Writing the History of an Andean Ghost

• & Contemporary To my family, including Published by the University of Pittsburgh Press, Pittsburgh, Pa., 15260 Copyright © 2016 , University of Pittsburgh Press All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America Printed on acid-free paper 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Castro-Klan':n, Sara, editor of compilation. I Fernandez, Christian, 1960- editor of compilation. Title: Inca Garcilaso and Contemporary World-Making I edited by Sara Castroｋｬ｡ｮｾ＠ and Christian Fernandez. Description: Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2016. I Series: Illuminations: Cultural Formations of the Americas I Includes biblio- graphical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2016019681 I ISBN 9780822963646 (paper: acid-free paper) Subjects: LCSH: Vega, Garcilaso de la, 1539-1616- Criticism and interpretation. I Vega, Garcilaso de la, 1539-1616. Comentarios reales de los incas. I Peru -History-1548-1820- Historiography. I Peru- History- To 1548Historiography. I Incas-Historiography. I Peru- Colonization-Historiography. I Europe- Colonies-America--Historiography. I Peru-Civilization-Historiography. I Indians of South America-Andes RegionHistoriography. I Andes Region-Civilization-Historiography. I BISAC: . HISTORY I Latin America I South America. Classification: LCC F3444.G3 I527 2016 I DDC 985/.02092- dc23 LC record available at https:/llccn.loc.gov/2016019681 ISBN 13: 978-0 -8229-6364-6 ISBN 10: 0-8229-6364-7 To Sun-Ok, Kristi , and Victor a1 ' CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ix INTRODUCTION Sara Castro-Klaren 3 INCA GARCILASO'S BIOGRAPHY Christian Fernandez 20 1. RHETORIC AND POLITICS Transatlantic Images and Paratexts in the Royal Commentaries Christian Fernandez 33 2. A SYNCRETIC TROPOLOGY Semantic and Symbolic Aspects of the Royal Commentaries Jose Antonio Mazzotti 62 3. THE DISSEMINATION AND READING OF THE ROYAL COMMENTARIES IN THE PERUVIAN VICEROYALTY Pedro M Guibovich Perez 129 4. TRANSLATION AND WRITING IN THE WORK OF INCA GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Susana Jakfalvi-Leiva 154 5. "MESTIZO ... ME LLAMO A BOCA LLENA Y ME HONRO CON EL" Race in Inca Garcilaso's Royal Commentaries ofthe Incas and General History ofPeru Margarita Zamora 174 6. "FOR IT IS A SINGLE WORLD" Marcilio Ficino and Inca Garcilaso de la Vega in Dialogue with Pagan Philosophies Sara Castro-Klaren 195 7. WRITING THE HISTORY OF AN ANDEAN GHOST Francisco A. Ortega Martinez 229 ACKNOW. 8. INCA GARCILASO AND TRANSLATION 260 Julio Ortega 9. LOCKE AND INCA GARCILASO Subtexts, Politics, and European Expansion James W Fuerst 269 10. SIGNIFYIN(G}, DOUBLE CONSCIOUSNESS, AND COLONIALITY The Royal Commentaries as Theory of Practice and Political Project Gonzalo Lamana 297 11. THE HISTORIOGRAPHICAL METATEXT AND THE NEW WORLD HISTORIOGRAPHY Walter D. Mignolo 316 AFTERWORD John Beverley 355 CONTRIBUTORS 369 INDEX 373 viii I CONTENTS We would like to thank the the ｾｬｩｮ､＠ readers of the manuscript ' special thanks to our friend and to Walter D. Mignolo and John institutions, the Johns Hopkins for years of support and research Working together as volume learning and camaraderie ality. Last but not least, ｷｾ＠ would Press for accepting this manuscript throughout the process. Jikfalvi-Leiva, Susana. Traducci6n, escritura y violencia colonizadora: Un Ia ｯ｢ｾ｡＠ del Inca Garcilaso. Syracuse: Maxwell School of Citizenship and Affarrs of Syracuse University, 1984. Jayne, Sears. "Introduction." In Commentary ofPlato's Symposium L 0 n oveby . . F' . sr 1ro rcmo [1484]. Dallas: Spring Publications, 1985. Kristeller, Paul Oskar. The Philosophy of Marsilio Ficino. Translated b v· . Conant. New York: Columbia University Press, 1943. y rrgrnia Lopez de G6mara, Francisco. Historiageneral de las Indias [1552] B 1 1954. . arce ona: Iberia, 7 WRITING THE HISTORY OF AN ANl;>EAN GHOST Macchi, Fernanda. Incas ilustrados: Reconstrucciones imperiales en Ia sea d . 6 un a mttad del · lo XV:III. M adnd: · Vervuert-Iberoamenricana, 2009. stg Mazzotti, Jose Antonio. Coros mestizos del Inca Garcilaso: Resonancias andinas. Li . Fonda de Cultura Econ6mica, 1996. ma. Mir6 Quesada, Aurelio. "Pr6logo." In Comentarios reales de los Incas by I G . , nca ar. crlaso de la Vega [1609]. Vol. I. Caracas: Biblioteca Ayacucho, 1976. Ovredo y Ｎｖｾｬ､･ｺ＠ Gonzalo Fernandez. Historia general y natural de las indias [ . 15351 Madnd. Brblwteca de Autores Espaiioles, 1959. Vols. 117-21. Plato. Timaeus. In The Dialogues ofPlato. Edited by Robert Maynard Hutchins, 448 ｔｲ｡ｮｳｬｴｾ､＠ by Benjamin Jowett. Vol. 7 of Great Books ofthe Western World. Ｕｾ＠ vols. Chrcago: Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc. 1952. Pupa-Walker, Enrique. Historia, creaci6n y profecia en los textos del Inca Garcilaso de Ia Vega . Madrid: Jose Porrua Turanzas, 1982. Safier, Neil. Measuring the New World: Enlightenment Science and South America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008. Urton, Gary. The History ofa Myth: Pacariqtambo and the Origin ofthe Inkas. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990. Urton, Gary. Signs of the Inka Khipu: Binary Coding in the Andean Knotted-String Records. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2003. Varner, .John Grier. El Inca: The Life and Times ofGarcilaso de !a Vega. Austin: Universrty of Texas Press, 1968. Zamora, Margarita. Language, Authority, and Indigenous History in the Comentarios reales de los Incas. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1988 Zuidema, Tom. Inca Civilization in Cuzco. Austin: University o;Texas Press, 1990. Francisco A. Ortega Martinez What is a ghost? Stephen said with tingling energy. One who has faded into impalpability through death, through absence, through change of manners. -James Joyce, Ulysses (1922) Garcilaso de Ia Vega's The Royal Commentaries (1609) has enjoyed an ever- wider appeal since the early seventeenth century. 1 Such rising popularity has taken place despite fundamental changes in readers' criteria of evaluation and appreciation of this work. Up to the late nineteenth century, Garcilaso's account had been taken as the most accomplished historical depiction of the Inca, but the discovery of new written and archeological sources and the emergence of modern historiography source criticism led historians and anthropologists to challenge its truthfulness. As a result, Garcilaso's history lost credibility. At the same time, the narrative was hailed as possessing the rhetorical and literary masteries of a classic text and the ideological underpinnings of nationalism, which earned it a foundational place in the pantheon of national and regional literary canons. Much scholarship has sought to explain the appeal of the Royal Commentaries to newer generations of readers. In a previous essay, I suggested that such appeal might be related to its traumatic dimension, the fact that the Royal Commentaries can be read as a "mediated and accumulative reflection of the experience of catastrophe," both resulting from and powerfully responding to the traumatized settings of postconquest Andes ("Trauma and Narrative," 397). At that time my concern was to identify a 228 I SARA CASTRO-KLAREN 229 number of rhetorical strategies that addressed the demands of executed an intervention that carried within it a powerfullo · .. . . ｾ ｾ＠ negotiatiOn, affirmatiOn, and accommodation.2 . I described the Royal Commentaries as highly ambivalent mg between various modes of emplotting catastrophe On th ' G ·1 · · e one arCI aso organizes Inca history as the preparation for th . Ch . · · e arnvaz nstiamty, proposes the Spanish conquest as the result of pro h Inca Huaina Capac (Book IX, Chapter XV 595-98) and ﾷ ｵ ｳｴ ｩＮ ｦｾ＠ ･ｾｹ＠ by ' ' Ies It on ｧｲｾｵＮｮ､ｳ＠ ｾｦ＠ Atahualpa's tyranny. These features coincide and work ｬ･ｧｩｴｭ｡Ｎｾ＠ Garcilaso's own idealized political projects-in the of estabhshmg a Holy Inca Empire in the viceroyalty of Peru a d · ｉｾ＠ 1600s of seeking to create autonomous communities led by ･､ｾ｣｡＠ under the tutelage of the Jesuits. Therefore, for earlier generations th R cas ｾｴﾷ＠ . d . . ･ｾ＠ . en arzes constitute an Immediate specific response to concrete histor. Icallosses. To the degree that these resolutions were ultimately impossible, the language of the Royal Commentaries sustained the work of melanch r Su h r 0 Ia. c ear Ier response, I suggested, is constitutive of latter receptions. Perhaps our repeated return over the centuries to Garcilaso 's text s, our d · . :vorn-out .esire ｴｾ＠ read m them a coherent essence capable of grouping us ｉｾｴｯ＠ collective projects (such as nationalism, mestizaje or, more recently mulｴｾ｣ｵｬｲｩｳｭＩＬ＠ or simply our need to read the text as a productive o;positwn Ｈｾｳ＠ Ill indigenismo, for instance), suggests a wound that remains intact and silent. Perhaps what we repeatedly see in Garcilaso-much to our chagrin-is not that which proposes harmonious reconciliation but that which-despite the gestures toward coherence-remains ､ｩｳ｣ｯ ｾｴｩｮｵｯｳＬ＠ painful, nonproductive, and irremediably fragmented . Ｑ THE QUESTION OF SPECTERS It is only consistent that such disembodied memory is in habited by ghosts, both structurally and thematically. Phantoms and traumatic memｯｾｩ･ｳ＠ are, after all, structures of simultaneous negation and affi rmation. VIracocha, a purported phantom in Garcilaso's account bears out this troubling ontology. Investigating his advent in the Royal C;mmentaries helps us understand Garcilaso's account as a language of mediation, carrying on at and melancholia. And in doing so, it raises th once the . work of mourning . e questwn, once agam, as to the relevance of Garcilaso for the present. Before we proceed to Garcilaso's historical account however we must consider phantoms. Historically, phantoms have been ｾ＠ serious ｾ｡ ｴ･ｲ Ｌ＠ not only because they effectively frightened those to whom they appeared but because they posed serious philosophical and theological question s. That is not the case today; they are no longer taken seriously. And yet, what we may hantoms a t the beginning of the twenty-first century- those amusing . . b .f Pfascma · ting evanescencesstill retain the capacity to dtstur , even 1 . . very rare occaswns. t that such dual status is directly related to two phenomena: the I sudgges n at the end of the eighteenth century of modern reason at the nsoh auo · h "bl 1 CO ense of other modes of knowing and reasomng, and ot er poss1 e1 re. aexP knowledge and power. The old opposition between reve atwn f1ons between .. th was reelaborated into true knowledge and superstitiOn, my or and heresy d d" . r ;anorance. History, argued Michel de Certeau, became a mo ern tsctp..me 't> . at the very moment in which it construed myth and superstitiOn preCise1Y . · 1 · h obverse of historical fact. Similarly, psychiatry and the socta scias t e t ove to distinguish phantoms from real phenomena and needed to ences s r . . (B · · phantoms as incarnating everythmg that was not sctence nerre 1 exp am d· AS de Boismont, 38). Ghosts became, as Herbert Spenser observe m ystem of Synthetic Philosophy: First Principles, "assignable causes for strange occurrences" (21).3 . However, a rapidly expanding entertainment sphere eventually resttuated such disquieting forces and found other media for them. Phantoms became the engine of our cultural industry: shadow theaters, ｰｨ｡