Society for American Archaeology Water, Huacas, and Ancestor Worship: Traces of a Sacred Wari Landscape Author(s): Mary Glowacki and Michael Malpass Source: Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 14, No. 4 (Dec., 2003), pp. 431-448 Published by: Society for American Archaeology Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3557577 . Accessed: 07/10/2013 12:51 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . Society for American Archaeology is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Latin American Antiquity. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 129.81.219.117 on Mon, 7 Oct 2013 12:51:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions WATER, HUACAS, AND ANCESTOR WORSHIP: TRACES OF A SACRED WARI LANDSCAPE Mary Glowacki and Michael Malpass During the Middle Horizon (A.D. 540-900) the Wari of the central highlands Ayacucho region expanded their control into many parts of the Andes. While different motives have been citedfor Wari state expansion, we suggest that a severe and prolonged drought during the sixth century may have played a significant role. We posit that the Wari responded to this environmental crisis not only by seeking practical solutions, such as securing productive land outside the heartland, but also by implementing religious practices intended to cosnmologically restorefertility to drought-stricken areas and validate acquisition of arable land in foreign territories. Using a model of Inka ideology developed by Peter Gose, we propose that a strong religious complex involving ancestor worship, huacas, and the cosmological control of water led the Wari to seek out and control locations where water could be drawn from supernatural sources. The presence of large bodies of water near major Wari administrative sites as well as other natural phenomena, particularly certain mountains, rock formations, and large stones, and site offerings of Spondylus, copper, and stone figurines support this model. A sacred Wari landscape is thus seen as complementary to the established political landscape and providing a supernatural justification. Durante el Horizonte Medio (540-900 d.C.) los Wari del altiplano central en la regi6n de Ayacucho llegaron a controlar una gran parte de los Andes. Aunque se han ofrecido muchas explicaciones sobre estefenomeno, favorecemos la teoria de que este movimientofue impulsado por una sequia terrible de larga duracion durante el siglo sexto. Es probable que los Wari no solamente hayan buscado soluciones practicas como la conquista de territorio extranjero, pero tambien implementaron prdcticas religiosas para restituir cosmologicamente lafertilidad de sus tierras y de esta manera validar su invasi6n. Basado en el modelo de ideologia Inka propuesto por Peter Gose, teorizamos que los Warifueron motivados por sus practicas religiosas tales la veneracion de los antepasados y huacas. Esto les impulse buscar y controlar cosmol6gicamente el agua. La presencia de grandes cuerpos de agua, montanas, formaciones rocosas, y ofrendas de Spondylus, cobre, yfigurinas de piedra cerca de la sede de centros administrativos Wari soportan nuestra teoria. Es decir, que el panorama sagrado corresponde al panorama politico y se complementan el uno al otro, lo cualjustifica la existencia de este ultimo. actors influencing the selection of places where people choose to live include proximity to food and culturallyimportantnaturalresources,safetyfrominclementweatherand potentialaggressors,andaccessibilityto corridors of trade.Religious beliefs and places integralto them,althoughharderto identifyarchaeologically, should also be considered in settlement pattern studies.In the case of non-Westernsocieties,decisions about many aspects of life are frequently based on both practicaland religious considerations, with no clear distinctionmade betweenthe two (see, for example,Lansing1991 regardingthe role of watertemplesin Balinese society). Consequently,the archaeologicalrecord should reflect suchdecision-makingprocessesand,in particular, the selectionanduse of sites andthe sacrednature of the landscapethey comprise. Water,an essentialelementof life, has consistently dictatedwhere early people decidedto settle. However,choosing which sourceof waterand the degree of proximitylikely took into account religiousmeaningassociatedwithsuchnaturalphenomena.This linkageis supportedby the fact that water acquisition,management,and control are some of the most common themes of religious myths.Accordingto WilliamBack, who has studied water-relatedmythsof earlyindigenousAmericans, Thereis no conceptualdistinctionof purpose Mary Glowacki * Pre-ColumbianArchaeologicalResearchGroup,Inc., 2018 WahalawNene, Tallahassee,FL 32301 Michael Malpass * Departmentof Anthropology,IthacaCollege, 1150 GarnettCtr.,Ithaca,NY 14850-7274 LatinAmericanAntiquity, 14(4), 2003, pp. 431-448 CopyrightO2003 by the Society for AmericanArchaeology 431 This content downloaded from 129.81.219.117 on Mon, 7 Oct 2013 12:51:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 432 LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY between(1) constructionof a moderndamto form a reservoirfor storageof wateralong with the usualcanalsfor divertingit to other areas, (2) constructionof a clay pot to be filled with spring water for storage and "diverted" to an areaof needby beingcarried on the headof an Indianwoman,and(3) constructionof a ritualto be performedby an Indianpriestinvolvingprayers,dance,art,and perhapssacrificesto bringrainin timefor the planting season. In all three situations, human activity is being directed toward making the spatialandtemporaloccurrenceof watercompatiblewiththe spatialandtemporalneedfor the water. This is the objective of all water Nor is therea distinctionas to management. which of the threeis assuredof unfaltering success: dams fail, water jugs break, and prayersgo unanswered [Back 1981:257]. Whilemanyarchaeologicalstudiesconsiderthe morepracticalmeansby whichearlysocietiescontrolledwater,correspondingreligiousbeliefs and decisionsrequirefurtherinvestigation.This is particularlytrue for societies of the SouthAmerican Andeswhereprehistorywas repeatedlymarkedby climatic events producingtoo little or too much rain,resultingin numeroussecularandsacredactivities directedtowardthe controlof water. TheMiddleHorizon(A.D. 540-900) is marked by the appearance of Wari cultural influence throughoutmuchof precolumbianPeru.The Wari were based at the site of Wari,Ayacucho,in the Peruviancentralhighlands.This polity,generally acceptednow as a state-levelexpansionistsociety, is identified,in part,by a widespreadarchitectural style associatedwith monumentalcomplexes and a site distributionhierarchy(Isbell 1991;Isbelland Schreiber1978; Schreiber1992). Corresponding to this centralAndeanhorizonis evidencefor ceremonial activities closely tied to sacred natural topographicalfeatures and intimately linked to ancestorworshipand the cosmologicalcontrolof water.Drawingon laterpracticesby imperialInka society as an interpretivemodel, we presentdata that suggest a sacredWari landscapeconcurrent with the politicalone. Background The Wariinitiatedimperialexpansion sometime between A.D. 600 and 700. This establishedan empire that endured until at least A.D. 800 [Vol.14, No. 4, 2003 (Schreiber 1992:77-78), and probably later.1 DevelopingfromearlierHuarpaculture(Knobloch 1983; Lumbreras1981; see also MacNeish et al. 1981),Warisocietybuiltits capitalinto an impressive city. Its architecturalcore coveredan areaof approximately2.5 to 3 km2,comprisedof numerous multistorybuilding compounds.2Population estimatesfor Warirangefrom as few as 10,000 to 20,000 personsto as manyas 35,000 to 70,000 persons (Isbell 1984:98, 1986:191, 1988:168-169, 171, 173;Isbelletal. 