college
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Wang, K. T., Yuen, M., & Slaney, R. B. (2009). Perfectionism, depression, and life satisfaction:
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Recommended Readings
Enns, M. W., & Cox, B. J. (2002). The nature and assessment of perfectionism: A critical
analysis. In G. L. Flett & P. L. Hewitt (Eds.), Perfectionism (pp. 33-62). Washington, DC:
American Psychological Association.
Flett, G. L., Hewitt, P. L., Oliver, J. M., & Macdonald, S. (2002). Perfectionism in children and
their parents: A developmental analysis. In G. L. Flett & P. L. Hewitt (Eds.), Perfectionism
(pp. 89-132). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
Stoeber, J., & Otto, K. (2006). Positive conceptions of perfectionism: Approaches, evidence,
challenges. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 10, 295-319.
Stoeber, J., & Rambow, A. (2007). Perfectionism in adolescent school students: Relations with
motivation, achievement, and well-being. Personality and Individual Differences, 42, 13791389.
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Figure 1. Across multidimensional models of perfectionism, two main dimensions of
perfectionism can be distinguished (perfectionistic strivings, perfectionistic concerns) and can be
used to differentiate between three groups of perfectionists (healthy perfectionists, unhealthy
perfectionists, nonperfectionists). Adapted from “Positive conceptions of perfectionism:
Approaches, evidence, challenges,” by J. Stoeber and K. Otto, Personality and Social Psychology
Review, 10, p. 296. Copyright 2006 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
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