ｮｴｳｭｾｧｯﾭ ric boxes, and the early motion picture gleefully ｳｴ｡ｧｾ､＠ supernatural bemgs and, one might argue , were embodied by them. Etienne Gaspard Robert and Georges ｍ･ｬｩｾｳＬ＠ among many other early ｴｷ･ｮｩｨＭ｣ｾｲｹ＠ artists, exceptionally understood that theater gimmick, montage ｣ｯｾ｢ｭ･､＠ excellently with stories of apparitions , revenants, and other tlluswns to create · fear and. fascination at the same time. As Sl avoJ. z·tze k an d J acqu es Dernda have already remarked, our twentieth-century cultural industry has continued such exploitation of the spectral as the source of its energy and ｳｵ｣ｾ＠ (see McMullen's documentary about Derrida's work; Zizek). Not surp.nsing, it is in the movies, arts, and literature- particularly when most ｴ･ｲｾ｢Ｑｹ＠ lucid-where ghosts have found a new dwelling place. Such ｰ｡ｲｾ､ｯｸｴ｣ｬ＠ convergence-the expulsion of phantoms by reason and a cu1turalmdustry that produces ghosts for consumption-constitutes a foundational phenomenon of our modernity and accounts for the difficulty in speaking about phantoms with earnest. However, it also suggests that phantoms are much more than curious anomalies. Indeed, I submit that the phantom is the philosophical problem of the present, particularly if we take into account its connection with terror. There have been some valiant attempts to address their theoretical import. Early in the nineteenth century, Walter Scott admitted in his Letters on Demonology and Witchcraft that he had spent many hours traveling "in the twilights regions of superstitious disquisitions" (14). Originally intended to tn 230 I FRANCISCO A. ORTEGA MARTINEZ WRITING THE HISTORY OF AN ANDEAN GHOST I 231 scientifically discern the attributes of human nature that account for ou predisposition-or weakness-to believe in supernatural occurrencesr Scott strays from the goal, gleefully recounts legendary apparitions, and frequently comes up short in dismissing them as mere superstitions. A few years later, Arthur Schopenhauer began his brief "Essay on Spirit Seeing and Everything Connected Therewith" by similarly inviting the reader to follow him to the realm of gloom. There Schopenhauer purported to understand the truth contained in phantoms and apparitions while arguing that they provide knowledge produced by means other than reason. As kinds of dreams, they work as intuitions of manifested reality and "become the connecting link, the bridge, between somnambulistic and waking consciousness" (225-310; quote from page 254). Thus, concluded Schopenhauer, investigating phantoms reveal important manifestations of the will by means of intuitive perception and lead us to "the path that does not pass through time and space on the leading string of causality. It is the path through the thing-in-itself" (303). Many years later Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno insisted in a small fragment at the end of the Dialectics of Enlightenment on the urgent necessity to develop a theory of phantoms (178-79). According to them, they are ominous signs of that which remains deformed and incomplete, the burden of life that emerges when we deny the violence of the past. More recently, Derrida wrote along the same lines: "There has never been a scholar who really, and as a scholar, deals with ghosts. A traditional scholar does not believe in ghosts- nor in all that could be called the virtual space of spectrality" (Specters ofMarx, 11). Let's abide, if only briefly, by such summon and return once again to the question of phantoms, those nonsensorial sensual beings that stand in stark contrast to Platonic ideas, religious revelation, or the Spirit (all of them repositories of truth). And in following the call, let's not rush to the assumption that phantoms are identical to chimeras, demons, idols, and illusions-though they do share a great deal with them-lest we run the risk of foreclosing the question and squandering our analytic capacity to discern the nature of specific visitations. What I call phantoms possess at least three dimensions: To begin with, there is the logic of the phantom that writes elsewhere the script of what takes place here or, as Freud writes, "the phantom is he who writes the imaginary script through which we stage the realization of an unconscious desire" (Laplanche and Pontalis). Lacan develops this idea by claiming that the phantom "is that by which the subject sustains himself at the level of his vanishing desire, vanishing in so far as the very satisfaction of demand hides his object from him" (Ecrits, chapter 1, §10, 272). The phantom is both in the social scene (as effectively unfolding logic) and absent from it . . must remain outside in order for history to take (as that of the social scene must be a hauntology rather than place). A cntlcal that being is never fully present, spectrallty IS ontology-a ｲ･｣ｾ｢ｧ＠ t of contemporary social existence (Dernda, Specters of a neCessary attn u e ｨｩｳ Ｎｴｾｮ｣ｩｹ＠ ｲ･Ｚｾ＠ ｴｾ｡＠ ｴｨ｡ｾ＠ Marx, 10, 161). h t been a matter of historical research or reflecBut phantoms ave no f disposing of them. Historians, wrote Jules tion. Except, perhaps, as a wfayho d d honor them and bury them. In fact, h ld take care o t e ea , ' · Michelet, gives . · . · s ou with the nocturna1 world of the dead is exactly what their mtimacyf mind and produces t h eir . t ru th . In such ceremomal service, . them. peace . h ldo accompany t h e d.Ispose d bodies·, their returns will .not . be. recspints s ou 1 d b t will be identified as superstition, Ignoognized as science or ｫｮｾｷ＠ e. ge(Mu . h 1 t 31) 4 However, phantoms refuse . 1 hallucmatwn IC e e ' . . habit the present: they haunt ranee, . Ido a try, Thor constitute, structure, an d m to disappear. ey . 1 rote that "the other is the phantasm it. Michel de Certeau (2) ｰ･ｲ｣ｴｬｖｾ＠ y wk h and buries." Such other, . h th object that It see s, onors of histonograp y, .e . . 1 . h b"ts history and makes it speak that which is not histoncal, sllent y m a I h"story domesticates difference, is otherwise.h 1 . . 1me, . a modern discip I Nonet e ess, as h. h as Hanna Arendt suggests, 1 . h ducer of the self-same, w IC , a homo ogy, . r (301-2 438). For, more than eliminatmg t e connects modernity wtth terro 'k 1. minate the difference within f modern terror see s to e I other, the essence o d I·ty and terror directs us to S h r k ge between mo ern each one of us. uc m a -that which is the result of . n of the phantom comp1ex d d. a secon Imensw Conquests wars, tern"ble social violence amountfh . t the foreclosure o IS ory. . ' D h called "critical events" . 1 h ologist Veena as as urin that instills the Real-that is the ing to what soCla ant rop results in profound ｳｹｭ｢ｯｬｾ＠ destruct . gh "dst of experience. s The vio . · d ble· fnght-m t e mi unnamable, what IS ure uci · . lains why ghosts accord. f h. story-the traumatic-exp , the burden of life. In fact, they lent expulswn rom I ing to Horkheimer and Adorno (178), ahre t They are ominous signs of d the violence of t e pas · emerge when we eny . lete a social interpellation that that which remains deformed and mcomhp h, horror of annihilation is h. 1 onse· "Only w en t e demands an. et 1ca · laced in the proper relationship to raised fully mto conscwusness are w_e p l"k them are victims of the V:e, d1 he , Ｈｾ ＸＩ＠ 6 So far phanthe dead: that of unity with them, ｾｭ｣･＠ d f the same disappomte ope . ' same conditions an o . f the "pure historicity" toms posit a double challenge: that which ｣ｯｭｾ＠ ｾｯｭ＠ mes from the subjects w IC ｂ･ｾ＠ .f as Heidegger and excluded from historical accounts and ｴｨ｡ｾ＠ h h been violently expelled from !story. u I , . . w o . av.e . " ure historicity" is surely what remains outside hls.tory and Dernda msist, we p agree th a t trauma (or the violent expulsion of history) IS if, with Lacan, ｡ｰｲｾ＠ ｲｾｳｰ＠ Ｗ 232 I FRANCISCO A. ORTEGA MARTINEZ W R I T I N G T HE HISTORY OF AN ANDEAN GHOST I 233 ............. . precisely that which dissolves the social bond and breaks through the h . of signifiers revealing the failure of the imaginary and symbolic to h cldain . 0 ｾ＠ ｣ｯｮｴ｡ｩｾ＠ the real, how then to speak of such double exclusion, spectral lo . and fnght at once? gic There is a third spectral dimension. The force of a phantom lies · · . .. . . ｭｾ＠ capacity to .anticipate the possible-that IS ' by in the way in which it de P1oys a temporality of the future that unlocks the present. It is a temporality th phantasmata (i.e., sensory representations of nal obJects) m Its capacity to induce a calculation, but whose messia · lllc D · · · . orce--:-mmtlmatwn of a different future-lies in a generalized state of bad consciOusness; let us remember once again the specter that haunted Europe in 1848. These phantoms return once and again and elaborate collective dreams and aspirations by setting them against the bleakness of the present. Thus the demand a of politics: "If I am getting ready to speak at about ghosts, mhentance, and generations, generations of ghosts, which is to say ｾ｢ｯｵｴ＠ certain others who are not present, nor presently living, either to us, ｉｾ＠ us, or outside us, it is in the name of justice" (Derrida, Specters of Marx, XIX). The phantom therefore is what occupies the place of the promise and announces the arrival of the unexpected, the messianic: the place of a possible utopia (168). Three dimensions of one spectral process that Walter Benjamin locates on the figure of the Angelus Novus: facing the past, muted by the enormous catastrophe in front of him, the angel is imprisoned by the storm blowing him into the future. Every theory about phantoms needs to take into account these three o.rders. Now, it is only possible to separate these dimensions analytically, ｓｉｾ･＠ the nature of the phantom is to confound and remain opaque to the cntlcal eye. Our task cannot be to decipher them in order to render them docile and manageable. Our task, the task of a critical history that looks for the path beyond the impasses of history, is to make them irrupt into this obtuse present that trusts too much its own certainties. ｲ･ｳｭｾｬ＠ ａｾｩｳｴ･ｬ｡ｮ＠ ｮ･ｾ＠ ･ｸｴＺｾ＠ ｫｩｮｾ＠ ｬ･ｮｧｴｾ＠ ANDEAN PHANTOMS We know that those who suffered the conquest and colonization of the Americas experienced these processes as brutal interruptions of their social routines that irrevocably altered their sense of community. The enormity of the traumatic episode brought forth a symbolic collapse best evidenced in the inability to use local symbolic resources to mourn within the frame of existing political and cultural institutions-a situation further aggravated by the colonial policy of eliminating and banning local deities the forceｦｾｬ＠ imposition of new religious, judicial, and administrative ｯｲ､ｾｳＬ＠ and the dismantling of military and priestly castes. It is not surprising that cultural 234 I FRANCISCO A. ORTEGA MARTINEZ ｾｲ｡ es of reference and representation were inadequate to render the events so that, as Nathan Wachtel (54) has argued, the "traumatism of 1111econquest is best defined by a kind of 'dispossession,' a plummeting of the theditional universe," a state of melancho1·Ia m · w h.IC h ph antoms ab ound .7 tra Native American postconquest chronicles abound with divine and semi. · e characters who leave but promise to return in the guise of strange ｾｭ＠ . . men (such as Quetzalcoatl in Mexico and ｟ｙｮ｡