Society for American Archaeology
Water, Huacas, and Ancestor Worship: Traces of a Sacred Wari Landscape
Author(s): Mary Glowacki and Michael Malpass
Source: Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 14, No. 4 (Dec., 2003), pp. 431-448
Published by: Society for American Archaeology
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WATER, HUACAS, AND ANCESTOR WORSHIP:
TRACES OF A SACRED WARI LANDSCAPE
Mary Glowacki and Michael Malpass
During the Middle Horizon (A.D. 540-900) the Wari of the central highlands Ayacucho region expanded their control into
many parts of the Andes. While different motives have been citedfor Wari state expansion, we suggest that a severe and prolonged drought during the sixth century may have played a significant role. We posit that the Wari responded to this environmental crisis not only by seeking practical solutions, such as securing productive land outside the heartland, but also
by implementing religious practices intended to cosnmologically restorefertility to drought-stricken areas and validate acquisition of arable land in foreign territories. Using a model of Inka ideology developed by Peter Gose, we propose that a
strong religious complex involving ancestor worship, huacas, and the cosmological control of water led the Wari to seek
out and control locations where water could be drawn from supernatural sources. The presence of large bodies of water
near major Wari administrative sites as well as other natural phenomena, particularly certain mountains, rock formations,
and large stones, and site offerings of Spondylus, copper, and stone figurines support this model. A sacred Wari landscape
is thus seen as complementary to the established political landscape and providing a supernatural justification.
Durante el Horizonte Medio (540-900 d.C.) los Wari del altiplano central en la regi6n de Ayacucho llegaron a controlar una
gran parte de los Andes. Aunque se han ofrecido muchas explicaciones sobre estefenomeno, favorecemos la teoria de que este
movimientofue impulsado por una sequia terrible de larga duracion durante el siglo sexto. Es probable que los Wari no solamente hayan buscado soluciones practicas como la conquista de territorio extranjero, pero tambien implementaron prdcticas
religiosas para restituir cosmologicamente lafertilidad de sus tierras y de esta manera validar su invasi6n. Basado en el modelo de ideologia Inka propuesto por Peter Gose, teorizamos que los Warifueron motivados por sus practicas religiosas tales
la veneracion de los antepasados y huacas. Esto les impulse buscar y controlar cosmol6gicamente el agua. La presencia de
grandes cuerpos de agua, montanas, formaciones rocosas, y ofrendas de Spondylus, cobre, yfigurinas de piedra cerca de la
sede de centros administrativos Wari soportan nuestra teoria. Es decir, que el panorama sagrado corresponde al panorama
politico y se complementan el uno al otro, lo cualjustifica la existencia de este ultimo.
actors influencing the selection of places
where people choose to live include proximity to food and culturallyimportantnaturalresources,safetyfrominclementweatherand
potentialaggressors,andaccessibilityto corridors
of trade.Religious beliefs and places integralto
them,althoughharderto identifyarchaeologically,
should also be considered in settlement pattern
studies.In the case of non-Westernsocieties,decisions about many aspects of life are frequently
based on both practicaland religious considerations, with no clear distinctionmade betweenthe
two (see, for example,Lansing1991 regardingthe
role of watertemplesin Balinese society). Consequently,the archaeologicalrecord should reflect
suchdecision-makingprocessesand,in particular,
the selectionanduse of sites andthe sacrednature
of the landscapethey comprise.
Water,an essentialelementof life, has consistently dictatedwhere early people decidedto settle. However,choosing which sourceof waterand
the degree of proximitylikely took into account
religiousmeaningassociatedwithsuchnaturalphenomena.This linkageis supportedby the fact that
water acquisition,management,and control are
some of the most common themes of religious
myths.Accordingto WilliamBack, who has studied water-relatedmythsof earlyindigenousAmericans,
Thereis no conceptualdistinctionof purpose
Mary Glowacki * Pre-ColumbianArchaeologicalResearchGroup,Inc., 2018 WahalawNene, Tallahassee,FL 32301
Michael Malpass * Departmentof Anthropology,IthacaCollege, 1150 GarnettCtr.,Ithaca,NY 14850-7274
LatinAmericanAntiquity, 14(4), 2003, pp. 431-448
CopyrightO2003 by the Society for AmericanArchaeology
431
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432
LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
between(1) constructionof a moderndamto
form a reservoirfor storageof wateralong
with the usualcanalsfor divertingit to other
areas, (2) constructionof a clay pot to be
filled with spring water for storage and
"diverted"
to an areaof needby beingcarried
on the headof an Indianwoman,and(3) constructionof a ritualto be performedby an
Indianpriestinvolvingprayers,dance,art,and
perhapssacrificesto bringrainin timefor the
planting season. In all three situations, human
activity is being directed toward making the
spatialandtemporaloccurrenceof watercompatiblewiththe spatialandtemporalneedfor
the water. This is the objective of all water
Nor is therea distinctionas to
management.
which of the threeis assuredof unfaltering
success: dams fail, water jugs break, and
prayersgo unanswered [Back 1981:257].
Whilemanyarchaeologicalstudiesconsiderthe
morepracticalmeansby whichearlysocietiescontrolledwater,correspondingreligiousbeliefs and
decisionsrequirefurtherinvestigation.This is particularlytrue for societies of the SouthAmerican
Andeswhereprehistorywas repeatedlymarkedby
climatic events producingtoo little or too much
rain,resultingin numeroussecularandsacredactivities directedtowardthe controlof water.
TheMiddleHorizon(A.D. 540-900) is marked
by the appearance of Wari cultural influence
throughoutmuchof precolumbianPeru.The Wari
were based at the site of Wari,Ayacucho,in the
Peruviancentralhighlands.This polity,generally
acceptednow as a state-levelexpansionistsociety,
is identified,in part,by a widespreadarchitectural
style associatedwith monumentalcomplexes and
a site distributionhierarchy(Isbell 1991;Isbelland
Schreiber1978; Schreiber1992). Corresponding
to this centralAndeanhorizonis evidencefor ceremonial activities closely tied to sacred natural
topographicalfeatures and intimately linked to
ancestorworshipand the cosmologicalcontrolof
water.Drawingon laterpracticesby imperialInka
society as an interpretivemodel, we presentdata
that suggest a sacredWari landscapeconcurrent
with the politicalone.
Background
The Wariinitiatedimperialexpansion sometime
between A.D. 600 and 700. This establishedan
empire that endured until at least A.D. 800
[Vol.14, No. 4, 2003
(Schreiber 1992:77-78), and probably later.1
DevelopingfromearlierHuarpaculture(Knobloch
1983; Lumbreras1981; see also MacNeish et al.
1981),Warisocietybuiltits capitalinto an impressive city. Its architecturalcore coveredan areaof
approximately2.5 to 3 km2,comprisedof numerous multistorybuilding compounds.2Population
estimatesfor Warirangefrom as few as 10,000 to
20,000 personsto as manyas 35,000 to 70,000 persons (Isbell 1984:98, 1986:191, 1988:168-169,
171, 173;Isbelletal. 1991:24,51).DuringtheMiddle Horizon,it was the largesturbancenterin the
PeruvianCentralAndes.