1991:24,51).DuringtheMiddle Horizon,it was the largesturbancenterin the PeruvianCentralAndes. The characterof Warisociety has only recently been the subjectof investigationand debate.Until the 1950s,Wariwas considereda coastalmanifestation of the Middle Horizon altiplano culture, Tiwanaku.Furtherresearchresultedin morecomprehensiveanalysesof Warimaterialcultureandits distributionthatled scholarsto interpretWarias a secular,militaristicstatethatexpandedquicklyout of the Ayacuchoregionnorthas far as Cajamarca and southas far as the Departmentof Cuzco (Figure 1). While this view acknowledgedthe importance of Wari religion in state enterprise, the emphasiswason a moresecularperspectiveof activities engaged in at the main sites (see Cook 1986:18-58,1994:33-60;IsbellandMcEwan1991; see alsootherchaptersin IsbellandMcEwan1991). While most Andeanprehistorianssubscribeto the view of a Wariexpansioniststate,a few adhere Forexample, to a morereligiouscharacterization. Wariactivityas partof a pansomehaveinterpreted Andean religious phenomenon propelled by Tiwanakuproselytizationand closely tied to economicexchange(BawdenandConrad1982:30-31; Shady 1982). The impetusfor Wariexpansionfrom Ayacucho has also been a topic of considerablediscussion. Researchat the Waricapitaland provincial sites has led to the view of Wari as militaristic aggressor,and as a conquest state (Isbell 1991; Isbell and Schreiber1978), though evidence for specific acts of militarismhave yet to be documented.Some scholarsworkingoutsidethe Wari heartlandhavechallengedthisposition.A few have stressedthe importanceof Pachacamac,the oracle centeron the centralcoast, as a significantfactor in the spreadof Wariinfluence(Shady 1982;Shea This content downloaded from 129.81.219.117 on Mon, 7 Oct 2013 12:51:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Glowackiand Malpass] 433 WATER,HUACAS,ANDANCESTORWORSHIP COLOMBIA EQUADOR t N KILOMETERS 0 BRAZIL PACIFIC Figure 1. Map of Peru showing sites discussed in text. This content downloaded from 129.81.219.117 on Mon, 7 Oct 2013 12:51:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 100 200 300 434 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY 1969).Withthediscoveryof largeceremonialurns that were ritually smashed and buried at Conchopata near the Wari capital (Isbell and Cook 1987), and similarvessels earlierrecoveredfrom Pacheco in the Nazca drainage(Tello 1942), the idea of a powerfulreligion motivatingthe expansion has gained favor.Othersscholarshave seen the expansionas economic, focusing on the introductionof successfulagricultural terracingandirrias the hallmark of Wari influence gation (Moseley 1992). Still others(see Topic 1991:162;Topicand Topic1992:177)haveproposedthata combination of religiousandeconomicincentiveslie attheheart of Wariexpansion. As withmanyearlystates,multiplecausescould have been at the core of Wariexpansionism.IcecoredatafromtheQuelccayaice capin centralPeru (Thompsonet al. 1985) providea detailedview of short-termclimatechangeoverthepast1,500years. A majordrought,3affectingmuchof theAndes for severaldecadesduringthe sixthcenturyA.D., may haveled theWarito seekarablelandandfertilepastureselsewhere.4This expansionwas rapidlyexecuted and by A.D. 650, the Waripolity had some presencein muchof whatis now coastalandhighlandPeru. Wariexpansionismmanifesteditselfdifferently in differentregions.Inthehighlands,theWaribuilt monumentalcomplexes.Inthe southernhighlands, they built Pikillacta (McEwan 1984, 1991), the largestWariplannedcomplex, andthe less rigidly designed settlement of Huaro (Glowacki 2002a:282).In the northernsierratheyestablished Viracochapampa (TopicandTopic1984).Between the centralhighlandsandthe southcoast theyconstructedJincamocco(Schreiber1978, 1992), and in the AyacuchoBasin, Azangaro(Anders 1986, 1991), andtherewere numerousothersites (for an enumeration and description, see Schreiber 1992:94-112). Until recently,no diagnostic architecturehad been definitivelyidentifiedon the coast, although Waripresencehasbeendocumentedthroughcemeteries and isolated burials,and ceramic offering deposits.Withthediscoveryof Sonay,a smallWari architecturalcomplex in the CamanaValley of southernPeru(Malpasset al. 1997), and Pataraya in the Nazca drainage(Schreiber 1999), it now appearsthat the corporatemanifestationsof the [Vol. 14, No. 4, 2003 Wariwere presentin coastalcontextsas well. It is interestingto note, however,thatthese complexes aretwo of the smallestknown. Potteryalso distinguishesWarihighlandfrom coastal occupations.DuringEpoch 1 of the Middle Horizon(A.D. 540-700), thefirstphaseof Wari expansion,Waripresenceis recognizedon thecoast by the appearanceof Chakipampapottery(Menzel 1964:68), whereas in the sierra,Okros is the dominantWariprovincialceramicstyle (Glowacki 1996:388,391,479-480). Thesepotterystylesmay be indicativeof Waricontingentsdispatchedto differentterritories.In Epoch2 (A.D. 700-800), during the posited height of Wariimperialism,Wari presenceis best characterizedby Vifiaquepottery in the highlands,and by Atarco and Pachacamac pottery on the south and central coasts, respectively.Accordingto DorothyMenzel(1964:36,69), theintroductionof theseceramicstylesrepresented new centers of Wari influence and power established duringthe second wave of expansion. WeproposethattheWariexpansionhada strong religiouscomponentthatleft materialremainssuggesting a sacredlandscape.We believe thatWari state ideology, which revolved around ancestor worshipas a meansof cosmologicallycontrolling sacredplaces (i.e., huacas), stimulatedterritorial expansion.An importantcomponentof thatideology may have been ancestorworship associated with the controlof water.Ourmodel for this interpretationis Inkaideology. Ethnographic, Ethnohistoric, and Ethnoarchaeological Analogs and the Inka Model The Use of Analogy Ideology defines and explainsreligious,political, social, and economic aspects of a society. Religious ideology is perhapsthe strongestand most enduring(e.g., Eliade 1959) in traditionalandpreliterate society where religious beliefs and their materialassociationsarebothconservativeandpervasive. Consequently,if analogiesare to be made betweenliving or historicculturesandprehistoric ones, the strongestof these shouldbe religious. Ethnographic,ethnohistoric,and ethnoarchaeologicalstudiessupportthe notionthatreligiousideology is the least likely componentof cultureto This content downloaded from 