ｾｯ｣ｨ＠ m. the ａｮ､･ｳｾ＠ and other ghostly interpellations announcing the Immment arnval ofSpamards. text The Natives scribes that composed the Florentine Codex-the ｎ｡ｨｵｾｴｬ＠ Bernardino de Sahagun used to compose his ｭｯｾｵ･ｮｴ｡ｬ Ｎ ｇ･ｮｲｾｬ＠ Hzstory of New Spain (circa 1590s)-mentions omens predatmg Spamsh arnval.by ten years: "a flaming ear of corn ... like a wound in the ｳｾｹＧ＠ (as in Portilla, 4), spontaneous fires, lighting, howling winds, strange ｡ｭｾｬｳＬ＠ ｾｮ､＠ monstrous beings (Portilla, 3-12). As if such signs could retrospectiVely disclose the etythe ｳｴ｡ｾＩＬ＠ mology and genealogy of the dis-aster (as events proceeding ｦｲｯｾ＠ nature is said to rise up once and again to warn Mexicans of the Impendmg European advent. In such a belated manner, the conquest is incorporated into local moral economy whereby it is nothing but the actualization of past prophecies. Such spectral haunting is one of the most common forms of collective repetition, a continual reliving of the wounding experience in order to master it, to semiotize it, to mourn it. As iterations these phantomatic 8 appearances are the signs of grave social dislocation. For their part, Europeans tended to represent the devastation through the Renaissance theory of humors and particularly the figure of the melancholic ｉｮ､ｩ｡ｾＮ＠ Thus Juan de Matienzo, legal adviser to the Peruvian Viceroy Toledo (1569-80) and preeminent jurists in Peru, writes in his 1567 treaty Of the Government of Peru that "Indians .. . are faint-hearted and timid, which is a consequence of a melancholic nature, because in these Indians abound the cold and dry black bile" (Matienzo, 16-19; my emphasis). According to the theory, melancholies were more vulnerable than others to "harbor and imprint these annoying (molestisimas) ideas in their imagination/fancy (fantasia) that .. . are inductive of madness: it is the fault of their blood and of those who-instead of diverting black thoughts while finding cheerful ones-withdraw from society and devotes energy to contemplate and give body to such dreadful phantoms, which later on would wage war on them with renewed impetus" (Muratori).9 The reasoning is perverse: the concept of the "melancholic Indian" is further proof, according to Matienzo (19), of the legitimacy of the conquest; undermined by his own ghosts, the Indian "were naturally born and bred to serve, and it is more profitable for them to ｬｩｧ｢･＠ serve than to order." 10 We begin to see why phantoms are not so easily dismissed, nor will they WRITING THE HISTORY OF AN ANDEAN GHOST I 235 be merely reduced to unconscious processes. Instead sociolo · ' gist Aver G d or on suggests we take their eerie existence as the way loss liv · Y . 1y [as] a dead or missing person, but [as] a socialesf 1ll the, present, " not Simp F G d "" . . Igure ' or or on, mvestigatmg [phantoms] can lead to that dense sit h · h. t d b. · · e w ere IS ory an su 1ectlvity make social life" (8; 50-58). 11 Accordingly .. . , anappa ntwn constitutes the paradoxical announcement of something th t · . · . . . . a IS missmg and Its return m the glllse of a disembodied historical memory L "k . . · I e the uncanny, hauntmg IS where the "orga_ni_zed forces and systemic structures that appear removed from us make theu Impact felt in everyday life in a Way that confounds our analytic separations and confounds the social s · eparatwns t h emselves" (Gordon, 19). 12 ａｾ､＠ ｹｾｴ＠ the questions are inevitable: How do we apprehend these specters histoncally? Do we honor them or confine Native omens and h ｰｾ＠ toms to naive,. perhaps desperate· inventions? Can we understand them as other than ｗｾｉｭｳ＠ of fantasy or rationalizations of past defeats? H ow "do we reckon wrth what modern history has rendered ghostly? How do we develop a crit_icallanguage to describe and analyze the affective, historical, and mnemomc structures of such hauntings?" (Gordon, 18). Indeed, how do we approach the phantasmagoric dimension of history? Viracocha, a ghost that forecasts the arrival of Spaniards in various Andean chronicles will help us begin to explore these questions. Garcilaso's account in the ｾｯｹ｡ｬ＠ Commentan:es is striking because of its unorthodox nature and popularity ｡ｭｯｾｧ＠ ｎｾｴｩｶ･＠ and non-Native readers. While I am not interested in reading Garcrlaso s account as a source of factual information, I want to insist on a historical reading of the phantom as a disembodied memory. Catherine Julien has performed an exhaustive reading of Inca sources to conclude that the prevailing modes of Andean historical consciousness strongly shaped the chronicles of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Andean historical consciousness was connected with various oral genressome of which had physical support-and was concerned with dynastic genealogy and life histories of Sapa Incas. These memories were originally ｴｾ･＠ result of ideological interests to express-or deny-imperial Inca expanswn and dynastic consolidation. Once integrated in Spanish chronicles, they -:ere reproduced within the context of colonial conflicts. Finally, they benefited a Native colonial class, the survivors of the Andean nobility that were able to rearticulate the colonial regime to their advantage (Julien, 293-95). ｾｹ＠ work builds from those conclusions-even if it advances in a entirely different direction-to look at the ways in which Viracocha inscribes at the heart of disembodied memory the unresolved claims and demands Native and mestizo elites. According to Garcilaso, Viracocha is the son of the Sun and brother of 236 I FRANCISCO A. ORTEGA MARTINEZ he I nca M anco Capac and Coya Mama Ocllo Huaco (the founding Incas, before Hatun tbrot h er s to all of the Incas). Viracocha appeared . . Tupac, the Yahuar Huacac (the reigning Inca circa 1450s), a pnnce who had son of fal 1en I·n disgrace with his father and had been banned from Cusco because . "harsh character." The phantom-Garcilaso's own words-warns the ｾ＠ h ｾ＠ . f . . · pnnce that the Chanca provinces of Chinchasuyu were m . danger o nsmg . ainst the Incas. He went to his father's palace and tned to warn him, up ag · · · ·1 Th but the father did not believe him and angnly sent him back mto exi e. e provinces did rise and Inca Yahuar Huacac cowardly ran away from Cusco, abandoning the sacred city to the enemy (Book IV, Chapters XXI-XXIV, 242-49). The prince disobeyed his father and returned to Cusco at the command of an army to subdue the rebellious provinces. The defeat of the Chancas-a powerful non-Quechua confederation-allowed for the consolidation of the Inca state. The prince Hatun Tupac became the Sapan Inca and took the name ofViracocha to honor the divine phantasm. Later on, he built a beautiful temple, with a splendid statue of the apparition (Book V, Chapter XXII, 303-5), and repeated the story of the ghost to induce other nations to accept Inca rule. At the end of his life, the wise and revered Inca forecasted a period ofPachakuti (sudden catastrophic change), in which the arrival of a new people (presumably the Spaniards) would take away their empire and religion (Book V, Chapter XXVIII, 319). Readers familiar with Andean and Inca history will realize this passage involves a fundamental rewriting of official divine and royal genealogies. To begin with, varied and complex, official Inca cosmogony was the result of a long process of assimilation of diverse Andean deities as they expanded; the negotiation of religious practices as they incorporated various non-Quechua groups into the realm; and the imposition of the Inti (Sun) worship throughout their dominions as they sought to solidify their rule. 13 Andean religions recognized in Viracocha the fundamental role of creator and organizer of the universe-and not just a semidivine apparition of the son of the sun and brother of the first Inca as Garcilaso argues-it was in fact a supreme deity also called Ticci Viracocha, the Supreme Maker. 14 After Viracocha emerged from the sacred Lake Titicaca, he created Earth and humans and sent them to people the world. He then traveled westward trailing the sun through the Tahuantinsuyu (the Inca realm), teaching the fundamentals of civilization. At the end of his journey, he disappeared into the Pacific Ocean with the promise of returning again in the future. Almost all of sixteenth-century Peruvian chroniclers coincide with this description of Viracocha as a solar divinity. Similarly, many of Garcilaso's sources and contemporaries observe the continuities between Viracocha and Pachacamac, a divinity from the coast WRITING THE HISTORY OF AN ANDEAN GHOST I 237 that governed the underground and hosted one of the most important · 1s . ora. 1 · h c es m t e regwn. However, m the Royal Commentaries Viracocha's trality ｾｳ＠ curiousl.y displaced by Pachacamac, who becomes "the one Ｚｾ＠ does With the umverse that which the soul does with the body" (Book II Chapter XXVII, 133). Furthermore, Garcilaso insists that Andeans viewed Pachacamac as the creator and nourisher of the world ("daba vida al · universo Y le sustentaba," Book II, Chapter II, 70), an invisible god they did not know and thus did not dare to worship in temples. Though Garcilaso' reasoning for diminishing the role ofViracocha is unclear, the privileging ｾ＠ Pachacamac advanced the argument that Andeans discerned the true God by .means of scintilla conscientiae, the natural luminous trace with which all rational creatures were endowed ("rastrearon con lumbre natural al verdadero sumo Dios y Senor nuestro," Book II, Chapter II, 70). If the existence of Pachacamac allows Garcilaso to argue that Andeans apprehended the idea of the true God before the arrival of Europeans, VIracocha, the phantom, became the apostle who initiated the praeparatio e:angelica, while the prince Hatun Tupac (later Inca Viracocha) was the first Inca to receive the word of Christ. Indeed, Garcilaso mentions that in postconquest Peru chroniclers saw the image of Saint Bartholomew in the splendid statue the prince Hatun Tupac built in honor of the phantom, who allegedly had come to America to spread the Gospel before the arrival of the conquistadors (Book V, Chapter XXII, 304-5). The story, popular ｡ｾｯｮｧ＠ chroniclers and missionaries during the sixteenth century, allows him to further identify pre-Hispanic Inca culture with Christian ideology (such as. the alleged instauration of monotheistic religion by the Incas) and to questiOn the legitimacy of Spanish domination. For if Christ had already sent to Peru an apostle to preach the Gospel, effectively making Christian ｮ･ｯｰｾｹｴｳ＠ out of Andeans, then the justification for Spanish military presence m Peru (reasonable only in light of the missionary undertaking) was fundamentally challenged. Ｐ The inscription of Viracocha gives way to multiple valorizations. To begin with, it resonates with Andean figurations of semidivine entities visions, and practices that mediate between the upper (hanan) and the lowe; 16 (hurin) realmS. More can be said about it from the Andean perspectivesuch as that the difference between spiritual or divine and phantoms makes no sense in the Andean world-but for the time being I focus on a particular mnemonic configuration. However, the phantasmatic resonances only take place and make sense in the context of colonial violence. .Neoplatonic Christian thought, to which Garcilaso was deeply indebted, assigned phantoms a definite negative value. 