The characterof Warisociety has only recently
been the subjectof investigationand debate.Until
the 1950s,Wariwas considereda coastalmanifestation of the Middle Horizon altiplano culture,
Tiwanaku.Furtherresearchresultedin morecomprehensiveanalysesof Warimaterialcultureandits
distributionthatled scholarsto interpretWarias a
secular,militaristicstatethatexpandedquicklyout
of the Ayacuchoregionnorthas far as Cajamarca
and southas far as the Departmentof Cuzco (Figure 1). While this view acknowledgedthe importance of Wari religion in state enterprise, the
emphasiswason a moresecularperspectiveof activities engaged in at the main sites (see Cook
1986:18-58,1994:33-60;IsbellandMcEwan1991;
see alsootherchaptersin IsbellandMcEwan1991).
While most Andeanprehistorianssubscribeto
the view of a Wariexpansioniststate,a few adhere
Forexample,
to a morereligiouscharacterization.
Wariactivityas partof a pansomehaveinterpreted
Andean religious phenomenon propelled by
Tiwanakuproselytizationand closely tied to economicexchange(BawdenandConrad1982:30-31;
Shady 1982).
The impetusfor Wariexpansionfrom Ayacucho has also been a topic of considerablediscussion. Researchat the Waricapitaland provincial
sites has led to the view of Wari as militaristic
aggressor,and as a conquest state (Isbell 1991;
Isbell and Schreiber1978), though evidence for
specific acts of militarismhave yet to be documented.Some scholarsworkingoutsidethe Wari
heartlandhavechallengedthisposition.A few have
stressedthe importanceof Pachacamac,the oracle
centeron the centralcoast, as a significantfactor
in the spreadof Wariinfluence(Shady 1982;Shea
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Glowackiand Malpass]
433
WATER,HUACAS,ANDANCESTORWORSHIP
COLOMBIA
EQUADOR
t
N
KILOMETERS
0
BRAZIL
PACIFIC
Figure 1. Map of Peru showing sites discussed in text.
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100
200
300
434
LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
1969).Withthediscoveryof largeceremonialurns
that were ritually smashed and buried at Conchopata near the Wari capital (Isbell and Cook
1987), and similarvessels earlierrecoveredfrom
Pacheco in the Nazca drainage(Tello 1942), the
idea of a powerfulreligion motivatingthe expansion has gained favor.Othersscholarshave seen
the expansionas economic, focusing on the introductionof successfulagricultural
terracingandirrias
the
hallmark
of
Wari
influence
gation
(Moseley
1992). Still others(see Topic 1991:162;Topicand
Topic1992:177)haveproposedthata combination
of religiousandeconomicincentiveslie attheheart
of Wariexpansion.
As withmanyearlystates,multiplecausescould
have been at the core of Wariexpansionism.IcecoredatafromtheQuelccayaice capin centralPeru
(Thompsonet al. 1985) providea detailedview of
short-termclimatechangeoverthepast1,500years.
A majordrought,3affectingmuchof theAndes for
severaldecadesduringthe sixthcenturyA.D., may
haveled theWarito seekarablelandandfertilepastureselsewhere.4This expansionwas rapidlyexecuted and by A.D. 650, the Waripolity had some
presencein muchof whatis now coastalandhighlandPeru.
Wariexpansionismmanifesteditselfdifferently
in differentregions.Inthehighlands,theWaribuilt
monumentalcomplexes.Inthe southernhighlands,
they built Pikillacta (McEwan 1984, 1991), the
largestWariplannedcomplex, andthe less rigidly
designed settlement of Huaro (Glowacki
2002a:282).In the northernsierratheyestablished
Viracochapampa
(TopicandTopic1984).Between
the centralhighlandsandthe southcoast theyconstructedJincamocco(Schreiber1978, 1992), and
in the AyacuchoBasin, Azangaro(Anders 1986,
1991), andtherewere numerousothersites (for an
enumeration and description, see Schreiber
1992:94-112).
Until recently,no diagnostic architecturehad
been definitivelyidentifiedon the coast, although
Waripresencehasbeendocumentedthroughcemeteries and isolated burials,and ceramic offering
deposits.Withthediscoveryof Sonay,a smallWari
architecturalcomplex in the CamanaValley of
southernPeru(Malpasset al. 1997), and Pataraya
in the Nazca drainage(Schreiber 1999), it now
appearsthat the corporatemanifestationsof the
[Vol. 14, No. 4, 2003
Wariwere presentin coastalcontextsas well. It is
interestingto note, however,thatthese complexes
aretwo of the smallestknown.
Potteryalso distinguishesWarihighlandfrom
coastal occupations.DuringEpoch 1 of the Middle Horizon(A.D. 540-700), thefirstphaseof Wari
expansion,Waripresenceis recognizedon thecoast
by the appearanceof Chakipampapottery(Menzel 1964:68), whereas in the sierra,Okros is the
dominantWariprovincialceramicstyle (Glowacki
1996:388,391,479-480). Thesepotterystylesmay
be indicativeof Waricontingentsdispatchedto differentterritories.In Epoch2 (A.D. 700-800), during the posited height of Wariimperialism,Wari
presenceis best characterizedby Vifiaquepottery
in the highlands,and by Atarco and Pachacamac
pottery on the south and central coasts, respectively.Accordingto DorothyMenzel(1964:36,69),
theintroductionof theseceramicstylesrepresented
new centers of Wari influence and power established duringthe second wave of expansion.
WeproposethattheWariexpansionhada strong
religiouscomponentthatleft materialremainssuggesting a sacredlandscape.We believe thatWari
state ideology, which revolved around ancestor
worshipas a meansof cosmologicallycontrolling
sacredplaces (i.e., huacas), stimulatedterritorial
expansion.An importantcomponentof thatideology may have been ancestorworship associated
with the controlof water.Ourmodel for this interpretationis Inkaideology.
Ethnographic, Ethnohistoric, and
Ethnoarchaeological Analogs and the Inka
Model
The Use of Analogy
Ideology defines and explainsreligious,political,
social, and economic aspects of a society. Religious ideology is perhapsthe strongestand most
enduring(e.g., Eliade 1959) in traditionalandpreliterate society where religious beliefs and their
materialassociationsarebothconservativeandpervasive. Consequently,if analogiesare to be made
betweenliving or historicculturesandprehistoric
ones, the strongestof these shouldbe religious.
Ethnographic,ethnohistoric,and ethnoarchaeologicalstudiessupportthe notionthatreligiousideology is the least likely componentof cultureto
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Glowackiand Malpass]
WATER,HUACAS,ANDANCESTORWORSHIP
changeovertime (W.Isbell 1978:270;Levi-Strauss
1964:295-296, 1967:264-268;Vogt 1969). When
changedoes occur,it is slow,belief beingcarefully
conveyedfromone generationto the next (Vansina
1961:157).Religiousideologyis alsowherewe find
symbolicmeaningto be most consciouslyandpreciselyexpressed(Mills1970:94;Robertson1992:84).