129.81.219.117 on Mon, 7 Oct 2013 12:51:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Glowackiand Malpass] WATER,HUACAS,ANDANCESTORWORSHIP changeovertime (W.Isbell 1978:270;Levi-Strauss 1964:295-296, 1967:264-268;Vogt 1969). When changedoes occur,it is slow,belief beingcarefully conveyedfromone generationto the next (Vansina 1961:157).Religiousideologyis alsowherewe find symbolicmeaningto be most consciouslyandpreciselyexpressed(Mills1970:94;Robertson1992:84). In interpretingreligiousideology throughanalogy, theprobabilityof totaldisjunctionof formand meaningovertimecanbe significantlylessenedby addressinga complex formalconfigurationthatis unlikelyto be duplicatedwithoutconveyingsimilarmeaning(B. Isbell 1978:227).Beliefs andpractices of a religiousideology shouldbe recognized elements by theiruniquesymbolicrepresentational and configurationsand, consequently,should be identifiablein the archaeologicalrecord. An analysisof religiousideology shoulddraw not only on religiousdatabutalso on thoseof other culturalspheres,sinceall aregeneratedby the same underlyingstructureandpractices.Technological, economic, political, and social aspects of culture may revealdifferentforms of redundancy,reducing the chanceof a similarform withoutthe associated meaning (Adams 1977:127; Schneider 1976:209).Moreover,if an ideologicalconfiguration can be found in multiple contexts-ethnographic, ethnohistoric,and archaeological-the reliabilityof its meaningis greatlyenhanced.If a prehistoricculturecan be substantiallylinkedto a historic one, then the strength of the analogy markedly improves (Adams 1977:136; Strong 1935;Wedel 1938). Mostarchaeologistswho haveemployedethnographicandethnohistoricinferenceagreethatit is adherenceto standardsof relevanceor the quality of the criteriafor comparisonthatmakesfor good analogicarguments.Thereare three separate,but in no way exclusive, criteria for formulating a strong analogy: the quantity of features shared betweentheknownandinferredsociety,thedegree of similaritysharedbetweenthesefeatures,andthe relevanceof the featuresto the researchquestion. Comparativefeaturesincludeculturalassociation (e.g., social, political, ideological, economic, linguistic, andethnicaffiliation),environmentalcorrespondence, and geographical and temporal proximity(see Ascher 1961; Becquelin 1973; de Montmollin 1989; Wylie 1985). In non-Western 435 societies,religiousbeliefs aremoreintegratedinto the "secular"spheresof culture(for example,economic and social systems), makingit possible to findgreaterredundancyin analogicdata.Forexample, in early theocraticstates, such as that of the Egyptians,religiousandpoliticalviews weretightly interwoven.Accordingly,a pharaoh'spoliticalrule could not be understoodirrespectiveof his divine kingship(Frankfort1948:30-58). WilliamIsbell (1997:303-308), followingAnn Stahl(1993), suggeststhatrigorousanalogiesmust identifybotha sourceandsubjectculture.The former is the society used in interpretingthe latter's materialrecord.Moreover,the comparisonsmust be time-specificforeach;thatis, one shouldclearly state the temporalreferencepoint for both, indicatingthe particularcontextfromwhich the inferences are drawn. Finally, both differences and similaritiesbetween the source and subject cultures should be defined, to more clearly identify whatbehaviorsshouldor shouldnot be inferred. The sourcecultureforthisstudyis theInkastate at its heightof powerin the earlysixteenthcentury and priorto the changes wroughtby the Spanish Conquest.5The subjectcultureis the Wariof the Middle Horizon, Epochs 1B and 2B, when they reachedthe apex of theirpoliticalinfluence.Both wereAndeanexpansionistpolitieswithoverlapping territories,suggestingpolitical,environmental,and economic parallels. In addition,the Wari established one of their principal settlements in the Departmentof Cuzco, a shortdistancefrom what was to become the Inka capital of Cuzco. While some fourhundredyearsseparatedthese two societies, manyWaribecame partof the Cuzco landscapeafterthecollapseof theWaripolity,andsome mayhavebecomeInkaancestors,6implyinga direct historicalconnection.TheWariheartlandinAyacucho became partof the homelandof the Chankas, a confederationof chiefdomssubduedby the Inka early in their political development (Zuidema 1973a:743-747).Some of theChankaswereprobably descendantsof the Wariand may have contributedconcepts of state administrationto the emergingInkaempire.Overall,we considerthese linkagesto be a solid basis for analogy. The Inka Model Weexaminethereligiouscharacterof theInkastate This content downloaded from 129.81.219.117 on Mon, 7 Oct 2013 12:51:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 436 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY pertaining to ancestor worship and the cosmological control of water, drawing largely on the synthetic work of Peter Gose (1993). A key concept, "huaca," is a Quechua term for any person, place, or thing possessing a sacred or supernatural quality. The seminal importance of huacas is clearly evidenced in the 1653 writings of the Jesuit priest, Berabe Cobo. He describes a complex of approximately 350 huacas surrounding the Inka capital of Cuzco, organized around the most sacred of Inka sites, the Coricancha, or Temple of the Sun. These huacas occurred within the Inka ceque system (an abstract spatial and temporal structure imposed upon the Inka empire, which helped organize social, economic, and religious activity. See Bauer 1998). Many huacas were intimately associated with the resting-places or abodes of ancestors, and were sacred for that reason. In addition to the bountiful ethnohistoric evidence, which links the concept of ancestor worship with huaca in Inka times, the two are linguistically related. The Quechua word "villca" meaning "grandfather"or "great-grandfather," and by extension, "ancestor" can be used interchangeably with the word "huaca." Interestingly, the words "villca" and "ayllu,"the latterbeing the corporate unit defined by and responsible for its ancestral huacas, are likewise synonymous (Conrad and Demarest 1984:102, 105 citing the following: Albornoz in Duviols 1967; Arriaga 137-144 [1621]; 1968b:46-52, 1920:49-55, [Vol. 14, No. 4, 2003 chy that transcended the boundaries of local ethnic polities and provided the basis for empires like that of the Incas. However, these huacas were also the focus of local kinship relations and agrarian fertility rituals. The political structurethat they articulatedtherefore had a built-in concern for the metaphysical reproductionof human, animal, and plant life. Political power in the pre-Columbian Andes was particularly bound up with attempts to control the flow of water across the frontier of life and death, resulting in no clear distinction between ritual and administration [Gose 1993:480]. With regard to the Inka, he concludes, [T]he power of the Inca was not an end in itself but rather a means of realizing a metaphysical control that was the common aspiration of most of the fragmented political units that existed before the empire was formed.... One central metaphysical issue motivatingthe rise of the Inca empire and embodied in this political structurewas how to control a complex cycle that linked death and the regeneration of life in Andean thought. Here death was thought to create sources of water8 that lay outside the boundaries of the local political unit, such as Lake Titicaca and the Pacific Ocean. These sources had to be coaxed or coerced into sending water back to the local level for agriculturalpurposes. If these distant places could be subject to imperial control, then the complex cycle linking human death and agricultural fertility might be directly administered[Gose 1993:481-482]. 