17 For Saint Augustine, for mstance, Signs that do not correspond to corporeal realities are either the manifestation of the true presence- God- or vain phantoms. Phantoms, gued in Confessions, use their resemblance of God to carry the work of hear O) 1s Wh the devil and deceive the truth-seeker (Book III,. Chapter VI , ｾ＠ . ｾｮ＠ discussing the true nature of Christ, Thomas Aqumas ･｣ｨｯｾ＠ Samt ｾｧｵｳｴｭ＠ d writes that "if the body of Christ was a phantom, Chnst deceived us, Ｚｾ､＠ if He deceived us, He is not the Truth. But Christ is the Truth. Therefore . . His body was not a phantom" (vol. 2, 736). By the mid-seventeenth century, Cardinal Gwvanm ｾｯｮ｡Ｚ＠ a contemporeturned to Saint Agustin in a post-Tndentme context arcilaso f G rary o , .. . . to pro Pose a distinction between visions and appantwns. .The . new obJeCtive . S to set rigorous doctrine so that the church could decisively face not JUSt wa f · the remnants of Middle Age pagan beliefs, but the private raptures o mystiC an d iluminados that threatened to break the Church, as well as the so-called . idolatry that challenged Catholic and European expansion in Amencan territories. l9 For Bona there is a vision when the perceived figure can be connected to a real Being; however, there is an apparition when there is no relation with a truthful being. Such distinction makes possible to differentiate between mystics- who see the truthful body of Christ in their visions- and heretics, pagans, and idolaters who were deceived by false images produced by the devil and thus driven to spread anarchy and evil. Hence if we take Ticci Viracocha to be Saint Bartholomew, he would not be a phantom but a divine presence. Notably, Garcilaso remains uncommitted. He repeatedly calls Ticci Viracocha a phantom and hesitantly suggests that it was the devil that appeared to the Inca ｰｲｩｮｾ･＠ in ｨｾｳ＠ dreams to deceive Andeans and further the proliferation of pagan Idolatnes (Book V, Chapter XXI , 302). According to such an argument, the devil ｣ｵｮｾｧｬｹ＠ understood that by helping the Incas vanquish the Chancas and consolidate the Tahuantinsuyu, he was able to enthrone his dominion over the IndieS. 20 These were not minor theological debates or peculiar curiosities of an age long gone; instead, they gave rise to intense theological disputations in the context of the conquest and colonization of America. For Bartholomew de las Casas these visions were historical proof that Native Americans had been visited by God, that they were a chosen people, and that their idolatries were mere deviations produced by the forgetting of those early teachmgs; for Jesuit Jose de Acosta, however, these phantoms were diabolic manifestations that evinced the devil had been hard at work in the damnation of the Indies. If for Las Casas the church had to find the true divine manifestation behind historical deviation, for Acosta the church had to lead the extirpation of all practices and memories that did not fit ecclesiastical orthodoxy (Duviols, La destrucci6n de las religiones andinas) . Whatever its theological value, Viracocha-the apparition-had a long 238 I FRANCISCO A. ORTEGA MARTINEZ WRITING THE HISTORY OF AN ANDEAN GHOST I 239 beard. and a strange d.ress, which explains-according to many Andean chromcles-why Spamards were called viracochas when they first arrived· Andeans, says Garcilaso, believed Europeans were sent from heaven ｴｾ＠ assist ｴｾ･ｭ＠ in their ｳｴｲｵｾｧｬ･＠ against the tyrant Atahualpa. According to Garc1laso, such confus10n alone explains the Europeans' easy victory (Book V, Chapter XXI, 300-2). 21 Evidently this resemblance (Spaniards ::: Viracochas) is highly ambiguous as Ticci Viracocha treads the liminal space between divine manifestation and evil phantom. More revealingly, that ｬｾ･ｳ＠ Spamards unquestionably acquire a definite and sinister spectral dimension by not honoring Andean's view of Spaniards as God sent. Indeed, Garcilaso laments that "if Spaniards had corresponded to the Indians' vain belief [that they were sent by God] and would have preached the Holy Gospel with the example that Christian doctrine demands, there is no doubt that much benefit would have come. But it all happened so differently" (Book V, Chapter XXI, 301). 22 According to Saint Augustine, phantoms lurk in the absence of God and are deceptive representations ("partly true and partly false") that produce confusion and deviate from the truth (cf. "Sermon XXV," Augustine of Hippo, Confessions, Book IV, Chapter VII, 12). Spanish resemblance of the pagan phantom Viracocha, itself a product of the devil, and their disregard for those Christian truths they invoke, renders them infernal ghostly beings. Fittingly, Garcilaso finishes this daring passage by stating the impossibility of speaking about it: "It is not licit for me to speak of such things; they [the Spaniards] would say that I speak passionately because I am an Indian" (Book V, Chapter XXI, 301)_23 Notice the interdiction that arises before spectrality, an interdiction constituted on Garcilaso's Andeanness. But it is exactly the trespassing of such limit, by speaking, that the invaders' sinister spectrality is constituted. This passage also involves a rewriting of royal panacas (royal lineage) and imagery that diminishes the role of the ninth and greatest Inca, Pachacutec (circa 1438-1471), in Andean history. Indeed, Garcilaso's version markedly differs from his written sources and other chroniclers and informants (with the possible exception of the account given by quipucamayos in 1542 to Vaca de Castro in Peru), which credit the great Pachacutec with many of the achievements he attributes to Viracocha-the conquest of the Chancas, the expansion of the empire, and the reforms of the law and religious cults, including the imposition of the solar cult and the veneration of mummified ancestors. 24 Andean historians unanimously agree that it was Viracocha Inca who exiled his son Pachacutec from Cusco and who later had to flee from the city because of the Chanca attack. Similarly, sixteenth-century chronicles, such as Juan Diez de Betanzos's Narrative ofthe Incas (1551), assert that 240 I FRANCISCO A. ORTEGA MARTINEZ . · Viracocha appeared to the prince Pachacutec-and not to Viracocha . a-before marching on to Cusco to defend the empue (Betanzos, vol. rnc , . . G .1 , h. S). 2s The diminishment of Pachacutec s standmg m arc1 aso s 1story 1, . . continues with the apparition of the apocryphal Inca Yupanqm, an emgatic tenth Inca (arguably the son of Pachacutec and the father of Tupac m h h. · Yupanqui) whose existence has not been verified by any ot er 1stonan or 1'1CC1 source of the period. 26 This rewrite of dynastic history-in which Pachacutec fades from view-is all the more dramatic when considering the crucial symbolic assoiations that converge in Garcilaso's name. The expression "Pacha" simulc d" taneously designates world and time; more concretely, it names a worl mg embedded in a cyclical temporality in which rituals maintain a cosmic balance. This embeddedness designates by extension a relational logic with the sacred, the surrounding world, and others in which the mediation between realms (hurin-hanan) was constant and necessary. 27 But "Kuti" means transformation through the encounter of opposites. Hence Pachakuti, a fundamental concept in Andean cosmogony, means at once a sudden and transforming change and a restoring to the primordial origin. This change closes the temporality and spatiality of an era and inaugurates a new cycle (see Gonzalez Holguin). 28 Due to his standing in Andean history, the Inca to whom Viracocha Ticci appeared was called Pachacutec, the "one who transformed the world." The fading of Pachacutec in Garcilaso's account suggests that what is being staged by such vanishing is greater than a particular reference to a historical character; that the apparition ofViracocha does not just coincide but is structurally linked to the fading of the Pachacutec; that the phantom complex is much greater than their names-Pachacutec and Viracocha-can name. As if there wasn't enough spectrality in this passage, Garcilaso tucks at the end of book five (of the nine), the story of Viracocha's death and of the day in 1560, just before departing his beloved Peru, when he saw the sacred mummy of Viracocha Inca in Cusco. The mummy, originally in a sacred temple and then hurried away at the time of Spanish arrival, was later sequestered by Polo de Ondegardo, a corregidor (Spanish magistrate). Garcilaso describes the mummies-there were four other royal bodies-as dressed with their clothes, the llautus (royal insignia worn round the head), sitting as noble Natives do, with their arms crossed over the chest, and the eyes lowered as if looking toward the ground. They still had hair and their skin was so well preserved that they seemed alive, needing only to speak to corroborate their liveliness ("solo les faltaba hablar," Book V, Chapter XXIX, 321-22). 29 This spectral scene-of recognition and misrecognition WRITING THE HISTORY OF AN ANDEAN GHOST I 241 executed by Garcilaso's trembling hand-is also one of the most intensel poignant and vivid moments of the Royal Commentaries. Bearing the ｶ ｩｶｾ＠ fixity that characterizes fantasies, it must have been experienced as the uncanny-that is, as the return of the familiar in a slightly modified fashion (Lacan, Seminario TV, 121-22; Freud). The disclosing and touching of the mummies is performed, says the Corregidor, so that Garcilaso takes something with him to tell in Spain ("para que lleveis que contar por alla," 320). What such something could be is not clear, but if we attend to seventeenth-century natural philosophers "phantoms [are] the images of things we imagine or perceive" (Covarrubias), we are startled to discover a Royal Commentaries haunted and possessed by the apparition of Viracocha Ticci and the fading ofPachacutec Inca. 30 What to do? How to deal with so many phantoms? How do we approach this phantasmagoria? How to unfasten a present that insists on disavowing them? How to recognize that they can take us to the dense site where history and subjectification constitute social life (Gordon, 8)? 