In interpretingreligiousideology throughanalogy, theprobabilityof totaldisjunctionof formand
meaningovertimecanbe significantlylessenedby
addressinga complex formalconfigurationthatis
unlikelyto be duplicatedwithoutconveyingsimilarmeaning(B. Isbell 1978:227).Beliefs andpractices of a religiousideology shouldbe recognized
elements
by theiruniquesymbolicrepresentational
and configurationsand, consequently,should be
identifiablein the archaeologicalrecord.
An analysisof religiousideology shoulddraw
not only on religiousdatabutalso on thoseof other
culturalspheres,sinceall aregeneratedby the same
underlyingstructureandpractices.Technological,
economic, political, and social aspects of culture
may revealdifferentforms of redundancy,reducing the chanceof a similarform withoutthe associated meaning (Adams 1977:127; Schneider
1976:209).Moreover,if an ideologicalconfiguration can be found in multiple contexts-ethnographic, ethnohistoric,and archaeological-the
reliabilityof its meaningis greatlyenhanced.If a
prehistoricculturecan be substantiallylinkedto a
historic one, then the strength of the analogy
markedly improves (Adams 1977:136; Strong
1935;Wedel 1938).
Mostarchaeologistswho haveemployedethnographicandethnohistoricinferenceagreethatit is
adherenceto standardsof relevanceor the quality
of the criteriafor comparisonthatmakesfor good
analogicarguments.Thereare three separate,but
in no way exclusive, criteria for formulating a
strong analogy: the quantity of features shared
betweentheknownandinferredsociety,thedegree
of similaritysharedbetweenthesefeatures,andthe
relevanceof the featuresto the researchquestion.
Comparativefeaturesincludeculturalassociation
(e.g., social, political, ideological, economic, linguistic, andethnicaffiliation),environmentalcorrespondence, and geographical and temporal
proximity(see Ascher 1961; Becquelin 1973; de
Montmollin 1989; Wylie 1985). In non-Western
435
societies,religiousbeliefs aremoreintegratedinto
the "secular"spheresof culture(for example,economic and social systems), makingit possible to
findgreaterredundancyin analogicdata.Forexample, in early theocraticstates, such as that of the
Egyptians,religiousandpoliticalviews weretightly
interwoven.Accordingly,a pharaoh'spoliticalrule
could not be understoodirrespectiveof his divine
kingship(Frankfort1948:30-58).
WilliamIsbell (1997:303-308), followingAnn
Stahl(1993), suggeststhatrigorousanalogiesmust
identifybotha sourceandsubjectculture.The former is the society used in interpretingthe latter's
materialrecord.Moreover,the comparisonsmust
be time-specificforeach;thatis, one shouldclearly
state the temporalreferencepoint for both, indicatingthe particularcontextfromwhich the inferences are drawn. Finally, both differences and
similaritiesbetween the source and subject cultures should be defined, to more clearly identify
whatbehaviorsshouldor shouldnot be inferred.
The sourcecultureforthisstudyis theInkastate
at its heightof powerin the earlysixteenthcentury
and priorto the changes wroughtby the Spanish
Conquest.5The subjectcultureis the Wariof the
Middle Horizon, Epochs 1B and 2B, when they
reachedthe apex of theirpoliticalinfluence.Both
wereAndeanexpansionistpolitieswithoverlapping
territories,suggestingpolitical,environmental,and
economic parallels. In addition,the Wari established one of their principal settlements in the
Departmentof Cuzco, a shortdistancefrom what
was to become the Inka capital of Cuzco. While
some fourhundredyearsseparatedthese two societies, manyWaribecame partof the Cuzco landscapeafterthecollapseof theWaripolity,andsome
mayhavebecomeInkaancestors,6implyinga direct
historicalconnection.TheWariheartlandinAyacucho became partof the homelandof the Chankas,
a confederationof chiefdomssubduedby the Inka
early in their political development (Zuidema
1973a:743-747).Some of theChankaswereprobably descendantsof the Wariand may have contributedconcepts of state administrationto the
emergingInkaempire.Overall,we considerthese
linkagesto be a solid basis for analogy.
The Inka Model
Weexaminethereligiouscharacterof theInkastate
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436
LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
pertaining to ancestor worship and the cosmological control of water, drawing largely on the synthetic work of Peter Gose (1993). A key concept,
"huaca," is a Quechua term for any person, place,
or thing possessing a sacred or supernatural quality. The seminal importance of huacas is clearly evidenced in the 1653 writings of the Jesuit priest,
Berabe Cobo. He describes a complex of approximately 350 huacas surrounding the Inka capital
of Cuzco, organized around the most sacred of Inka
sites, the Coricancha, or Temple of the Sun. These
huacas occurred within the Inka ceque system (an
abstract spatial and temporal structure imposed
upon the Inka empire, which helped organize social,
economic, and religious activity. See Bauer 1998).
Many huacas were intimately associated with
the resting-places or abodes of ancestors, and were
sacred for that reason. In addition to the bountiful
ethnohistoric evidence, which links the concept of
ancestor worship with huaca in Inka times, the two
are linguistically related. The Quechua word
"villca" meaning "grandfather"or "great-grandfather," and by extension, "ancestor" can be used
interchangeably with the word "huaca." Interestingly, the words "villca" and "ayllu,"the latterbeing
the corporate unit defined by and responsible for
its ancestral huacas, are likewise synonymous
(Conrad and Demarest 1984:102, 105 citing the following: Albornoz in Duviols 1967; Arriaga
137-144 [1621]; 1968b:46-52,
1920:49-55,
[Vol. 14, No. 4, 2003
chy that transcended the boundaries of local
ethnic polities and provided the basis for
empires like that of the Incas. However, these
huacas were also the focus of local kinship
relations and agrarian fertility rituals. The
political structurethat they articulatedtherefore had a built-in concern for the metaphysical reproductionof human, animal, and plant
life. Political power in the pre-Columbian
Andes was particularly bound up with
attempts to control the flow of water across
the frontier of life and death, resulting in no
clear distinction between ritual and administration [Gose 1993:480].
With regard to the Inka, he concludes,
[T]he power of the Inca was not an end in
itself but rather a means of realizing a metaphysical control that was the common aspiration of most of the fragmented political units
that existed before the empire was formed....
One central metaphysical issue motivatingthe
rise of the Inca empire and embodied in this
political structurewas how to control a complex cycle that linked death and the regeneration of life in Andean thought. Here death was
thought to create sources of water8 that lay
outside the boundaries of the local political
unit, such as Lake Titicaca and the Pacific
Ocean. These sources had to be coaxed or
coerced into sending water back to the local
level for agriculturalpurposes. If these distant
places could be subject to imperial control,
then the complex cycle linking human death
and agricultural fertility might be directly
administered[Gose 1993:481-482].