117-123 [1621]; Brundage1963:46-52, 1967:35, 144-155, 149; Cobo 1890-95:Book 13:13-17; Huacas, sometimes associated with ancestor Gonzalez 9-47, 342, 1990:1, 47; Holguin worshipaspacarinas,then,werethe linksandpor1608:Book 2, 330; Rowe 1946:295-298; Santo tals to this ideological system wherebydeathand Tomas 1951:143, 173, 232; Sarmiento 1942:70; Zuidema 1964, 1973b:19).7 Certaintypes of huacas,such as largebodies of water, certain mountains, rock formations, and great stones, were believed to be the origin points of different peoples and the deities associated with each, their founding ancestors. These kinds of huacas were called pacarinas or origin places. The corporate group identified with these huacas honored their divine forefathers through offerings to their pacarinas. As Gose explains, Each huaca defined a level of political organization that might nest into units of a higher order or subdivide into smaller groupings. Collectively they formed a segmentaryhierar- water produced a cycling of creation and recreation. Mythologically, the ancestors associated with these natural shrines or huacas were said to have emerged from them to found their descent groups. Occasionally their deeds were so great that they were turned into stones, referred to as huancas, and remained with their people to enhance agricultural fertility and impart wisdom as oracles (Gose 1993:489, 494-495 citing Duviols 1978, 1979a, 1979b; see also Cobo 1890-95:Vol. 3, Book 13:9-47[1653]; Sarmiento 1942:70 [1572]). Metaphorically, the Inka ancestral dead, who sometimes took the form of mummies, were considered much like desiccated seeds, which through burial were returned to the earth so that life could This content downloaded from 129.81.219.117 on Mon, 7 Oct 2013 12:51:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Glowackiand Malpass] WORSHIP WATER,HUACAS,ANDANCESTOR be renewed.Both "thirsted," andjust as seeds are watered,the ancestorswere offered libations of chicha, brewedcorn beer, for their revitalization, which in return,broughtprosperityto their communities.Theirsupernatural journeysthroughthe underground waterwayshelpedto "aquify"theland, them to theirultimatedwelling or resting sending called places upaimarcas,which were bodies of water.Becauseof theirdesiccatedstate,the ancestors were evidently drawn to these watery sites where they were reconstituted.They could then returnto their local communitiesto supply their descendantswithwater.Theupaimarcaswerehierarchicallystructured.Lower rankingones, better referredto aspacarinasordrawingpoints,occurred locally andregionally.Forthe Inka,the maximum pacarinasor upaimarcasaresaidby some sources to have been Lake Titicacaand the PacificOcean (Gose 1993:495-496 citing Arriaga 1968a:220 [1621];Duviols1986:150,200;Sherbondy1982:8). By controllingmajorhuacas,poweroverancestralland andcosmologicalsourcesof watercould be harnessed.The Inka adeptlymanipulatedthis andcommandeeringhuacasto system,transferring suit theirneeds. Forexample,when the royalInka relocateda group of people from one partof the empireto another,he wouldgive thema newpacarina or huaca of origin.This entailedtransferring the power of the old huaca to a new one. If the huaca was a sourceof water,a small amountof it was removedandceremoniallypouredintothenew huaca. If the huaca was stone, powerwas shifted by removingits dress,a piece of textile, and placing it on another(Zuidema1982:446citingAlbornoz in Duviols 1967:17,21, 27, 37). The Inkaalso gained controlof importanthuacas throughmarriage ties and conquests(Sherbondy1982:17, 20 citing Cobo 1956:172 [1653]; Guaman Poma 1936:97;Sarmiento1942:73[1572];see alsoCieza de Le6n 1943:Book 2:161-164 [1551], 1959:190-193 [1553]; Molina 1913:136-137, 151-153 [1575]; Polo 1940:154 [1561]). Ancestor worship was a driving force of the Inka state9and may hold considerableantiquity. Isbell (1997:287) arguesthatthe idea of ancestor worship,as linkedto ayllu organization,may have originatedin the northhighlandsduringthe later part of the Early Intermediateperiod (370/420 B.C.-A.D. 540) and graduallyspreadsouthward, 437 reaching the altiplano by the Late Intermediate period (A.D. 900-1476). We argue that many aspects of Inkastate ideology, as outlinedabove, are analogousto Middle HorizonWariideology, and in fact may be rootedthere. Natural Topography and Associated Ritual Artifacts at Wari Sites As withthe Inka,Warireligionseems to havebeen focused on naturalphenomenaas huacas, 0 in the form of bodies of water,mountains,rock formations, and great stones. We believe a Waripreoccupation with water was perhaps made more immediateby the extendeddroughtsof the sixth and early seventh centuries.The Wari also may have usurpedhuacas from otherpeoples via conquest or co-option, allowing their control of the associatedforeignancestralterritories. The Warimay haveattemptedto controlsupernaturalsourcesof waterin differentways, depending on the local circumstances and indigenous group.Where a pacarina was present,such as a lake,the Waricould co-opt it; whereothersources were present,like an ancestralshrine,othermeans mightbe used.Thus,the mosaicof controldefined by Schreiber(1992:263)wouldextendto thesacred landscapeas well as the political one. In the followingsectionswe suggesthow thissacredmosaic of controlmighthave been manifest. Lakes and OtherSignificantBodies of Water Lakes,manyof which may havebeen upaimarcas or pacarinas, are found in the vicinity of many Warisites. For example, a majorlake is believed to have suppliedwatervia a canal networkto the site of Wari(ValdezandValdez 1998:4).This lake couldhavebeentheoriginalupaimarcaof theWari, andcertainlyservedas a localpacarina. IntheCuzcoregion,lakesareclose to thelargest Wari provincialcomplexes. In the Lucre Basin, Fifteenkm Pikillactais builtaboveLakeHuacarpay. Huaro in the southeastof Pikillacta, Valley,Huaro two was once flankedby lakes, althoughonly one of remains.Inthedistrict Pomacanchi,35 kmsoutheastof Huaro,K'ullupatais situatedneara verylarge lake. Near K'ullupatais anothersite thathas produced the largest cache of finely worked metal objectsknownfor the MiddleHorizon,suggesting its considerablesignificance(Chavez 1985). This content downloaded from 129.81.219.117 on Mon, 7 Oct 2013 12:51:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 438 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY Whilelittleis knownabouttheWarioccupation in Pomacanchi,the associationbetweenthe Pikillacta and