31 How to identify their irreducible singularity? How to write the history of this haunting? It is important to recognize that until the beginning of the twentieth century, the Royal Commentaries were taken as a historically accurate work, doubtlessly the most important of the Andean world. For instance, Inca Justo Sahuaraura, a well-known nineteenth-century Peruvian patriot and an Inca noble claiming descendant from Huayna Capac, heavily relies on Garcilaso to compose his Recuerdos de Ia Monarquia peruana o bosquejo de Ia historia de los Incas. Con 16 retratos de Ia Dinastia imperial de Manco Ccapac. However, based on Garcilaso's peculiar treatment of these two figures, most contemporary historians and anthropologists write off the Royal Commentaries as deeply problematic-if not just a highly imaginative account. They attribute the variants to either him being a mestizo, his supposed ignorance of Andean history, his remoteness from it, a strong desire to diminish the role of Pachacutec, or to his use of European rhetoric to render intelligible Andean cultural frames .32 While it is practically impossible to assume that Garcilaso did not know the stories of Ticci Viracocha and Pachacutec Inca, the other two hypotheses should be considered. The notion of a strong bias against Pachacutec has some merit as Atahualpa, the reigning Inca at the time of Spanish arrival, belonged to Pachacutec's royal panaca (see Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, Pachacutec y Ia leyenda, 26-32). Let us recall that in 1532, the Inca empire was engaged in a fierce war of secession between Huascar (Cusco-based) and Atahualpa (Quito-based). When Pizarro arrived in Cajamarca, Atahualpa had already captured Huascar and ransacked Cusco, killing in the wake many of Garcilaso's forebears. Pizarro captured Atahualpa and went to Cusco where, Garcilaso 242 I FRANCISCO A. ORTEGA MARTINEZ he was received as a liberator (Book V, Chapter XXI, 300). The aniargu es , . .. . . to ､･ｬｧｴｭｾ＠ ･ｶｲｹ Ｎ ｴｨｭｾ＠ assornosity against Atahualpa-and the ､･ｳｵｾ＠ .s need ciated with him, including his panaca-mtght help explam ｇ｡ｾ｣ｴｬｳｯ＠ for a rewrite and provides a concrete ｵｮ､･ｲｳｴ｡ｭｾ＠ of .why .tt mamfested itself as the partial deletion of this most important htstoncal. ftgure. Similarly, scholars have dismissed the Royal Commentarzes based on the tion that Garcilaso was more preoccupied with creating a narraass Ump . ·ve that was both legitimate and comprehensible to European audtences Ｚｾ｡ｮ＠ writing true history, a fact that allegedly led him to write ＢＬｾｩｳｴｲＮ＠ noveladas" (Levillier, vol. 2, 73; Rostworowskt de Dtez Canseco, ａｮ｡ｬｾｳｴ＠ critico," 211). 33 Though the reproach is formulated as if such preoccupatton was exclusively Garcilaso's (as if somehow writing in other cases was able to escape the desire of intelligibility that necessarily sustains it and constitutes it in its condition of possibility), what concerns me here the most is that in both cases (resentment and desire for intelligibility), the spectral dimension of history is explained away by references to Garcilaso's private obsessions. But what if we take the(se) ghost(s) as empirical evidence that a haunting is taking place, a repository of experienced not easily disposed by means of references to a psychic economy? What if this dense and complex site of subject-formation announces that which is missing and its return in the guise of a disembodied historical memory? And, yet, how do we move beyond Garcilaso's own vivid experience and enter the realm of the collective imaginary? How do we make of this phantom something more than an introjection, a private fantasy? Phantoms will never be just the object of curiosity. When interrogated, they don't divulge information. One may contemplate them, but when we try to elucidate them we face great difficulties and aversion (Lacan, Seminario IV, esp. "Fegan a un nino y la joven homosexual," 115- 23). Though phantoms operate on the register of the image, such profound revulsion indicates that their power arises from their place in the symbolic, as the result of an "image set to work in a signifying structure" (Lacan, Ecrits, 272; Seminario IV, 116- 17). The displacement involved in their emergence signals a compromise formation that paradoxically functions as "the support of desire" and that by which the "subject sustains himself at the level of his vanishing desire," vanishing insofar the very satisfaction of the demand purloins its object (Lacan, Four Fundamental Concepts, 185; Ecrits, 272). Another, more simple way of saying that is that phantoms are, above all, a peculiar manifestation of a relation with an absent other, impossible to be had otherwise. Thus phantoms are never the expression of a private self; they elaborate the demands of "a certain object, qua lost object," an Other before which the self fades without ever disappearing. They remind us that our destinies are WRITING THE HISTORY OF AN ANDEAN GHOST I 243 inextricably linked to Others (Rapaport, 6; also Derrida, Specters of Marx 34 7). There is in the intersubjective topography of the phantom someth · ' radically alien, forever other. lng Nicolas Ｎ ａ｢ｲｾ｡ｭ＠ and Maria Torok argue that phantoms are not the result of an mabll1ty to mourn a loved object, but the consequence of some. body else's secret that unknowingly has been encrypted within us: "What haunts are not the dead, but the gaps left within us by the secrets of others" (Abraham and Torok, 171). Though unaware of such horrible secrets th '11 ey sti disturb us as Silent presences that periodically come to life in the guise of a phantom. In Abraham's formulation the ghost fastens the self to an elsewhere and thus does not announce the return of the self's repressed. Rather "it works like a ventriloquist, like a stranger within the subject's own .. : topography. The imagining issuing from the presence of a stranger has nothing to do with fantasy strictly speaking" (173). Transgenerational haunting-the model of transmission is from parents to sons and daughters-represents a loss without resolution in which that which we don't know remains entombed in the symbolic. It marks the historical impossibility to undertake the work of mourning. 0 0 ' Thus a ghost might more profitably be understood as the social figure that simultaneously (1) registers an eviction from history, (2) makes manifest the meaning of the supplement proper of any structure of meaning, and (3) inscribes the stubborn refusal of a historical loss to disappear, even when the origins and nature of such specific loss might have already been forgotten. But phantom are also-let us recall their disquieting presence in the Communist Manifesto (1848)-those who anticipate what is to come and announce the destruction of an unjust present. They are therefore the starting point for a critical history. 35 In the Royal Commentaries the phantom operates by means of convergence, simultaneously inscribing Andean foundational, supplementary, traumatic, and messianic memories. The fading has to do with Viracocha Ticci and Pachacutec, the most important Inca deity and Inca Sapan; the phantomatic quality may be understood as the excess that remains fro m such dramatic vanishing. It is a spectrality that partly responds to historical animosity with a rival panaca and to the need to reduce Andean culture to European codes, but cannot be explained alone by such factors . For in these two proper names converge beginning and end: on the one hand, creation stories (Viracocha's myth) and on the other the Andean catastrophic notion of Pachakuti; the founding myth of Inca expansion and its collapse at the time of Spanish arrival; the peace and harmony that reigned during Inca Viracocha's (or alternatively during Pachacutec's) government, and the fratricide struggle between Atahualpa and Huascar; the ideal of good 244 I FRANCISCO A. ORTEGA MARTINEZ ment and the tyranny of Atahualpa; Andean spiritual practices, the gave rn . . . ·rn osition of Christianity (and the extupatwn campa1gns), and the stub1 pn persistence of Native religiosity; Inca defeat and future renewals; bｾ＠ 1' Garcilaso's moving love for Peru and his personal exi.le, ｴｨｾ＠ ･ｰｾｭｲ｡＠ nse of the encomendero and mestizo class in the 1560s and 1ts qmck dismissal. In fact, one may summarize the synthesizing capacity of the ghost .complex by saying that it appears (1) as the result of an unknown loss, ｾｯｴｨ＠ m the sense that much of what is lost is historically irretrievable and m the sense that the loss is too great to be known, but also, as (2) the repository of historicity, the reminder of historical possibilities-that is to say, tacitly the locus for renewal and reconstitution. This is particularly evident in another convergence that takes place under the aegis of the phantom. This convergence-contrasting European writing with Andean modes of remembrance-constitutes a major motif throughout Andean chronicles and is made explicit as Garcilaso surveys the Andean landscape in search of reliable signs of the past. Instead of writing that preserves the true nature of the past, he finds two Andean modes of inscribing the past: monuments and other commemorative structures and oral memory. Buildings, like the beautiful temple built to honor the phantom Viracocha, are vivid testimony of a civilization that achieved greatness. However, they remain silent and lack in the self-assertion that characterizes the linguistic sign. Unaware of their grandeur, instead of preserving them, Spaniards threw stones at them and abused them (Book V, Chapter XXII, 305). Resistant to the logic governing Spanish behavior, Garcilaso remarks that the structure survives as ruins , an illegible script that entombs lost knowledge. But oral memory- and with it the mnemonic system of recording known as quipus- is untrustworthy. The actual name of the prince that later became Inca Viracocha, bitterly laments Garcilaso, is not known because the lack of writing caused them to forget all that which they did not trust to memory (Book IV, Chapter XXI, 242). 36 In addition, that which was not forgotten was corrupted. Garcilaso tells us that he asked his Andean relatives about the origins of the Incas and they responded by telling historical fables, fabulas historiales. Such oxymoron (and it was an oxymoron already in the seventeenth century) designates Andean discourse that was not recognizable as factual but that Incas used to explain their origins. It is deficient and perverse, since if Andeans had writing they would have preserved their true history. Consequently, the apparition of Viracocha and the displacement of Pachacutec can be understood as the product and the sign of a lack-the lack of written history. Furthermore, since history, as Garcilaso himself writes, command us to write the truth at the risk of mocking the world and being WRITING THE HISTORY OF AN ANDEAN GHOST I 245 reputed for infamous, these fables are flimsy grounds on which to ere ·f· h. ｡ｾ･＠ magm Icent Istory of the Incas (Historia, val. 1, Chapter XVIII, 56)_37 The language of lack and absence is Garcilaso's and undeniably fr ames . . his ｵｮｾ･ｲｳｴ｡､ｭｧ＠ ｾｦ＠ the ｾｵｬｴｰ･＠ devastations suffered by the Andeans. Accordmg to Garcllaso, ｟ ｨｩｳｴｯｾｉ｣｡