117-123 [1621]; Brundage1963:46-52, 1967:35,
144-155, 149; Cobo 1890-95:Book 13:13-17;
Huacas, sometimes associated with ancestor
Gonzalez
9-47, 342, 1990:1, 47;
Holguin worshipaspacarinas,then,werethe linksandpor1608:Book 2, 330; Rowe 1946:295-298; Santo tals to this ideological system wherebydeathand
Tomas 1951:143, 173, 232; Sarmiento 1942:70;
Zuidema 1964, 1973b:19).7
Certaintypes of huacas,such as largebodies of
water, certain mountains, rock formations, and
great stones, were believed to be the origin points
of different peoples and the deities associated with
each, their founding ancestors. These kinds of huacas were called pacarinas or origin places. The
corporate group identified with these huacas honored their divine forefathers through offerings to
their pacarinas. As Gose explains,
Each huaca defined a level of political organization that might nest into units of a higher
order or subdivide into smaller groupings.
Collectively they formed a segmentaryhierar-
water produced a cycling of creation and recreation. Mythologically, the ancestors associated with
these natural shrines or huacas were said to have
emerged from them to found their descent groups.
Occasionally their deeds were so great that they
were turned into stones, referred to as huancas,
and remained with their people to enhance agricultural fertility and impart wisdom as oracles
(Gose 1993:489, 494-495 citing Duviols 1978,
1979a, 1979b; see also Cobo 1890-95:Vol. 3, Book
13:9-47[1653]; Sarmiento 1942:70 [1572]).
Metaphorically, the Inka ancestral dead, who
sometimes took the form of mummies, were considered much like desiccated seeds, which through
burial were returned to the earth so that life could
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Glowackiand Malpass]
WORSHIP
WATER,HUACAS,ANDANCESTOR
be renewed.Both "thirsted,"
andjust as seeds are
watered,the ancestorswere offered libations of
chicha, brewedcorn beer, for their revitalization,
which in return,broughtprosperityto their communities.Theirsupernatural
journeysthroughthe
underground
waterwayshelpedto "aquify"theland,
them
to theirultimatedwelling or resting
sending
called
places
upaimarcas,which were bodies of
water.Becauseof theirdesiccatedstate,the ancestors were evidently drawn to these watery sites
where they were reconstituted.They could then
returnto their local communitiesto supply their
descendantswithwater.Theupaimarcaswerehierarchicallystructured.Lower rankingones, better
referredto aspacarinasordrawingpoints,occurred
locally andregionally.Forthe Inka,the maximum
pacarinasor upaimarcasaresaidby some sources
to have been Lake Titicacaand the PacificOcean
(Gose 1993:495-496 citing Arriaga 1968a:220
[1621];Duviols1986:150,200;Sherbondy1982:8).
By controllingmajorhuacas,poweroverancestralland andcosmologicalsourcesof watercould
be harnessed.The Inka adeptlymanipulatedthis
andcommandeeringhuacasto
system,transferring
suit theirneeds. Forexample,when the royalInka
relocateda group of people from one partof the
empireto another,he wouldgive thema newpacarina or huaca of origin.This entailedtransferring
the power of the old huaca to a new one. If the
huaca was a sourceof water,a small amountof it
was removedandceremoniallypouredintothenew
huaca. If the huaca was stone, powerwas shifted
by removingits dress,a piece of textile, and placing it on another(Zuidema1982:446citingAlbornoz in Duviols 1967:17,21, 27, 37). The Inkaalso
gained controlof importanthuacas throughmarriage ties and conquests(Sherbondy1982:17, 20
citing Cobo 1956:172 [1653]; Guaman Poma
1936:97;Sarmiento1942:73[1572];see alsoCieza
de Le6n 1943:Book 2:161-164 [1551],
1959:190-193 [1553]; Molina 1913:136-137,
151-153 [1575]; Polo 1940:154 [1561]).
Ancestor worship was a driving force of the
Inka state9and may hold considerableantiquity.
Isbell (1997:287) arguesthatthe idea of ancestor
worship,as linkedto ayllu organization,may have
originatedin the northhighlandsduringthe later
part of the Early Intermediateperiod (370/420
B.C.-A.D. 540) and graduallyspreadsouthward,
437
reaching the altiplano by the Late Intermediate
period (A.D. 900-1476). We argue that many
aspects of Inkastate ideology, as outlinedabove,
are analogousto Middle HorizonWariideology,
and in fact may be rootedthere.
Natural Topography and Associated Ritual
Artifacts at Wari Sites
As withthe Inka,Warireligionseems to havebeen
focused on naturalphenomenaas huacas, 0 in the
form of bodies of water,mountains,rock formations, and great stones. We believe a Waripreoccupation with water was perhaps made more
immediateby the extendeddroughtsof the sixth
and early seventh centuries.The Wari also may
have usurpedhuacas from otherpeoples via conquest or co-option, allowing their control of the
associatedforeignancestralterritories.
The Warimay haveattemptedto controlsupernaturalsourcesof waterin differentways, depending on the local circumstances and indigenous
group.Where a pacarina was present,such as a
lake,the Waricould co-opt it; whereothersources
were present,like an ancestralshrine,othermeans
mightbe used.Thus,the mosaicof controldefined
by Schreiber(1992:263)wouldextendto thesacred
landscapeas well as the political one. In the followingsectionswe suggesthow thissacredmosaic
of controlmighthave been manifest.
Lakes and OtherSignificantBodies of Water
Lakes,manyof which may havebeen upaimarcas
or pacarinas, are found in the vicinity of many
Warisites. For example, a majorlake is believed
to have suppliedwatervia a canal networkto the
site of Wari(ValdezandValdez 1998:4).This lake
couldhavebeentheoriginalupaimarcaof theWari,
andcertainlyservedas a localpacarina.
IntheCuzcoregion,lakesareclose to thelargest
Wari provincialcomplexes. In the Lucre Basin,
Fifteenkm
Pikillactais builtaboveLakeHuacarpay.
Huaro
in
the
southeastof Pikillacta,
Valley,Huaro
two
was once flankedby
lakes, althoughonly one
of
remains.Inthedistrict Pomacanchi,35 kmsoutheastof Huaro,K'ullupatais situatedneara verylarge
lake. Near K'ullupatais anothersite thathas produced the largest cache of finely worked metal
objectsknownfor the MiddleHorizon,suggesting
its considerablesignificance(Chavez 1985).
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438
LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
Whilelittleis knownabouttheWarioccupation
in Pomacanchi,the associationbetweenthe Pikillacta and Huarosite complexes and their lakes is
clear.The lakes were, no doubt,a sourceof water
forlarge-scaleagricultureandlacustrineresources.
However, there may have been far greaterWari
motivationin selectingthesesites.Theselakesmay
havebeenthepacarinasorupaimarcasof otherethnic groups,over which the Waritook control.This
interpretationwould help explain why the Wari
occupationof the southernhighlands,which does
not appearto have been overtly militaristic,may
havebeenaccomplishedby peaceful,but,nonetheless, manipulativemeans.1
Pachacamac,the largestMiddleHorizonsite of
Peru'sCentralCoast, servedas a shrineor huaca
and oracle centerfrom as early as A.D. 200 until
the Spanishconquest(Lumbreras1974:119-120,
155, 157, 165-166, 168, 223). The PacificOcean,
whichPachacamacoverlooks,was consideredone
of the two principalupaimarcasof the Inka(Gose
1993:495-496 citing Arriaga 1968a:220 [1621];
Duviols 1986:150, 200; Sherbondy1982:8), who
may have assumed it as their huaca of origin by
consolidatingPachacamacinto their realm. The
role of Pachacamacseems to be of considerable
antiquityand would explain its attractionto the
Warias a ceremonialcenterassociatedwitha powerful upaimarca.Artifacts dating to the Middle
Horizon,includingan ornatetextile wall hanging,
decoratedwith Spondylusshell and copper ornaments,were recoveredfrom the Templeof Pachacamac(Paulsen1974:603).Thesecouldhavebeen
a Wariofferingto one of its most importanthuacas. As discussedbelow,thereis reasonto believe
Pachacamacserved as a majornode in a pilgrimage networkthat also providedsacred materials,
like Spondylus,to highlandand coastal sites.