Huarosite complexes and their lakes is clear.The lakes were, no doubt,a sourceof water forlarge-scaleagricultureandlacustrineresources. However, there may have been far greaterWari motivationin selectingthesesites.Theselakesmay havebeenthepacarinasorupaimarcasof otherethnic groups,over which the Waritook control.This interpretationwould help explain why the Wari occupationof the southernhighlands,which does not appearto have been overtly militaristic,may havebeenaccomplishedby peaceful,but,nonetheless, manipulativemeans.1 Pachacamac,the largestMiddleHorizonsite of Peru'sCentralCoast, servedas a shrineor huaca and oracle centerfrom as early as A.D. 200 until the Spanishconquest(Lumbreras1974:119-120, 155, 157, 165-166, 168, 223). The PacificOcean, whichPachacamacoverlooks,was consideredone of the two principalupaimarcasof the Inka(Gose 1993:495-496 citing Arriaga 1968a:220 [1621]; Duviols 1986:150, 200; Sherbondy1982:8), who may have assumed it as their huaca of origin by consolidatingPachacamacinto their realm. The role of Pachacamacseems to be of considerable antiquityand would explain its attractionto the Warias a ceremonialcenterassociatedwitha powerful upaimarca.Artifacts dating to the Middle Horizon,includingan ornatetextile wall hanging, decoratedwith Spondylusshell and copper ornaments,were recoveredfrom the Templeof Pachacamac(Paulsen1974:603).Thesecouldhavebeen a Wariofferingto one of its most importanthuacas. As discussedbelow,thereis reasonto believe Pachacamacserved as a majornode in a pilgrimage networkthat also providedsacred materials, like Spondylus,to highlandand coastal sites. Markinga sacred spring, Wari-Wilka,in the centralhighlands,was animportantshrineandoracle to the Wankas,a local tribe thatoccupied the regionbefore andduringthe Inka'sreign.Historical sourcesindicatethatthefoundingWankaancestors emergedfrom the springat Wari-Wilka.The Wankascommemoratedthis event by building a wall and temple at the spring where they paid homage (Cieza de Le6n 1853:XXVI:Tomo11:432 [1559]). Daniel Shea (1969:4-17, 79-83, 93-104, [Vol. 14, No. 4, 2003 121-124) has proposed that during the Middle HorizonWari-Wilkaservedas anoraclecenterand to Pachawaspartof anoraclecomplexsubordinate camac. A large quantityof ceramics, much of it Waripottery,andotherartifactswere foundin and aroundthe Wari-Wilkaspring.These likely offerings corroboratewrittenaccountsof the site's role as an ancestralshrineand establishits use by the Waripriorto the Wanka(Shea 1969:27,44, Table la), reiteratingthe symbolicrelationshipbetween water and mountainsrecognized by the Wari as well as theirconcernfor water.Perhaps,at oracle centers such as Pachacamacand possibly WariWilka,the oraclefunctionedas the mouthpieceof an ancestor. the second-largestWaricomViracochapampa, in the northern located sierra,was not built plex, neara significantbodyof water.However,anaqueductbroughtwaterto the site from approximately 5km away (JohnTopic, personalcommunication 1999), the natureof which requiresfurtherinvestigation.Moreover,Viracochapampais located in close proximityto CerroAmaru,which contains threewells, or chiles as theyarecalled.Considered a site of local groupaffiliation,CerroAmaruwas frequentedby the Wariand functionedin a ceremonial capacity (Topic and Topic 1992). Max Uhle's 1900 dredging of one of the site's wells revealedtheiruse as shrineswhereofferingswere made, including thousands of dumortierite, turquoise,andSpondylusbeads,andlargeworked and unworked pieces of Spondylus (Topic and Topic 1992:172 citing McCown 1945:305). The site's mausoleumcontainedtwo individuals,laid on a bed of cut Spondylus,andinterredwith other elite family members. John Topic and Theresa Topic (1992:174) believe Cerro Amaru was an importantwatershrinetied to an elite lineage. CerroAmaruwells resemblethose of the Ticsicochahuacas of Cuzco.Ticsicocha,means"origin lake" in Quechua, and its wells served as Cuzco's principal huacas to commemoratethe Inka'sfoundingof the city.12Using this model,the CerroAmaruwatersourcesmay have represented the cosmologicalorigin of an ethnic group,while the burial chamber was the resting-place of its foundingancestorsor otherimportantindividuals of theirlineage.Fine Waripotteryassociatedwith the mausoleumat CerroAmaru(Topicand Topic This content downloaded from 129.81.219.117 on Mon, 7 Oct 2013 12:51:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Glowackiand Malpass] WATER,HUACAS,ANDANCESTORWORSHIP 1992:176) suggests that the Warirecognized the powerof the shrineandits compatibilitywith their own ideology. It may have been seen as the cosmological equivalentof a lake, helpingto explain was locatednearby. why Viracochapampa CerroAmaru peaked by the Middle Horizon with the onset of droughtconditionsin the highlands. Such conditions would have demanded greaterefforts in the acquisitionof waterand the preservation of remaining sources. Viracochapampa'sproximityto CerroAmarusuggests that the cosmological controlof waterthroughancestor worshipplayed a significantrole in the Wari expansionwhetherby conquestor othermeans. Lakesmay havebeenpacarinas or upaimarcas and, thus, importantto the Warias a supernatural meansto controlwater.However,in someareaslike andmoregenerally,alongthecoast,lakes Azaingaro arenotpresent.In suchareas,othersourcesof control were needed. Mountains,RockFormations,and Stone Huacas In additionto bodies of water,othernaturalphenomenaassociatedwithWarisites suggestthe veneration of huacas for control of water. While mountainsand other geologic featurescertainly playeda partin the day-to-dayand spirituallife of practicallyall early Andean peoples, the way in which each society incorporatedthem into its worldviewand the importanceattributedto them probably varied. Even today certain mountain peaks are considered more important to some groupsthanothersor arerelatedto huacas thatin earlier times may not have been acknowledged. TheSpanishextirpationof idolatryduringthecolonial era transformedcertain aspects of ancestor worship,leading,forexample,to the emergenceof mountaindeities(Isbell1997:131),butthesesacred entitiescontinuedto be associatedwith waterand rainfallas didtheirprehispaniccounterparts. Therefore, we wish to considerparticularmountainsas well as rock formationsand stone huacas in light of datathatcould substantiatea Warisacredlandscape. Still regardedtoday in the Andes as supernatural forces associated with water and fertility, wamanisor sacredmountaindeities arevenerated by cults identifiedwith local groupsand theirterritories(Anders 1991:193-194 citing Earls 1973; 439 Gonzalez Carreand Rivera Pineda 1983; Isbell 1978; Morrissetteand Racine 1973). Mountains also may have been partof the sacredWarilandscape. Warisites may have been associatedwith wamanis or apus, also mountain deities. Jincamocco in the SondondoValley is adjacentto a major snow-capped peak to the east, Serial Carhuarazo.An extinct volcano, it is associated with a powerfulwamani,saidby local residentsto control the local weather, particularly rain (Schreiber1992:117). In Cuzco, Pikillactaand sites of the HuaroValley were located