ｬ＠ losses are explained by a fundame ntal lack, the absence of certam basic features or technologies-such as writi . . ng. f Th e su b stltutwn o loss (of Native notation systems of memory of p 1· · ' ' 0 Itlcal autonomy) by lack allows Garcilaso to restore the pleasure principle b conceiving the possibility of order once again, but it also-as ｄｯｭｩｮ ｩ｣ｾ＠ LaCapra warns us- substitutes historical trauma for structural trauma historically contingent reasoning for a genetic one. As a consequence I.t ' a .. . , propitiates narrative fetishism: "[When] loss is converted into (or encrypted in an indiscriminately generalized rhetoric of) absence, one faces the impasse of endless melancholia, impossible mourning, and interminable aporia in which any process of working through the past and its historical losses is foreclosed or prematurely aborted" (La Capra, 46). Impossible mourning and interminable aporia are plausible, supplementary, and necessary modes of reading Garcilaso 's account as well as other Andean chronicles (Ortega Martinez, "Trauma and Narrative," esp. 404-6; see also "La opacidad"). His account of the symbolic destruction suffered throughout the Andes during the sixteenth century is filtered by a particular collective imaginary: that of prominent mestizos and members of the Native colonial elite who saw themselves as the rightful inheritors of the original Spanish conquistadors and the Inca nobility. They sought to gain greater autonomy and control of the colony but were eventually brought under control by the Crown in the early 1570s (see Rodriguez Crespo). At the time of Garcilaso's writing (1609), such political aspirations belonged to a distant past, and the once powerful mestizos were now vanquished exiled 38 and impoverished. History, especially the history of the victors, ｾｯ･ｳ＠ no; explain such immense historical losses. However, any historian- as good as Garcilaso-knows that melancholic phantoms also advance mourning and point to the possible irruption of the Other. Due to the lack of writing, these fobulas historiales become essential to any history of the Incas: they are the "fundaments . .. for the best and most important these Incas tell about their empire" (Royal Commentaries, 50).39 In fact, the superiority of Garcilaso's account over other European chronicles lies in their inclusion. 40 Instead of the theological purity demanded by Neoplatonism, phantoms set in motion a contaminating logic, a language of mediation of which thefobulas historiales are the most daring but not the only examples in the Royal Commentaries. Thus thefabulas historia!es are the phantom within the chronicles: they mediate between presence and absence, res246 I FRANCISCO A. ORTEGA MARTINEZ . (on and loss, existence and nonexistence. In this sense one may say the utu RoyaI/ Commentaries mediates between the tangible and the intangible, simultaneou Sly signaling a loss , the loss of a language to speak of such loss, and a On stituting impulse that spectrally preserves the loss. ｾ＠ . .. k . This phantomatic mediation approximates wntmg as pharma on, pmson and medicine at once. In "Plato's Pharmacy," Jacques Derrida writes: And if one got to thinking that something like the pharmakon- or writing-far from being governed by . .. oppositions, opens up their very possibility without letting itself be comprehended by them; if one got to thinking that it can only be out of something like writing- or the pharmakon- that the strange difference between inside and outside can spring, if, consequently, one got to thinking that writing as a pharmakon cannot simply be assigned a site within what it situates, cannot be subsumed under concepts whose contours it draws, leaves only its ghost to a logic that can only seek to govern it insofar as logic arises from it- one then would have to bend into strange contortions what could no longer even simply be called logic or discourse. All the more so if what we have just imprudently called a ghost can no longer be distinguished , with the same assurance , from truth, reality, living flesh , etc. One must accept the fact that here, for once, to leave a ghost behind will in a sense be to salvage nothing. (Derrida, Dissemination, 103- 4) As pharmakon, Garcilaso's Royal Commentaries- and a great number of Andean chronicles- perform the kind of intense memory I call phantasmatic: a writing that writes from traumatic loss; a transitional object inevitably marked by Saint Augustine's condemnation of it being "half real, half unreal" but which finds exactly there its reason for being. It is a fabula historial that cannot be easily distinguished from truth (even when it cannot be reduced to it) and which cannot be assigned a site within what it situates. Phantoms and history- if understood as mediations- transform jouissance into pleasure and therefore touch the realm of desire in order to restitute a minimum of enjoyment. The phantom is not just concerned With restaging historical losses that have been forgotten, but it is also- and most important for any critical history- a reactualization of those historical possibilities that were rendered impossible in the traumatic loss. It is thus an announcement of what might come, an ethical demand inherent in the potentialities of that which was not but still returns. In that sense, phantoms-sites of nonsymbolization-are paradoxically also always the repository of historical possibilities, an intimation of that which may come again. We know well collective memories address both the past and the present. They are always a life form constructed with the textures , smells, flavors , WRITING THE HISTORY OF AN ANDEAN GHOST I 247 and images of the present. Thus Garcilaso's ghosts, four centuries ago, can. not be identical to ours. However, I suspect that the Andean chronicles, and the Royal Commentaries in particular, carry on their haunting in the present largely because they were the inescapable material with which we made our postcolonial national fantasies, fantasies that are now unraveling in this globalized era, in this dispossessed America. 41 As Claude Lecouteux (207-21) has put it, phantoms are "morts recalcitrants" connected with obsessions. I have already remarked how the lost of credibility of the Royal Commentaries at the end of the nineteenth century is related to the rejection by historians and anthropologists. Paradoxically, the narrative became consecrated as one of the master works in the literary canon and occupies a very special place in the American canon. 42 Since then, nationalist praise has enshrined Garcilaso as a "simbolo de lo americana," "el primer mestizo de America," "el primer criollo," "el primer escritor cl<isico de America " ' "el primer mestizo biol6gico y espiritual de America," and "el principe de los escritores del nuevo mundo"-the last two repeated so many times it is impossible to determine who uttered them first (see Yepez Miranda; Instituto Cambia y Desarrollo; Sanchez; Leonard). In such reverent "ghosting" there seems to be a touch of recognition and much exorcism of our own phantoms, concealed within suchfabulas historiales. We should then ask if Viracocha is still errant · as a ghost, among us, straddling this disjointed present, if he is still a migrant among us , a celebrated, sacred, damned, and clandestine wanderer, just as he was during Garcilaso's life; that is, if his wandering continues five centuries after the conquistorial violence was unleashed, perhaps we can discover in this itinerary, as Derrida writes, "what remains infinite in this wound" (quoted in Borradori, 141). As traces, melancholia, supplement, mourning, a refusal to disappear, a messianic sign-what have you-phantoms are not an inappropriate matter of study for historians. To seriously engage them does not mean to renounce or neglect the disciplinary requirements for truth and knowledge, to investigate historical minutes and perceive the long duree. To the contrary, the spectral dimension in and of history allows us to better understand the symbolic resources associated with our work, conceived as mediation, to reinvest the present with the potentialities of the past. For writing history is not just concerned with what was lost; it is also, and most important, a negotiation with the living, becoming itself a phantasmatic mediation between what is, what no longer is, and what remains possible. 248 I FRANCISCO A. ORTEGA MARTINEZ ｾ＠ 1. I would like to thank the organizers and participants of the symposium "There Is Only One World: Garcilaso in Dialogue with Today's World-Making," held at the Johns Hopkins University on May 22-23, 2009, for a couple of joyful da s of intense and stimulating scholarly exchange. I'd also like to recognize the y d. O'B. intellectual generosity of Sara Castro-Klari:n, Bruno Mazzo! 1, Rory nen, James Fuerst, and Jose Antonio Mazzotti. 2. Thus, instead of addressing the Royal Commentaries as the trials of a private wounded self, I suggested we regard them as an intervention into "an ethos-a group culture-that is different from (and more than) the sum of the ｰｲｩｶｾｴ･＠ wounds that make it up." See Erikson. I defined the structure oftraumattc wntmg as exhibiting three features: the inscription of unresolved loss; the agonic play of temporalities (that is, the interplay of the demands of past losses and the needs of the present); and the struggle to produce meaning and coherence in the face of brutal violence and disruption. The result of such writing is a symbolic structure wherein productive (mourning) and nonproductive (melancholia) impulses constitute the fundamental driving narrative impulse. See Ortega Martinez, "Trauma and Narrative," 400-42. 3. The idea is developed in his later work, including Herbert Spenser, The Principles of Sociology [1874- 75] (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2003), vol. 1. See, in particular, the chapter "The Ideas of Souls, Ghosts, Spirits, Demons, etc.," 171-84, in that work. 4. Michelet wrote frequently on the obligation of historians toward the dead. See his "Preface de 1869" to Histoire de France, vol. 1 (Paris: Lacroix, 1880), i-xliv. 5. For a critical reflection on the event, see Ortega Martinez, "Rehabitar la cotidianidad." 6. A few lines later they write: "The disturbed relationship to the dead-who are forgotten and embalmed-is one of the symptoms of the sickness of experience today." 7. Garibay K. and Berdan also refer to the trauma of conquest. 8. In a powerful essay, Harris warns us against privileging these omens-and especially against our desire to read them indexically as evidence of a definite closure of indigenous time. In such readings she notices a tendency to mythologize history by narcissistically inscribing the Other's view of the European self-the coming ofthe white people-as the necessary, inevitable, and culminating moment of Native history. For a shrewd view of such omens, see Tovar Pinzon. 9. Muratori's De la fuerza de la fantasia humana circulated widely in Spanish America, and this particular work was the first book translated and published in Colombia. In an earlier article I explored the figure of the melancholic Indi- WRITING THE HISTORY OF AN ANDEAN GHOST I 249 an as an ideological construct elaborated by early American historiography tha allowed Europeans to legitimize the conquest because of a perceived lack of d t sire . and. virility on the part of Native communities . However , the melanchol · ｾＭ pnmanly a metaphor produced by the colonizers' bad conscience and indicates a particular way in which cultures operate by which social suffering leaves us significant legacy. See Ortega Martinez, "Humor negro e historia." a ｾｱ＠ 10. My translation of the original: "da a en tender que naturalmente fueron nacidos y criados para servir, y les es mas provechoso el servir que el mandar." 11. Such conceptualization makes of phantoms "a constituent element of modern social life" (Gordon, 7). 12. See also the introduction in Buse and Stott, 1-20. 