Markinga sacred spring, Wari-Wilka,in the
centralhighlands,was animportantshrineandoracle to the Wankas,a local tribe thatoccupied the
regionbefore andduringthe Inka'sreign.Historical sourcesindicatethatthefoundingWankaancestors emergedfrom the springat Wari-Wilka.The
Wankascommemoratedthis event by building a
wall and temple at the spring where they paid
homage (Cieza de Le6n 1853:XXVI:Tomo11:432
[1559]).
Daniel Shea (1969:4-17, 79-83, 93-104,
[Vol. 14, No. 4, 2003
121-124) has proposed that during the Middle
HorizonWari-Wilkaservedas anoraclecenterand
to Pachawaspartof anoraclecomplexsubordinate
camac. A large quantityof ceramics, much of it
Waripottery,andotherartifactswere foundin and
aroundthe Wari-Wilkaspring.These likely offerings corroboratewrittenaccountsof the site's role
as an ancestralshrineand establishits use by the
Waripriorto the Wanka(Shea 1969:27,44, Table
la), reiteratingthe symbolicrelationshipbetween
water and mountainsrecognized by the Wari as
well as theirconcernfor water.Perhaps,at oracle
centers such as Pachacamacand possibly WariWilka,the oraclefunctionedas the mouthpieceof
an ancestor.
the second-largestWaricomViracochapampa,
in
the
northern
located
sierra,was not built
plex,
neara significantbodyof water.However,anaqueductbroughtwaterto the site from approximately
5km away (JohnTopic, personalcommunication
1999), the natureof which requiresfurtherinvestigation.Moreover,Viracochapampais located in
close proximityto CerroAmaru,which contains
threewells, or chiles as theyarecalled.Considered
a site of local groupaffiliation,CerroAmaruwas
frequentedby the Wariand functionedin a ceremonial capacity (Topic and Topic 1992). Max
Uhle's 1900 dredging of one of the site's wells
revealedtheiruse as shrineswhereofferingswere
made, including thousands of dumortierite,
turquoise,andSpondylusbeads,andlargeworked
and unworked pieces of Spondylus (Topic and
Topic 1992:172 citing McCown 1945:305). The
site's mausoleumcontainedtwo individuals,laid
on a bed of cut Spondylus,andinterredwith other
elite family members. John Topic and Theresa
Topic (1992:174) believe Cerro Amaru was an
importantwatershrinetied to an elite lineage.
CerroAmaruwells resemblethose of the Ticsicochahuacas of Cuzco.Ticsicocha,means"origin lake" in Quechua, and its wells served as
Cuzco's principal huacas to commemoratethe
Inka'sfoundingof the city.12Using this model,the
CerroAmaruwatersourcesmay have represented
the cosmologicalorigin of an ethnic group,while
the burial chamber was the resting-place of its
foundingancestorsor otherimportantindividuals
of theirlineage.Fine Waripotteryassociatedwith
the mausoleumat CerroAmaru(Topicand Topic
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Glowackiand Malpass]
WATER,HUACAS,ANDANCESTORWORSHIP
1992:176) suggests that the Warirecognized the
powerof the shrineandits compatibilitywith their
own ideology. It may have been seen as the cosmological equivalentof a lake, helpingto explain
was locatednearby.
why Viracochapampa
CerroAmaru peaked by the Middle Horizon
with the onset of droughtconditionsin the highlands. Such conditions would have demanded
greaterefforts in the acquisitionof waterand the
preservation of remaining sources. Viracochapampa'sproximityto CerroAmarusuggests that
the cosmological controlof waterthroughancestor worshipplayed a significantrole in the Wari
expansionwhetherby conquestor othermeans.
Lakesmay havebeenpacarinas or upaimarcas
and, thus, importantto the Warias a supernatural
meansto controlwater.However,in someareaslike
andmoregenerally,alongthecoast,lakes
Azaingaro
arenotpresent.In suchareas,othersourcesof control were needed.
Mountains,RockFormations,and Stone Huacas
In additionto bodies of water,othernaturalphenomenaassociatedwithWarisites suggestthe veneration of huacas for control of water. While
mountainsand other geologic featurescertainly
playeda partin the day-to-dayand spirituallife of
practicallyall early Andean peoples, the way in
which each society incorporatedthem into its
worldviewand the importanceattributedto them
probably varied. Even today certain mountain
peaks are considered more important to some
groupsthanothersor arerelatedto huacas thatin
earlier times may not have been acknowledged.
TheSpanishextirpationof idolatryduringthecolonial era transformedcertain aspects of ancestor
worship,leading,forexample,to the emergenceof
mountaindeities(Isbell1997:131),butthesesacred
entitiescontinuedto be associatedwith waterand
rainfallas didtheirprehispaniccounterparts.
Therefore, we wish to considerparticularmountainsas
well as rock formationsand stone huacas in light
of datathatcould substantiatea Warisacredlandscape.
Still regardedtoday in the Andes as supernatural forces associated with water and fertility,
wamanisor sacredmountaindeities arevenerated
by cults identifiedwith local groupsand theirterritories(Anders 1991:193-194 citing Earls 1973;
439
Gonzalez Carreand Rivera Pineda 1983; Isbell
1978; Morrissetteand Racine 1973). Mountains
also may have been partof the sacredWarilandscape. Warisites may have been associatedwith
wamanis or apus, also mountain deities. Jincamocco in the SondondoValley is adjacentto a
major snow-capped peak to the east, Serial
Carhuarazo.An extinct volcano, it is associated
with a powerfulwamani,saidby local residentsto
control the local weather, particularly rain
(Schreiber1992:117).