close to Wiracochan,an important Inkaapu (Figure2). In the HuaroValley the remainsof threeInkaand two Warisites (respectively Wiracochan1-3, and WariWiracochanand Cotocotuyoc) are located on top of CerroWiracochan,themountainthatseparatesthe valleyfrom the Rio Vilcanota (Glowacki 2002b:7-10). The SpanishchroniclesindicatethatCerroWiracochan was consideredvery sacredto the Inkabecauseof its associationwithViracocha.Accordingto myths thatexplainthe arrivalof this deity to Cuzco, this mountainandothersites alongtheVilcanotaRiver were dedicatedto him. As the creatordeity,Viracocha,wascloselyassociatedwithwaterandmountains(Reinhard1990:cf.168).Onhis trekto Cuzco fromLakeTiticacafollowing the VilcanotaRiver, Viracochastoppedat Urcos, the town adjacentto Huaro.From there, he called to the residentsto emergefromthe mountain,a placethattheywould associatewiththe originof theirethnicgroup.The people paid Viracochahomage and later built a shrineto him on top of the mountain,i.e., Wiracochan 1-3 (Cieza de Le6n 1880:Book2, Chapter 5; Cobo 1890-95:Book 13, Chapter 2[1653]; Molina 1913:118-123[1575]; Rowe 1946: 315-316 citing Betanzos 1968:Chapters 1-2; Sarmiento1907:Chapters6-7). Historicaldocuments also tell us that during Inkatimes,theYacarcaoccupiedHuaro.Theywere greatlyfearedand respectedby the Inkafor their divination,which may have been carriedout in conjunctionwith their venerationof CerroWiracochan. Employingbraziers,they would readthe flames, summoningspirits of the living and the dead.This methodof divinationwas used only for seriousmatters,andoftenwas accompaniedby the sacrificeof a child, llama,or othervaluedposses- This content downloaded from 129.81.219.117 on Mon, 7 Oct 2013 12:51:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 440 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 14, No. 4, 2003 Figure 2. Pikillacta and the Huaro Complex. Backdrop map provided by Defense Mapping Agency, Hydrographic/TopographicCenter, Bethesda, MD (Cuzco, Peru 2543 J632 edition 1-DMA). sion. These practiceswere so importantthat the royalInkahimselfwouldsometimesattend(Molina 1913:129[1575]; Rowe 1946:303 citing Cobo 1890-95:Book 13, Chapter34[1653]; Sarmiento 1907:Chapters27, 62). The valley is still revered for the sacredmountainpeak,Wiracochan,where its mountainlord or apu resides. It is possible thatthe sites of WariWiracochan and Cotocotuyocwere also located on this same mountainbecauseof its sacrednature;WariWiracochanis a smallrectangulararchitectural complex highon theeasternendof Wiracochan.Thesiteprovides a commandingview of the VilcanotaValley to thenorthas well as theHuaroValleyto the southwest.Cotocotuyoc,locatedsome500 m belowWari comWiracochan,was a muchlargerarchitectural plex with an extensive view. Together,they provided a southeastview of trafficto and from the valley as well as movementin theVilcanotaValley to the west. Theyalso mayhaveservedas religious sites, possibly related to the sacredness of this mountainand possibly an ancienthuaca that the Wariusurpedwhentheysettledin Huaro.Weknow thatthe Inkaclaimednew land by capturinghuacas of otherethnicgroupsas partof theirimperial expansion(Zuidema1982:446citingAlboroz in Duviols 1967:17, 21, 27, 37). WariWiracochan andCotocotuyocmay have symbolizedWaricontrol of this sacredmountain.The strategicnature of thesesites,fortifiedby stonewalls, suggeststhat they were very importantto the Huarosite complex for both defensiveandreligiouspurposes. MarthaAnders (1986:731-736) argued that mountainsdefinedthe boundariesof the Warisite of Azaingaro,15 km northwestof Wariand that Azaingarowas establishedto intensifyagriculture duringEpoch2 of theMiddleHorizon,afterthecenter of Waribeganto decline. She believedthatthe site had a strongritualcomponent,focused on an agriculturalcalendarcosmologically tied to four major wamanis who controlled rain (Anders 1991:194andcitingArriaga1920:Chapter2[1621]; This content downloaded from 129.81.219.117 on Mon, 7 Oct 2013 12:51:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Glowackiand Malpass] WORSHIP WATER,HUACAS,ANDANCESTOR Favre1967;Isbell 1978;Martinez1983;Morisette and Racine 1973; Murua 1964:Chapters29, 31; Zuidema1973a, 1982).Otheraspectsof Azangaro support Anders's (1991:191-194) view. These includeceremonialcanals,the presenceandplacementof ritualobjectssuch as Spondylusshell and carvedturquoiseimagesof seedsandfigurines,and the ritualnatureof the site's CentralSectorwhere ritesarethoughtto calendricallydrivenagricultural havebeenperformed.AccordingtoAnders,theInka mayhavebeenintroducedto theconceptof wamani whentheyconqueredthe Chankas,whose territory was definedby the mountainsof the four wamanis.13The Chankas,positedto be the descendants (i.e., the post-empiremanifestation)of the Wari (Anders1991:194andcitingZuidema1973a),offer what may be a directhistoricallink to Wariideology througha sacredlandscape. Locatedon topof a steepmesain theMoquegua Valley,CerroBaul also may have served a ceremonialfunctionrelatedto huaca worshipand the control of water.The architectureof CerroBaul resemblesthatof otherWarisites tied to ancestor worship(Moseleyet al. 1991:124).Whilethe mining of lapis lazuli, obsidian,andcoppermay have been the primarypurposeof the Warioccupation of the MoqueguaValley(Moseley et al. 1991:135 citing Watanabe1984), it may also have helped fulfill importantritualneeds. Metal and stone are thoughtto havebeen intimatelylinkedto ancestor worshipin the Andes as forces used to drawwater fromtheearth(Gose 1993:508).CerroBaulserved as an outpostfor the Wariwherethese substances were extractedfromthe Moqueguaregion.Rituals revolvingaroundmineralprocurementwouldhave been importantin ensuringits success. Additionally,a Waricanal and associatedagricultural fields upstream and downstream from Cerro Bauil,the longest system ever built in the Moquegua Valley, document control of water resourcesby theWari.Thissystemwouldhaveprovided a superioradvantageto the Wariin times of droughtcomparedto Tiwanakuco-residentsof the valley, who principallyoccupiedthe lower elevations (Williams2002:366-367). TodayCerroBaul functionsas a shrinewhere visitorsmakeofferingsinhopesof prosperity. These offeringsincludethe constructionof modemfarmsteadscompletewith agriculturalfurrowsthatlink 441 worship at Cerro Baul to the control of water resources(Moseley et al. 1991:131-132; Patrick Williams, personal communication2000). Like manyotherAndeanshrines,its religiousroleprobably bearsconsiderableantiquity.CerroBaul may have been a sacred ceremonial center in precolumbiantimes due to its statusas an important huaca or wamaniwith greatmineralwealth,complementedby a reliablehydraulicsystem.Thiscombinationmay have motivatedthe Warito establish themselvesfar in southernPeru,well beyond the areatheypoliticallycontrolled,despiteadversereactionsfromthevalley'snativeandforeignoccupants. Rockformationsandstonehuacas appearto be symbolically related to mountains in Andean thought, as all are geologic phenomena,though differing in scale, tied to Pachamama(Mother Earth),and associatedwith water.This is evident in Inkaideology in