13. Rostworowski observes that Andean creational myths help us understand the process of Inca state creation and expansion. For instance, Viracocha was a central deity in the pre-Incaic culture of Tiwanaku (circa 500-900 AD). Though the Incas viewed themselves as heirs of pre-Inca Andean cultures, they also sought ways to individualize and legitimize their rule. Thus the ninth Inca Pachacutec promoted Inti (the Sun) over Viracocha and built the famous temple of the Sun, Coricancha, in Cusco. The cult ofViracocha was never abandoned and in fact was often assimilated to Inti (as in Coricancha), but what passed for creation stories were visibly tailored for ideological purposes. See Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, Estructurasandinasdelpoder, 31-34. See also Urton. 14. See, for instance, Las Casas, Chapter 121; Betanzos, !:I- II, l:X; Acosta, 5:I, 6:XIX-XXII; Cieza de Leon, Chapters XLIII, CI; and Guaman Poma, Chapters LI and LVI. See also the definitions for "Ticci" and "Viracoch a" in Gonzalez Holguin. For a discussion of Garcilaso's reelaboration of the myth, see Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, "Analisis critico," especially 222- 36; Duviols, "Los cultos incaicos"; and MacCormack, Religion in the Andes, 349- 64. 15. See Las Casas, 121; Oviedo y Valdes, 46: X- XII (vol. 5, 64-72); Lopez de Gomara, see the chapter titled "Opinion que tienen acerca del Diluvio" (Chapter 233); Acosta, 5:III; Cieza de Leon, Chapter LXXII; and Betanzos, !:XI. Gonzalez Holguin defines Pachacamac (Pacha camak) as "El templo que el Inca dedico a Dios criador junto a Lima, para hazer altos a sus exercitos, y el Demonio de embidia se entro y se hizo poner un idolo que porque hablava en el mucho llamaron rimak." For a contemporary assessment of the figure of Pachacamac, see Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, Estructuras andinas, 42-49. 16. Some of these intermediaries are Illapa (lightning and thunder), certain birds (such as falcons and hummingbirds), snakes, malquis (ancestors), K'uychi (the rainbow), mountains spirits or Apus, minor spirits or Aukis, huacas (divine aparitions), and so on. There are several entries for "Phantasma" in Gonzalez Holguin's Quechua dictionary: "Phantasma o duende: Tuta ccacchak caccachak manchachicuk llaksak," "Phantasma por el demonio que se aparecia con pechos 250 I FRANCISCO A. ORTEGA MARTINEZ [argos de mujer. Hapiy fiufiu ," "Phantasma como cabeza humana que andava por e1 ayre. Huma purik quepque," "Phantasma por el coco, o espanta nifios. Huaca, aya," "Phantasma [under espantajo] Tutamanchachicuk, o Quepque, o huma 0 purik, o hapiy fiufiu o huaca." Gonzalez Holguin defines espantar as "huaca." See also the entries for espantarse and espantado ser de otro. For more, see Rostworowsh de Diez Canseco, Estructuras andinas, and Urton, 7-24. 17. Garcilaso published in 1590 his Spanish translation of Leon Hebreo's Dialoghi d'amore (1535), a tract on Platonic love of knowledge. For more on Garcilaso's debt to Platonism, see the now classic study by Arocena. Also see the recent work by Sommer. 18. Throughout the Confessions and other works, Augustine maintained a rigorous theological difference between divine presence and phantoms. This difference would strongly influence sixteenth-century Neoplatonic thought. 19. Lecouteux (50-53) has established that phantoms were connected to issues of idolatry during the Middle Ages, particularly in relation to the return of the dead ones. 20. This is the official line provided by Lopez de Gomara in Historiageneral de las Indias (second part Conquista de Mejico: "Como se aparece el diablo," 318-19). Cieza de Leon (CXVII, 393-96) tells the story of cacique who, wanting to become Christian, had the demons appear to him and try to dissuage him from converting. Contrast these versions with those in the Manuscrpt ofHuiracocha where a kuraka (native chief) has stopped worshipping his Andean huaca because of Spanish pressure; he becomes victim of Andean deities for refusing them. See Taylor, chapters 20-22. 21. Garcilaso calls it a Native belief but laments that Spaniards did not live up to expectations (Book V, Chapter XXI, 301). In Betanzos, Atahualpa's captain Ciquinchara skeptically says: "Yo no los llamo Viracocha sino supai cuna" (II: 20). 22. From the original: "Si a esta vana creencia de los indios correspondieran los espafioles . . . y les predicaran el santo Evangelio con el ejemplo que Ia doctrina pide, no hay duda de que hiciera grandisimo fruto. Pero paso todo tan diferente" (Book V, Chapter XXI, 301). 23. From the original: "Que a mi no me es licito decirlo: diran que por ser indio hablo apasionadamente" (Book V, Chapter XXI, 301). 24. See, for instance, the extensive references to Pachacutec in Las Casas, Betanzos, Fernandez de Palencia, Acosta, and Guaman Poma. 25. Pachacutec plays such a central role in Betanzos's account that his heroic deeds occupy over one third; Guaman Poma. However, it is important to note that the account given by the four quipucamayos (or safekeepers and interpreters of quipus) to Vaca de Castro, governor of Peru, in 1542 indicates that "Este Viracocha Inga, fue el mas valeroso y poderoso inga que ninguno de sus antepasados ni sus descendientes" (Betanzos, 38) and attributes to him many of the accomplishWRITING THE HISTORY OF AN ANDEAN GHOST I 251 ments generally ascribed to Pachacutec. Like Garcilaso, the quipucamayos were part of the old Cuzco elite and were members ofViracocha's royal lineage, which might explain their antagonistic version. See Collapifia and Otros Quipucamayos· Mazzotti , Incan Insights, 47-55 of the text. For a similar account, see Las Casas: Fernandez de Palencia; Acosta. ' 26. In fact, the Spanish Mercedarian friar and chronicler Martin de Murua notes in Historia general del Peru that Inca Yupanqui and Pachacutec are the same (see Book I, Chapter XIX). 27. This relational logic achieves a sophisticated expression in the worship and regard for Pachamama. See the classic work by Imbelloni. See also Manga Quespi; and Francisco Baya et al., "Entre la cosmovisi6n andina y Heracclita," Yachay 13, no. 24 (1996). 28 . Andeans designated the arrival of the Spaniards as a pachacuti. For more on the concept of Pachacuti, see Bouysse-Cassagne; Salomon; Adorno. 29. Rostworowski argues that the mummy could not have been Viracocha because it already had been found by Gonzalo Pizarro in Xaquixaguana; see Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, Pachacutec, 26- 28. Hernandez (92- 93) connects this scene to Garcilaso's rupture and subsequent identification with the Andean world. In this scene Polo de Ondegardo occupies the position ofhis father- who had just died and was also a corregidor in Cusco-and introduces Garcilaso to "una vision detenida de su genealogia imperial." The mummified maternal past- both gone and present-in turn becomes the point of departure for a mournful elaboration of the loss . 30. From the original: "[L]os fisicos llaman fantasmas las imagenes de las casas que imaginamos o percebimos." Covarrubias's quote is a slight reelaboration of Aristotle's philosophy of the mind as developed in his On the Soul (Book III, 7- 10). 31. Such formulation makes of phantoms "a constituent element of modern social life" (Gordon, 7). 32. For Garcilaso's use of classical codes as a form of intelligibility, see MacCormack, "Incas and Rome," 8-13; and Efrain Cristal, "Fabulas clasicas y neoplat6nicas en los Comentarios reales," in Homenaje a Jose Durand, edited by Luis Cortest (Madrid: Verbum, 1993). 33. Menendez Pelayo (75) once indicated that Garcilaso's account was really a utopian novel lacking any historical worth. 34. Fittingly, Lacan's matheme for neurotic fantasy ($ 0 a) grounds the phantom on the desire of the other (Che vuoi?); see Lacan, Ecrits. 35. Benjamin casts on the figure of the Angelus novus the qualities I assign to phantoms: shadowy straddling the present, the Angel faces the past and witnesses an unbroken chain of catastrophes, it is unable to redeem the parts as it remains caught by the storm that shakes paradise and pushes toward the future. 252 I FRANCISCO A. ORTEGA MARTINEZ 36 · From the original: "[C]omo no tuvieron letras se les olvidaba para s1e · mpre todo lo que par su tradici6n dejaban de encomendar a la memoria." 37. From the original: "[M]anda escrevir la verdad, so pena de ser burladores de todo el mundo, y par ende infames." 38. For Garcilaso's dramatic account of such destitution, see the last five chapters of the second part of the Royal Commentaries, Garcilaso's Historia general del peru. Garcilaso formulates these collective aspirations through the Jesuits' political and religious lens. For the Jesuit political frame, see Fuerst. ｍ｡ｾｵｳ｣ｲｩｰｴ＠ facilitated by the author. 39. From the original: "[F]undamentos . . . para las casas mayores y mejores que de su imperio cuentan." 40. As I observed in "Trauma and Narrative ," there is a tight formal interdependence between the fabulas historiales and the Royal Commentaries . Garcilaso claimed in the "Advertencias" that he should be allowed "que en esta historia yo escriba como indio con las mismas letras que aquellas tales dicciones se deben escribir" (5). This is an argument for the specificity of his discourse. In addition, the chapter in which he explains the fabulas historiales is the one before his ars poetic a (Book I, Chapter XIX: "Protestaci6n del autor sobre la Historia"), which begins by calling the fables "La primera piedra de nuestro edificio" (48). 41. Pilar Riafl.o considers the proliferation of ghosts and other unearthly beings among gang members in Medellin a continuation of the supernatural stories frequent during earlier times. In contexts saturated by the dead young, phantoms operate as "formaciones simb6licas [que] median la experiencia cotidiana de una violencia que se ve, se oye, se siente y se teme," in such a way that they evince "un miedo colectivo muy profunda a la ruptura de los reguladores sociales necesarios para mantener un grado de estabilidad en las vidas sociales de los habitantes de la ciudad." Pilar Riafio Alcala, J6venes, memoria y violencia en Medellin: Una antropologia del recuerdo y el olvido (Medellin: Editorial de la Universidad de Antioquia-ICANH, 2006), 146, 151. 42. Garcilaso's Royal Commentaries was and continues to be a site of subject formation. This is evident by the avid readership it has enjoyed during the colonial and postcolonial periods. 