In Cuzco, Pikillactaand sites of the HuaroValley were located close to Wiracochan,an important Inkaapu (Figure2). In the HuaroValley the
remainsof threeInkaand two Warisites (respectively Wiracochan1-3, and WariWiracochanand
Cotocotuyoc) are located on top of CerroWiracochan,themountainthatseparatesthe valleyfrom
the Rio Vilcanota (Glowacki 2002b:7-10). The
SpanishchroniclesindicatethatCerroWiracochan
was consideredvery sacredto the Inkabecauseof
its associationwithViracocha.Accordingto myths
thatexplainthe arrivalof this deity to Cuzco, this
mountainandothersites alongtheVilcanotaRiver
were dedicatedto him. As the creatordeity,Viracocha,wascloselyassociatedwithwaterandmountains(Reinhard1990:cf.168).Onhis trekto Cuzco
fromLakeTiticacafollowing the VilcanotaRiver,
Viracochastoppedat Urcos, the town adjacentto
Huaro.From there, he called to the residentsto
emergefromthe mountain,a placethattheywould
associatewiththe originof theirethnicgroup.The
people paid Viracochahomage and later built a
shrineto him on top of the mountain,i.e., Wiracochan 1-3 (Cieza de Le6n 1880:Book2, Chapter
5; Cobo 1890-95:Book 13, Chapter 2[1653];
Molina 1913:118-123[1575]; Rowe 1946:
315-316 citing Betanzos 1968:Chapters 1-2;
Sarmiento1907:Chapters6-7).
Historicaldocuments also tell us that during
Inkatimes,theYacarcaoccupiedHuaro.Theywere
greatlyfearedand respectedby the Inkafor their
divination,which may have been carriedout in
conjunctionwith their venerationof CerroWiracochan. Employingbraziers,they would readthe
flames, summoningspirits of the living and the
dead.This methodof divinationwas used only for
seriousmatters,andoftenwas accompaniedby the
sacrificeof a child, llama,or othervaluedposses-
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440
LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
[Vol. 14, No. 4, 2003
Figure 2. Pikillacta and the Huaro Complex. Backdrop map provided by Defense Mapping Agency,
Hydrographic/TopographicCenter, Bethesda, MD (Cuzco, Peru 2543 J632 edition 1-DMA).
sion. These practiceswere so importantthat the
royalInkahimselfwouldsometimesattend(Molina
1913:129[1575]; Rowe 1946:303 citing Cobo
1890-95:Book 13, Chapter34[1653]; Sarmiento
1907:Chapters27, 62). The valley is still revered
for the sacredmountainpeak,Wiracochan,where
its mountainlord or apu resides.
It is possible thatthe sites of WariWiracochan
and Cotocotuyocwere also located on this same
mountainbecauseof its sacrednature;WariWiracochanis a smallrectangulararchitectural
complex
highon theeasternendof Wiracochan.Thesiteprovides a commandingview of the VilcanotaValley
to thenorthas well as theHuaroValleyto the southwest.Cotocotuyoc,locatedsome500 m belowWari
comWiracochan,was a muchlargerarchitectural
plex with an extensive view. Together,they provided a southeastview of trafficto and from the
valley as well as movementin theVilcanotaValley
to the west. Theyalso mayhaveservedas religious
sites, possibly related to the sacredness of this
mountainand possibly an ancienthuaca that the
Wariusurpedwhentheysettledin Huaro.Weknow
thatthe Inkaclaimednew land by capturinghuacas of otherethnicgroupsas partof theirimperial
expansion(Zuidema1982:446citingAlboroz in
Duviols 1967:17, 21, 27, 37). WariWiracochan
andCotocotuyocmay have symbolizedWaricontrol of this sacredmountain.The strategicnature
of thesesites,fortifiedby stonewalls, suggeststhat
they were very importantto the Huarosite complex for both defensiveandreligiouspurposes.
MarthaAnders (1986:731-736) argued that
mountainsdefinedthe boundariesof the Warisite
of Azaingaro,15 km northwestof Wariand that
Azaingarowas establishedto intensifyagriculture
duringEpoch2 of theMiddleHorizon,afterthecenter of Waribeganto decline. She believedthatthe
site had a strongritualcomponent,focused on an
agriculturalcalendarcosmologically tied to four
major wamanis who controlled rain (Anders
1991:194andcitingArriaga1920:Chapter2[1621];
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Glowackiand Malpass]
WORSHIP
WATER,HUACAS,ANDANCESTOR
Favre1967;Isbell 1978;Martinez1983;Morisette
and Racine 1973; Murua 1964:Chapters29, 31;
Zuidema1973a, 1982).Otheraspectsof Azangaro
support Anders's (1991:191-194) view. These
includeceremonialcanals,the presenceandplacementof ritualobjectssuch as Spondylusshell and
carvedturquoiseimagesof seedsandfigurines,and
the ritualnatureof the site's CentralSectorwhere
ritesarethoughtto
calendricallydrivenagricultural
havebeenperformed.AccordingtoAnders,theInka
mayhavebeenintroducedto theconceptof wamani
whentheyconqueredthe Chankas,whose territory
was definedby the mountainsof the four wamanis.13The Chankas,positedto be the descendants
(i.e., the post-empiremanifestation)of the Wari
(Anders1991:194andcitingZuidema1973a),offer
what may be a directhistoricallink to Wariideology througha sacredlandscape.
Locatedon topof a steepmesain theMoquegua
Valley,CerroBaul also may have served a ceremonialfunctionrelatedto huaca worshipand the
control of water.The architectureof CerroBaul
resemblesthatof otherWarisites tied to ancestor
worship(Moseleyet al. 1991:124).Whilethe mining of lapis lazuli, obsidian,andcoppermay have
been the primarypurposeof the Warioccupation
of the MoqueguaValley(Moseley et al. 1991:135
citing Watanabe1984), it may also have helped
fulfill importantritualneeds. Metal and stone are
thoughtto havebeen intimatelylinkedto ancestor
worshipin the Andes as forces used to drawwater
fromtheearth(Gose 1993:508).CerroBaulserved
as an outpostfor the Wariwherethese substances
were extractedfromthe Moqueguaregion.Rituals
revolvingaroundmineralprocurementwouldhave
been importantin ensuringits success.
Additionally,a Waricanal and associatedagricultural fields upstream and downstream from
Cerro Bauil,the longest system ever built in the
Moquegua Valley, document control of water
resourcesby theWari.Thissystemwouldhaveprovided a superioradvantageto the Wariin times of
droughtcomparedto Tiwanakuco-residentsof the
valley, who principallyoccupiedthe lower elevations (Williams2002:366-367).
TodayCerroBaul functionsas a shrinewhere
visitorsmakeofferingsinhopesof prosperity.
These
offeringsincludethe constructionof modemfarmsteadscompletewith agriculturalfurrowsthatlink
441
worship at Cerro Baul to the control of water
resources(Moseley et al. 1991:131-132; Patrick
Williams, personal communication2000). Like
manyotherAndeanshrines,its religiousroleprobably bearsconsiderableantiquity.CerroBaul may
have been a sacred ceremonial center in precolumbiantimes due to its statusas an important
huaca or wamaniwith greatmineralwealth,complementedby a reliablehydraulicsystem.Thiscombinationmay have motivatedthe Warito establish
themselvesfar in southernPeru,well beyond the
areatheypoliticallycontrolled,despiteadversereactionsfromthevalley'snativeandforeignoccupants.