which stones,rockformations, and waterareintimatelyassociatedas shrinesand othersacredsites(see, forexample,MacLean1986; Niles 1987:Chapter7). The Wari acknowledged the supernatural powerof such huacas. Forexam4 of Sector Pikillacta,one of fourrectangular ple, thatwas primarilycomposedof of the site sectors standardized rows of small, rooms, is partlysituThis sector formation. rock a ated on prominent huacas contain stone that two structures includes Inka's ceremonial the of like those much complex, Sacsahuaman.One containedan offering including a shell beadcarvedin theformof a conchshell. A principalavenue,which dividesthe centralsectorof thesitefromtheeasternuphillsectorandruns the length of the complex, was built throughthis rockyarea.Itdead-endsattheedge of a steepravine thatoverlooksthe HuatanayRiver.It seems possible that this avenue,crossing the site's rock-covered zone and terminating at the edge of the HuatanayRiverValley,symbolicallyconnectedthe site'sstonehuacato anancientcosmologicalwaterway.The Huatanayis a tributaryof the Urubamba River,whichthe Inkaconsideredsacred,andwhich manyQuechuacommunitiesof Cuzco considerto be the foremostcosmic terrestrial14river,through whichwateris cycledbackto thecosmic sea (Urton 1981:38,56-65). Spondylus Shells, Copper, and Stone Figurines Among manyearly and present-dayAndeanpeo- This content downloaded from 129.81.219.117 on Mon, 7 Oct 2013 12:51:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 442 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY pies, Spondylusshells and copper possess symbolic qualitiesindicativeof ancestorworshipand cosmologicalaquification.TheSpanishchroniclers speak of the Spondylusshell, also known as the thornyoyster,or mulluin Quechua,as havingheld greatervalue thangold for precolumbianAndean societies. The Inkaused it as offeringsto springs to induce rain (Cobo 1956:LibroXIII, Capitulo xxii-xvi [1653]; Polo 1916:39 [1554]), and one Inka myth describes Spondylus as "the favorite food of the gods" (Salomon and Urioste 1991:66-69, 116). Based on this characterization, we suggest thatthe ritualuse of Spondylusserved as a symbolic mechanismfor drawingwaterfrom the underworldthrough a huaca to the earthly world.The impactof highlanddroughtby the end of the EarlyIntermediateperiodmay have stimulated a quest for Spondylusas offerings to water shrines (Topic and Topic 1992:174), helping to explain the Waripresence in the northernsierra between Ayacuchoand the coast of Ecuador,the sourceof Spondylus. Copper,too, held prestigein manypartsof the Andes (Paulsen 1974:602-603; Rostworowski 1977:118-121), perhapsbecause of its symbolic identificationwithmummies,as is knownfromthe Inka,who consideredit a "sacredandimperishable ancestralsubstance"(Gose 1993:506-507 andciting Cobo 1956:68[1653];GuamanPomadeAyala 1936:60 [1615]). Duringthe Inkaperiod,copper objects, referredto as ax-monies, are thoughtto havebeenpartof an extensivetradesysteminvolving theChinchaof thecentralcoast.Exchangedfor Spondylus,these ax-monies possessed an important ritual quality tied to ancestor worship and sometimeswere used among northcoast peoples as burialofferings,seemingly"toensurethe wellbeing of the deceased into the next life" (Rostworowski1999:209-210).This exchangenetwork is believedto hold considerableantiquity(Paulsen 1974). By the Middle Horizon,highlanderswere tradingcopperfor Spondylus,likely drivenby the sierrademandfor thelatter.Regardlessof the stimulus for this exchange, it is apparentthat both Spondylusandcopperhadritualvalueto highland MiddleHorizonpeople. Spondylus and copper have been recovered togetheras ritualofferingsfromvariousWarisites (see earlierdiscussionsof PachacamacandAzain- [Vol. 14, No. 4, 2003 garo).At Pikillacta,nichedhalls were likely used for ceremoniesthatpaid homage to the ancestors (Glowacki1996:349-360;McEwan1998a:6-15). Excavationof some of these structuresidentified looted offering pits containing fragments of Spondylus, camelid bone, and traces of copper (McEwan1998a:75).One Pikillactanichedhall is believedto havebeen the locationof an offeringof two sets of miniatureturquoisehumanfigurines, each found in association with Spondylus and Strombusshell, anda barof copper(Trimbornand Vega 1935:36-89; Valcarcel 1933:4). These figurines,andperhapsotherslike them,15may representthefoundingancestorsof theWaripolity(Cook 1992:358-360).Evidenceof humanremainsrecoveredfromPikillactanichedhalls, specificallyUnit 10 which containedan offering pit of 10 human skulls, supports the interpretationof ancestorrelated activities associated with this room type (McEwan 1998a:76).The authorshave been told in Huaro,southeastof Pikillacta,thatvariousfamilies keep skeletalremainsof theirdepartedrelatives, particularly skulls, within their homes. Residentssay thatthese remainsof theirancestors protectthem;could this practicebe rootedin earlier Andeanbelief? Similar structuresat Marcahuamachuco,the indigenous northern sierra complex that was replacedby theWaricomplexof Viracochapampa, producedcomparablefindings (Topic and Topic 1989). An enormousoffering of Spondylusshell (approximately10 kg) and small turquoisefigurines,carvedin the shapeof Spondylusandother possible shell shapes, were recoveredin a niched hall. Numerous llama sacrifices were offered nearby. Modeled after Marcahuamachuco, Vira- cochapampais also thoughtto have servedas the locus of ancestorworship (Topic 2000:202-204, 214). In light of niched hall burialsat Pikillacta, humanremainsinterredwithinits walls and those of Marcahuamachuco corroboratethis view (Topic and 1994:7-8;Topic Topic 1992:174,176). Pachacamacservedas the majornode of a panAndean pilgrimageand tradenetworkby which Spondylusand otheritems reachedthe highlands (Rostworowski1977:106,203)andmayhavebeen the Middle Horizon distributioncenter for these shells. However,the presenceof Spondylusat various otherWarisites, recoveredin ritualcontexts This content downloaded from 129.81.219.117 on Mon, 7 Oct 2013 12:51:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Glowackiand Malpass] WATER,HUACAS,ANDANCESTORWORSHIP and particularlyin association with copper and stone figurines,suggeststhatthese sites were ritually, if not also commercially,linked. Their connectionmayhavebeenthecosmologicalcontrolof waterthroughritualsinvolvingSpondylusandcopper.Sometimes,as at Pikillacta,this controlmight have been mediatedthroughancestorworship. These types of offerings associate Spondylus, copper,andstonefigurinesas symbolicallyandritually related substances.As symbols of opposition-water and earth, wet and dry, coast and sierra-shell, and metal and stone, together,may haverepresenteda synchronizedhydraulicandcosmological system. Buried as gifts to the subterraneanworldof the dead,theymayhavebeen used to invokethe powerof the ancestorsto bringforth water. 