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Lima: Centro de estudios historico-militares del Peru, 1955. Zizek, Slavoj. The Plague ofFantasies. London: Verso, 1997. WRITING THE HISTORY OF AN ANDEAN GHOST I 259 CONTRIBUTORS John Beverley is Distinguished Professor of Hispanic languages and literatures at the University of Pittsburgh. He is a founding member of the Latin American Subaltern Studies Group. His most recent book is Latinamericanism after 9111 (2013). ｾＭ Sara Castro-Klan!n is a professor of Latin American culture and literatures in the Department of German and Romance Languages and Literatures at The Johns Hopkins University. She did her graduate work in Latin American studies at UCLA. Before coming to Hopkins, she taught at Dartmouth College, Stanford University, and Georgetown University. At Johns Hopkins she teaches seminars and mentors doctoral students in colonial studies, postcolonial theory, and modern Latin American culture and literature. She is the founder of the Latin American Studies Program at Johns Hopkins. Professor Castro-Klaren has served on numerous boards, including the Modern Language Association and the Fulbright Board of Directors. She also serves on the editorial board of several journals published in the United States, Latin America, and England. She is the author of books on Jose Maria Arguedas (1973) and Mario Vargas Llosa (1990) as well as many essays on colonial historiography and the question of cannibalism in modern discourses. Her most recent book, The Narrow Pass of Our Nerves: Writing, Coloniality, and Postcolonial Theory (2011) includes analysis on Guaman Poma, Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, Jesuit pedagogy, and Jose Carlos Mariategui. Professor Castro-Klaren has written many essays on feminism and women writers. She is the editor of The Blackwell Companion to Latin American Literature and Culture (2008). Currently she is working on a book-length study of Inca Garcilaso's political theory. She is member of the Modern Language Association, the Latin American Studies Association, the Renaissance Society of America, and the Cosmos Club. Ｍ Ｍｾ Ｍ Ｍｾ ＳＶＹ＠ Christian Fernandez is an associate professor of Hispanic studies in the Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures at Louisiana State University. He is a specialist in Latin American colonial studies. His teaching and research interests include literary theory, postcolonial studies, transcontinental studies, and Latin American narrative. Professor Fernandez graduated from the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (Lima), and got his PhD at The Johns Hopkins University. He is the author of Inca Garcilaso: Imaginaci6n, memoria e identidad (2004). nialliterature and contemporary poetry. He has also edited several collected volumes on colonial and contemporary Latin American and Latino studies. James W. Fuerst, MFA, PhD, is a published novelist and scholar who teaches creative writing at Eugene Lang College, the New School for Liberal Arts. Francisco A. Ortega Martinez is a professor in the history department and in the cultural studies graduate program at the National University of Colombia, Bogota. He is also a researcher with "The Research Project Europe 1815- 1914" at the University ofHelsinki. He obtained his PhD from the University of Chicago (2001), where he specialized in colonial Latin American history and critical cultural theory. He was an assistant professor at the University of Wisconsin-Madison (2000-4) and has been a visiting scholar at the Max Planck Institute (Frankfurt, 2014), Harvard University (1995-99, 2000, and 2012), and at Stanford University (2008). Professor Ortega edited an anthology on Michel de Certeau (La irrupci6n de lo impensado [2004]), and two collections of essays focusing on social violence, history, and memory (Sujetos de dolor, agentes de dignidad [2008] and Trauma, cultura e historia: Reflexiones interdisciplinarias para el nuevo milenio [2011]). In 2012 he edited two volumes with recent work from members of his research group on the political and intellectual culture of the Colombian independence period: Conceptos fundamentales de la cultura politica de la Independencia and Disfraz Y pluma de todos: Opinion publica y cultura politica, Siglos XVIII y XIX. In addition, he has published in academic journals in the United States, Mexico, Peru, and Colombia on social theory and colonial Latin American intellectual history. Two recent essays are "Postcolonialism and Latin American Writing, 1492- 1850" (published in Cambridge History ofPostcolonial Literature) and "History of a Phantom" (published in The Blackwell Companion to Latin American Culture and Literature. He is currently writing a book-length manuscript on the political culture of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries in the Grand-Colombian region. Pedro M. Guibovich Perez is a professor in history at the Catholic University (Lima). He obtained his PhD at Columbia University and is currently working on the relationship between censors and authors in the Peruvian viceroyalty. He was a postdoctoral fellow at the Center for the Study of Books and Media at Princeton University; a research fellow at the Beinecke Library of Yale University and the John Carter Brown Library. His most recent publications are the books Lecturas prohibidas: La censura inquisitorial en el Peru colonial tardio (2013) and El edificio de tetras: Jesuitas, educaci6n y sociedad en el Peru colonial (2014). Susana Jakfalvi-Leiva earned her PhD from Syracuse University. She is the author of Traducci6n, escritura y violencia colonizadora: Un estudio de la obra del Inca Garcilaso (1984). She teaches at the International College of Seville. Gonzalo Lamana earned his PhD from Duke University and is an associate professor in the Department of Hispanic Languages and Literatures at the University of Pittsburgh. He studies questions of colonialism, subalternity, and meaning-making, and specializes in the Andean area. His books include Domination without Dominance: Inca-Spanish Encounters in Early Colonial Peru (2008) and Pensamiento colonial critico: Textos y aetas de Polo Ondegardo (2012). Jose Antonio Mazzotti is a professor of Latin American literature in the Department of Romance Languages at Tufts University. He is also director and chief editor of the Revista de critica literaria latinoamericana since 2010. Professor Mazzotti has published Coros mestizos del Inca Garcilaso: Resonancias andinas (1996), POliticas delflujo: Migraci6n y violencia verbales en el Peru de los 80 (2002), Incan Insights: El Inca Garcilaso's Hints to Andean Readers (2008), eight volumes of poetry, and more than seventy articles on Latin American colo- 370 I CONTRIBUTORS Walter D. Mignolo is an Argentine semiotician (Ecole des Hautes Etudes) and professor at Duke University. He has published extensively on semiotics and literary theory and worked on different aspects of the modern and colonial world, exploring such concepts as global coloniality, the geopolitics of knowledge, transmodernity, border thinking, and pluriversality. Julio Ortega is a professor at Brown University. He also has taught at Harvard, Brandeis, New York University, and Dartmouth as well as at Cambridge, Salamanca, Granada, and Universidad Cat6lica in Peru. Among his many books are El sujeto dial6gico: Negociaciones de la modernidad conflictiva (2010) and Transatlantic Translations (2006). CONTRIBUTORS I 371 Margarita Zamora is a professor of Spanish and Latin American, Caribbean, and Iberian studies at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. Her publications include Reading Columbus (1993), awarded the Katherine Singer Kovacs Prize by the Modern Language Association of America (1994); Language, Authority, and Indigenous History in the Comentarios reales de los Incas (1988 and 2005); and a co-edited collection of essays, Cuba: contrapuntos de cultura, historia y sociedad/Counterpoints on Culture, History, and Society (2007). Professor Zamora is the editor of "Naufragios," a special issue of La habana elegante. Her articles have appeared in a wide array of scholarly journals, including Cultural Critique, Hispanic Review, Hispan6fila, Insula, MLN, Modern Language Quarterly, Revista Iberoamericana, Revista de critica literaria Latinoamericana, Revista critica de ciencias sociais, and The Americas. She is currently working on a book about indigenous and mestizo intellectuals of the early colonial period and a companion volume, a co-edited anthology of indigenous and mestizo narrators of Mexico and Peru. 372 I CONTRIBUTORS INDEX Note: Page references in italics refer to figures. Apu Inti, 74-75, 77, 81 Apu Kun Tiqsi, 77, 116n29 Aranibar, Carlos, 80, 81, 95 Archivo General de la Naci6n, 131 Areche, Jose Antonio de, 141 , 142 Aristotle, 16, 210 Arriaga, Pablo Jose de, 40, 53n14, ｾＶ＠ Arzans de Orsua y Vela, Bartolome, 135, 136 Asensio, Eugenio, 30n4, 96, 113n16 Asesinato en lagran ciudad del Cuzco (Nieto), 15, 260 assimilation, 94, 119n48, 237 Atahualpa, 20, 21, 135, 138, 170, 171, 24?, 244,. 245, 25ln21, 266,285, 306; ammos1ty agamst , 243; capture of, 135; death of, 266, 277; Garcilaso and, 39; Huascar and, 39; Pizarro and, 242, 277; tyranny of, 230 Ataw Wallpa, 79, 89, 116n28 Athena, 215, 216 Athenians, 214, 215 Augustine of Hippo , 208, 240 "Author's Proem" (Cieza), 329, 330-31 Avila , Francisco de, 130, 178 Aymara, 82, 84, 87, 95, 362, 363 Abarbanel, Judas, 163, 173n3 Acosta, Jose de , 17, 65, 95, 133, 178,205, 225nl7, 249n29, 276, 336, 342; barbarism and, 292n7; on Chinese writing, 340; evaluation by, 274; Floridian Indians and, 273; Garcilaso and, 272, 274, 286; history and, 338; Inca culture and, 273; Locke and, 273, 284, 286, 288; phantoms and, 239; Thomistic theology and, 272;Tovarand,337, 338,341 Acts of the Council ofHuamanga , 138 Adorno, Theodor, 232, 344n2 "Advertencias" (Garcilaso) , 253n40 agriculture, 27, 96-110 , 116n27, 119n48; policy, 7, 77-78 Albornoz , Cristobal de, 36, 40, 42, 43 Alcala de Real, Abbot, 26, 263 Aliaga, Francisco, 70, 71 , 72 All the Difference in the World: Postcoloniality and the Ends of Comparison (Mellas), 13 Alpujarras wars, 26 , 27, 260 Altamirano, Diego Francisco, 134, 135, 136, 137 amaro, 36, 38, 39, 42 . . amaru, 36, 37- 38, 42, 49-5 0; Andean, 46; Identification with, 50, 51; as symbol, 39, 40, 41, 43,46 Amaru (god), 35, 41 , 42 , 43, 46 Amarucancha, 38, 39 amautas, 50, 206, 151n39, 226nl9 Ambrosio de Portugal, Don, 30n2 Amerindians, 64, 177, 179, 180,213,218, 271 , 273, 274,280-81,285,286,288,289,297,306, 310; critical thinking by, 312n13; degradation of, 184; Europeans and , 275; freedom of, l89n18; Garcilaso and, 182; heresy/apostasy of, 178; heritage of, 185; Indios and, 181 ; Locke on, 275; mestizos and, 185; nature of, 178, 184, 191n33; war against, 187n7 Andeans, 88, 139, 216; devastations for, 246; Eu_ropeans and, 284; Floridians and, 288; rebelhon of, 362; Spaniards and, 282; temples by, 144 Angelus novus, 234, 252n35 annals, 348n23; history and, 327, 328 anonymous Augustinian, 36, 37, 40 anonymous Jesuit, 68, 70 anthropology, 13, 14, 136, 219, 248 anthropomorphism, 97, 105- 6, 107 antiquities, 133, 337, 338, 313n18 Antis, 38, 41 Bakhtin, Mikhail, 212, 305 barbarism, 64, 79, 110n3, 143, 145, 178, 179,273, 280 , 292n7 Baroque, 358, 364n3; colonial, 357, 360, 364n3; continental , 357; continuities of, 360; Creole, 359; ethos, 359; Latin American cultural history and, 360 Bassnett, Susan, 11, 12 Baudouin, ｆｲ｡ｮｾｯｩｳＬ＠ 224n6, 345n6 Benjamin, Walter, 11, 206 , 234, 263, 264; Angelus novus and, 252n35; on translation, 205 Berchorius, Petrus, 66, 78 Bernand, Carmen, 260, 364n6 Betanzos, Juan Diez de, 73, 95 , 109, 116n29, 207, 240,251n21,251nn24-25 Beverley, John, 6, 15 Bhabha, Homi, 15, 308 bilingualism, 20, 168, 206, 261 blood purity legislation, 176-77 Boccaccio, Giovanni, 44, 45, 55n3l, 56n32 Bodin, Jean, 96, 113n16, 345n6 Bolivar, Simon, 8, 66 Borges, Jorge Luis, 5, 11, 14, 206 Boturini Benaduci, Lorenzo, 341, 342- 43, 349n30 Brading, David A., 6, 8, 80 373