Rockformationsandstonehuacas appearto be
symbolically related to mountains in Andean
thought, as all are geologic phenomena,though
differing in scale, tied to Pachamama(Mother
Earth),and associatedwith water.This is evident
in Inkaideology in which stones,rockformations,
and waterareintimatelyassociatedas shrinesand
othersacredsites(see, forexample,MacLean1986;
Niles 1987:Chapter7). The Wari acknowledged
the supernatural
powerof such huacas. Forexam4
of
Sector
Pikillacta,one of fourrectangular
ple,
thatwas primarilycomposedof
of
the
site
sectors
standardized
rows of small,
rooms, is partlysituThis sector
formation.
rock
a
ated on prominent
huacas
contain
stone
that
two
structures
includes
Inka's
ceremonial
the
of
like
those
much
complex,
Sacsahuaman.One containedan offering including a shell beadcarvedin theformof a conchshell.
A principalavenue,which dividesthe centralsectorof thesitefromtheeasternuphillsectorandruns
the length of the complex, was built throughthis
rockyarea.Itdead-endsattheedge of a steepravine
thatoverlooksthe HuatanayRiver.It seems possible that this avenue,crossing the site's rock-covered zone and terminating at the edge of the
HuatanayRiverValley,symbolicallyconnectedthe
site'sstonehuacato anancientcosmologicalwaterway.The Huatanayis a tributaryof the Urubamba
River,whichthe Inkaconsideredsacred,andwhich
manyQuechuacommunitiesof Cuzco considerto
be the foremostcosmic terrestrial14river,through
whichwateris cycledbackto thecosmic sea (Urton
1981:38,56-65).
Spondylus Shells, Copper, and Stone Figurines
Among manyearly and present-dayAndeanpeo-
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442
LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
pies, Spondylusshells and copper possess symbolic qualitiesindicativeof ancestorworshipand
cosmologicalaquification.TheSpanishchroniclers
speak of the Spondylusshell, also known as the
thornyoyster,or mulluin Quechua,as havingheld
greatervalue thangold for precolumbianAndean
societies. The Inkaused it as offeringsto springs
to induce rain (Cobo 1956:LibroXIII, Capitulo
xxii-xvi [1653]; Polo 1916:39 [1554]), and one
Inka myth describes Spondylus as "the favorite
food of the gods" (Salomon and Urioste
1991:66-69, 116). Based on this characterization,
we suggest thatthe ritualuse of Spondylusserved
as a symbolic mechanismfor drawingwaterfrom
the underworldthrough a huaca to the earthly
world.The impactof highlanddroughtby the end
of the EarlyIntermediateperiodmay have stimulated a quest for Spondylusas offerings to water
shrines (Topic and Topic 1992:174), helping to
explain the Waripresence in the northernsierra
between Ayacuchoand the coast of Ecuador,the
sourceof Spondylus.
Copper,too, held prestigein manypartsof the
Andes (Paulsen 1974:602-603; Rostworowski
1977:118-121), perhapsbecause of its symbolic
identificationwithmummies,as is knownfromthe
Inka,who consideredit a "sacredandimperishable
ancestralsubstance"(Gose 1993:506-507 andciting Cobo 1956:68[1653];GuamanPomadeAyala
1936:60 [1615]). Duringthe Inkaperiod,copper
objects, referredto as ax-monies, are thoughtto
havebeenpartof an extensivetradesysteminvolving theChinchaof thecentralcoast.Exchangedfor
Spondylus,these ax-monies possessed an important ritual quality tied to ancestor worship and
sometimeswere used among northcoast peoples
as burialofferings,seemingly"toensurethe wellbeing of the deceased into the next life" (Rostworowski1999:209-210).This exchangenetwork
is believedto hold considerableantiquity(Paulsen
1974). By the Middle Horizon,highlanderswere
tradingcopperfor Spondylus,likely drivenby the
sierrademandfor thelatter.Regardlessof the stimulus for this exchange, it is apparentthat both
Spondylusandcopperhadritualvalueto highland
MiddleHorizonpeople.
Spondylus and copper have been recovered
togetheras ritualofferingsfromvariousWarisites
(see earlierdiscussionsof PachacamacandAzain-
[Vol. 14, No. 4, 2003
garo).At Pikillacta,nichedhalls were likely used
for ceremoniesthatpaid homage to the ancestors
(Glowacki1996:349-360;McEwan1998a:6-15).
Excavationof some of these structuresidentified
looted offering pits containing fragments of
Spondylus, camelid bone, and traces of copper
(McEwan1998a:75).One Pikillactanichedhall is
believedto havebeen the locationof an offeringof
two sets of miniatureturquoisehumanfigurines,
each found in association with Spondylus and
Strombusshell, anda barof copper(Trimbornand
Vega 1935:36-89; Valcarcel 1933:4). These figurines,andperhapsotherslike them,15may representthefoundingancestorsof theWaripolity(Cook
1992:358-360).Evidenceof humanremainsrecoveredfromPikillactanichedhalls, specificallyUnit
10 which containedan offering pit of 10 human
skulls, supports the interpretationof ancestorrelated activities associated with this room type
(McEwan 1998a:76).The authorshave been told
in Huaro,southeastof Pikillacta,thatvariousfamilies keep skeletalremainsof theirdepartedrelatives, particularly skulls, within their homes.
Residentssay thatthese remainsof theirancestors
protectthem;could this practicebe rootedin earlier Andeanbelief?
Similar structuresat Marcahuamachuco,the
indigenous northern sierra complex that was
replacedby theWaricomplexof Viracochapampa,
producedcomparablefindings (Topic and Topic
1989). An enormousoffering of Spondylusshell
(approximately10 kg) and small turquoisefigurines,carvedin the shapeof Spondylusandother
possible shell shapes, were recoveredin a niched
hall. Numerous llama sacrifices were offered
nearby. Modeled after Marcahuamachuco, Vira-
cochapampais also thoughtto have servedas the
locus of ancestorworship (Topic 2000:202-204,
214). In light of niched hall burialsat Pikillacta,
humanremainsinterredwithinits walls and those
of Marcahuamachuco
corroboratethis view (Topic
and
1994:7-8;Topic
Topic 1992:174,176).
Pachacamacservedas the majornode of a panAndean pilgrimageand tradenetworkby which
Spondylusand otheritems reachedthe highlands
(Rostworowski1977:106,203)andmayhavebeen
the Middle Horizon distributioncenter for these
shells. However,the presenceof Spondylusat various otherWarisites, recoveredin ritualcontexts
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Glowackiand Malpass]
WATER,HUACAS,ANDANCESTORWORSHIP
and particularlyin association with copper and
stone figurines,suggeststhatthese sites were ritually, if not also commercially,linked. Their connectionmayhavebeenthecosmologicalcontrolof
waterthroughritualsinvolvingSpondylusandcopper.Sometimes,as at Pikillacta,this controlmight
have been mediatedthroughancestorworship.
These types of offerings associate Spondylus,
copper,andstonefigurinesas symbolicallyandritually related substances.As symbols of opposition-water and earth, wet and dry, coast and
sierra-shell, and metal and stone, together,may
haverepresenteda synchronizedhydraulicandcosmological system. Buried as gifts to the subterraneanworldof the dead,theymayhavebeen used
to invokethe powerof the ancestorsto bringforth
water.
443
landscapedevotedto satisfyingideologicalas well
as political needs. The Wari employed different
strategiesof expansionismrelativeto their needs
and the resourcesof the differentterritoriesthey
occupied.They occupieddifferentpartsof Peruin
pursuitof arablelandandideologicallinksto ancestorswho controlledwatersources.Becausea number of targetedsites were alreadyin existence at
the time of expansion (e.g., Pachacamac,Wari
Wilka,andCerroAmaru),theWarimaybe seen as
creatinga "mosaic"of regionallyimportantsacred
sitesin aneffortto connect,andperhapsevenintensify, the most powerfulcosmologicalAndeancentersassociatedwith water.The verynatureof Wari
occupationsacross space may have been dictated
by a sacredlandscape.
Andean religion and politics being intimately
connected,Wariincentivesfor constructingvariInterpretive Overview and Conclusion
ous provincialsites andcentersandoccupyingothWe have proposedthata droughtprecipitatedthe ers may have been, in part, to physically and
Wariexpansion,leading them to find sources of cosmologicallyharnessandmanipulatesourcesof
waterthat sustainedarableand grazingland out- water.Whatwe glean now areonly tracesof a vast
sideof Ayacucho.Thisquestwas bothpracticaland sacred landscape-a patchworkof naturalphespiritual; practical considerations have been nomena, human construction, and associated
addressed by others for specific regions (e.g., objectsintendedto meet this fundamentalneed.
Schreiber1992:261,267, 281 for agriculturalproThe authors wish to thank several indiductionin the Carahuarazo
Valley,Watanabe1984 Acknowledgments.
viduals for theirassistancein the preparationand completion
for mineralextractionin the MoqueguaValley), of this
manuscript.Anita Cook, Theresa and John Topic,
but the searchalso involvedreligiousceremonies Gordon McEwan, and particularlyBrian Bauer provided
to cosmologicallycontrolsourcesof water.Using useful commentaryand criticism of early draft. The senior
an Inkamodel proposedby Gose (1993), we pre- author thanks Michael Lavenderand Louis Tesar for their
sented archaeologicalevidence that supportsour valuableeditorialcomments and encouragement.The junior
authorthanksClarkEricksonand Jack Rossen for their verview of the importanceof these ideologicalmoti- bal comments on the version
presented at the Northeast
vationsfor expansion.In particular,we discussed Andean meetings in Binghamton,and to Susanneand Soren
majortopographicalfeatures,such as largebodies Kessemeier for their forbearancein the completion of the
of water, mountains,rock formations,and large manuscript.Finally, both authors thank Ines Twomey for
stones as well as certaintypes of offerings, i.e., assisting in the Spanishtranslationof the abstract.All errors
and omissions are the authors'alone.
Spondylus,copper,andhumanfigurines,associated
withWarisitesthatreflectthisideologyof a "sacred
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Notes
1. Recent radiocarbondates from sites such as Pikillacta,
suggest thatthe decline of the Wariempireoccurredlater.For
additionalexamples, see Malpass (1999) and Williams et al.
(1998).
2. Wari, Ayacucho, as an archaeological zone covers
between 10 and 15 km2and possibly more.
3. For our purposes, we refer to a general definition of
droughtprovidedby the National Oceanic and Atmospheric
Agency (NOAA): "droughtis a period of abnormallydry
weather which persists long enough to produced a serious
hydrologicimbalance(for example,crop damage, watersupply shortage,etc.). The severityof the droughtdependsupon
the degreeof moisturedeficiency,the durationand size of the
affected area"(NOAA 2003).
4. Allison Paulsen (1975) posited that an interpluvial
beginning sometime aroundA.D. 600 caused majoragricultural decline and economic hardshipfor Andean societies,
and ultimatelyled to the Wariexpansion.
5. Unfortunately,all historical documents pertainingto
the Inkascame fromSpanishsources,althoughmanydrewon
Inka informants for their information (see Rowe
1946:192-197). The authorsacknowledgethis culturalfilter,
and all sources have been carefully cited. The readermust
judge their validity.
6. Wari ceramic designs can be traced into the Late
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448
LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
Intermediateperiodandeven the Late Horizonfor Cuzco pottery, suggesting continuity in Cuzco traditions from the
Middle to the Late Horizon and supportingthe notion of a
Wariancestrallink to the Inka.
7. While there is some debate among scholars about the
exact meaningof the word "villca,"the generalsense implies
a person who holds the status of a huaca (Salomon and
Urioste 1991:46, Footnote44).
8. The notion that death "createssources of water"has
been debatedby some scholars.There are variousexamples,
though, that point to this as a viable interpretation.Bernab6
Cobo (1956 [1653]:201) indicates that the Inka sacrificed
childrenand buriedthem in pots or cisternsto induce rainto
be collected in these receptacles.Equally,the Inka publicly
paradedtheir royal mummies for this same purpose (Polo
1916 [1554 1585?]:10). In both examples, dead individuals
appearto have the power to "create"water.
9. This view is supportedby fact that royal Inka inheritance and state expansionwas definedby "splitinheritance,"
the practiceby which the new ruling Inka had to seek territory and wealth of his own because the deceased Inka's
panaca, or ancestorcult, retainedthe materialwealth of the
formerruler(e.g., Cobo 1979:111, 248).
10. While the language of the Wari is unknown, we
believe it is more precise and parsimonious to employ
Quechua terms rather than their English translations to
describeInkaconcepts with regardto the Wari.
11. Because militarismcan be difficultto identifyarchaeologically, its role in the growth and developmentof early
states is sometimes hardto assess. The apparentabsence or
near absence of evidence for Warimilitarismmay be due to
[Vol. 14, No. 4, 2003]
poor preservationof its materialremains or the inability of
archaeologiststo recognizethem. However,the expansion,to
a greatextent, may have been peacefully executed.That is, a
group's leaders, recognizing that they would lose militarily,
acceded to the Waridemands,therebyhoping to retainmore
thanthey would otherwise.
12. The locationof the Inkacapital,Cuzco, is said to have
been chosen, in part, by the presence of a lake. The lake's
swampiness led the Inka to drain it, but they preservedtwo
smaller ones in its vicinity by constructing a building to
enclose them. These mini-lakes were named "Ticsicocha"
(Sherbondy 1982:15, 16 citing the following: Betanzos
1968:11-12; Cieza de Le6n 1943:172; Cobo 1956:170
[1656]; Garcilaso de la Vega 1959:Libro 17, Capitulo 10;
Gonzalez 1952:340;Toledo 1940:18).
13. Many mountainswere also consideredsacredplaces
or huacas by the Inka (Rowe 1946:296). Because of the
antiquity and pervasiveness of mountain worship in the
Andes, it is unlikely that the Inka became familiarwith the
concept of "wamani"only after their encounter with the
Chankas.
14. "Terrestrial"is used by Gary Urton (1981:64) to
describethe Vilcanota/Urubamba
Riveras it contrastswith its
"celestial"counterpart,the Milky Way.
15. Menzel (1968:52) reports that similar stone human
figurines have been recoveredas offerings accompaniedby
shell from otherMiddle Horizonsites throughoutPeru.
SubmittedMarch29, 2002; Accepted February10, 2003;
RevisedJune 4, 2003.
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