443 landscapedevotedto satisfyingideologicalas well as political needs. The Wari employed different strategiesof expansionismrelativeto their needs and the resourcesof the differentterritoriesthey occupied.They occupieddifferentpartsof Peruin pursuitof arablelandandideologicallinksto ancestorswho controlledwatersources.Becausea number of targetedsites were alreadyin existence at the time of expansion (e.g., Pachacamac,Wari Wilka,andCerroAmaru),theWarimaybe seen as creatinga "mosaic"of regionallyimportantsacred sitesin aneffortto connect,andperhapsevenintensify, the most powerfulcosmologicalAndeancentersassociatedwith water.The verynatureof Wari occupationsacross space may have been dictated by a sacredlandscape. Andean religion and politics being intimately connected,Wariincentivesfor constructingvariInterpretive Overview and Conclusion ous provincialsites andcentersandoccupyingothWe have proposedthata droughtprecipitatedthe ers may have been, in part, to physically and Wariexpansion,leading them to find sources of cosmologicallyharnessandmanipulatesourcesof waterthat sustainedarableand grazingland out- water.Whatwe glean now areonly tracesof a vast sideof Ayacucho.Thisquestwas bothpracticaland sacred landscape-a patchworkof naturalphespiritual; practical considerations have been nomena, human construction, and associated addressed by others for specific regions (e.g., objectsintendedto meet this fundamentalneed. Schreiber1992:261,267, 281 for agriculturalproThe authors wish to thank several indiductionin the Carahuarazo Valley,Watanabe1984 Acknowledgments. viduals for theirassistancein the preparationand completion for mineralextractionin the MoqueguaValley), of this manuscript.Anita Cook, Theresa and John Topic, but the searchalso involvedreligiousceremonies Gordon McEwan, and particularlyBrian Bauer provided to cosmologicallycontrolsourcesof water.Using useful commentaryand criticism of early draft. The senior an Inkamodel proposedby Gose (1993), we pre- author thanks Michael Lavenderand Louis Tesar for their sented archaeologicalevidence that supportsour valuableeditorialcomments and encouragement.The junior authorthanksClarkEricksonand Jack Rossen for their verview of the importanceof these ideologicalmoti- bal comments on the version presented at the Northeast vationsfor expansion.In particular,we discussed Andean meetings in Binghamton,and to Susanneand Soren majortopographicalfeatures,such as largebodies Kessemeier for their forbearancein the completion of the of water, mountains,rock formations,and large manuscript.Finally, both authors thank Ines Twomey for stones as well as certaintypes of offerings, i.e., assisting in the Spanishtranslationof the abstract.All errors and omissions are the authors'alone. Spondylus,copper,andhumanfigurines,associated withWarisitesthatreflectthisideologyof a "sacred References Cited landscape." H. 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For our purposes, we refer to a general definition of droughtprovidedby the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Agency (NOAA): "droughtis a period of abnormallydry weather which persists long enough to produced a serious hydrologicimbalance(for example,crop damage, watersupply shortage,etc.). The severityof the droughtdependsupon the degreeof moisturedeficiency,the durationand size of the affected area"(NOAA 2003). 4. Allison Paulsen (1975) posited that an interpluvial beginning sometime aroundA.D. 600 caused majoragricultural decline and economic hardshipfor Andean societies, and ultimatelyled to the Wariexpansion. 5. Unfortunately,all historical documents pertainingto the Inkascame fromSpanishsources,althoughmanydrewon Inka informants for their information (see Rowe 1946:192-197). The authorsacknowledgethis culturalfilter, and all sources have been carefully cited. The readermust judge their validity. 6. Wari ceramic designs can be traced into the Late This content downloaded from 129.81.219.117 on Mon, 7 Oct 2013 12:51:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 448 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY Intermediateperiodandeven the Late Horizonfor Cuzco pottery, suggesting continuity in Cuzco traditions from the Middle to the Late Horizon and supportingthe notion of a Wariancestrallink to the Inka. 7. While there is some debate among scholars about the exact meaningof the word "villca,"the generalsense implies a person who holds the status of a huaca (Salomon and Urioste 1991:46, Footnote44). 8. The notion that death "createssources of water"has been debatedby some scholars.There are variousexamples, though, that point to this as a viable interpretation.Bernab6 Cobo (1956 [1653]:201) indicates that the Inka sacrificed childrenand buriedthem in pots or cisternsto induce rainto be collected in these receptacles.Equally,the Inka publicly paradedtheir royal mummies for this same purpose (Polo 1916 [1554 1585?]:10). In both examples, dead individuals appearto have the power to "create"water. 9. This view is supportedby fact that royal Inka inheritance and state expansionwas definedby "splitinheritance," the practiceby which the new ruling Inka had to seek territory and wealth of his own because the deceased Inka's panaca, or ancestorcult, retainedthe materialwealth of the formerruler(e.g., Cobo 1979:111, 248). 10. While the language of the Wari is unknown, we believe it is more precise and parsimonious to employ Quechua terms rather than their English translations to describeInkaconcepts with regardto the Wari. 11. Because militarismcan be difficultto identifyarchaeologically, its role in the growth and developmentof early states is sometimes hardto assess. The apparentabsence or near absence of evidence for Warimilitarismmay be due to [Vol. 14, No. 4, 2003] poor preservationof its materialremains or the inability of archaeologiststo recognizethem. However,the expansion,to a greatextent, may have been peacefully executed.That is, a group's leaders, recognizing that they would lose militarily, acceded to the Waridemands,therebyhoping to retainmore thanthey would otherwise. 12. The locationof the Inkacapital,Cuzco, is said to have been chosen, in part, by the presence of a lake. The lake's swampiness led the Inka to drain it, but they preservedtwo smaller ones in its vicinity by constructing a building to enclose them. These mini-lakes were named "Ticsicocha" (Sherbondy 1982:15, 16 citing the following: Betanzos 1968:11-12; Cieza de Le6n 1943:172; Cobo 1956:170 [1656]; Garcilaso de la Vega 1959:Libro 17, Capitulo 10; Gonzalez 1952:340;Toledo 1940:18). 13. Many mountainswere also consideredsacredplaces or huacas by the Inka (Rowe 1946:296). Because of the antiquity and pervasiveness of mountain worship in the Andes, it is unlikely that the Inka became familiarwith the concept of "wamani"only after their encounter with the Chankas. 14. "Terrestrial"is used by Gary Urton (1981:64) to describethe Vilcanota/Urubamba Riveras it contrastswith its "celestial"counterpart,the Milky Way. 15. Menzel (1968:52) reports that similar stone human figurines have been recoveredas offerings accompaniedby shell from otherMiddle Horizonsites throughoutPeru. SubmittedMarch29, 2002; Accepted February10, 2003; RevisedJune 4, 2003. This content downloaded from 129.81.219.117 on Mon, 7 Oct 2013 12:51:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions