Boundaries of Belief: Religious Practices and the Construction of Ethnic Identity in Hui Muslim Communities

Boundaries of Belief: Religious Practices and the Construction of Ethnic Identity in Hui Muslim Communities A previous version of this article was presented at the Association for the Study of Nationalities 20th Annual World Conference on April 24, 2015 at Columbia University in New York. David R. Stroup Contact: David R. Stroup (david.r.stroup-1@ou.edu) Department of Political Science, University of Oklahoma, Norman, OK, USA Article History: Received 29/06/2015; Accepted 26/02/2016 Abstract Though scholars of ethnicity remark that religion is an important qualifying attribute for membership in an ethnic group, the nature of the relationship between religious faith and ethnic identity requires further exploration. An approach that emphasizes the importance of religious practices in forming and maintaining ethnic boundaries may offer a more complete explanation of the relationship between religion and ethnicity. This article proposes a framework for understanding how religious practices influence ethnic boundary formation and maintenance processes. I propose that religious practices may play a universalizing, negotiating, or differentiating role in influencing the formation and maintenance of ethnic boundaries. To illustrate these various roles played by religious processes, the article presents a heuristic case study of Islamic faith in boundary setting processes in Hui Muslim communities in China. Keywords: religion; ethnic boundaries; everyday ethnicity; Hui; Islam; China Introduction Late in the evening on June 28, 2014 I sat in the courtyard of Beijing’s NiuJiue Mosque. A handful of men milled about in front of the prayer hall, waiting to begin a service that would mark the end of fasting on the first day of Ramadan. “You’re here to study the Hui?” one asked, adding, “Are you going to convert?” Despite my polite explanation that my interest in the Hui was academic, the man remarked, “I think you’ll convert eventually. After all, if you really want to understand the Hui, you must first understand Islam.” Author’s field observations, Beijing, June 28, 2014. Throughout the next month of my fieldwork in urban Hui (or Chinese Muslim), communities across China, the importance of Islam in distinguishing and sustaining Hui culture became apparent. While the literature on nationalism and ethnic politics recognizes religion as a powerful social force that contributes to the formation of ethnic identities, there is no agreement on the nature of these interactions between faith and ethnicity (Brubaker 2012). This lack of agreement presents an opportunity to re-examine the relationship between religious and ethnic identities, and to develop a more detailed framework for understanding how they influence one another. This paper evaluates the role religious practices play in ethnic boundary formation processes in Hui communities. First, it reviews the literature regarding the relationship between ethnicity and religion and proposes a framework for understanding the role religious practices play in the process of ethnic boundary formation. Following Fox and Miller-Idriss’ (2008) quotidian approach to the study of ethnicity this paper will examine the ways in which ordinary religious practices form and maintain the boundaries of ethnic identity. To do so, the article will propose a typology to explain the different roles played by religious practices in the boundary formation process. Religious practices may play a universalizing role by decreasing the salience of ethnic boundaries in favor of religious boundaries. These practices and rituals may play a negotiating role by reconciling multiple identities or overlapping with ethnic boundaries to generate new cultural practices. Lastly, religion may play a differentiating role, by setting apart an ethnoreligious group from an outside other. The article concludes with a heuristic case study See; (Eckstein 1975, 142–146; George and Bennett 2005, 75; Flyvbjerg 2006, 230–231; Thomas 2011, 516–517) of Hui communities in five cities: Beijing, Jinan, Yinchuan, Lanzhou and Xining. While Islam plays a vital role in distinguishing the Hui from other ethnic groups in China, it is not the only marker of Hui identity, and its role and salience varies by location. Hui communities provide ideal sites for examining how and why religious practices demarcate the boundaries of Hui identity vis-à-vis other ethnic groups. Ambiguities in defining “ethnicity” and “religion” Much of the literature regarding the relationship between religion and the nation offers explanations about the evolution of the world system of states out of multinational religious empires, but they privilege the nation-state as a unit of analysis, and assume that religious identities are prior to or separate from national identities. Alternatively, religion may be treated as merely a component of ethnic identity (Anderson 1999, 2006[1983]; Asad 1999, 2003; Brubaker 2012; Gellner 1983; Juergensmeyer 1993; Kedourie 1993; van der Veer and Lehmann 1999). Because modernist accounts devote less discussion to the role of religion in the formation of subnational ethnic identities, questions concerning the role religion plays in the formation of an ethnic identity remain relatively unexplored. This should not suggest that all scholars ignore the relationship between religion and ethnicity. The ethnosymbolist tradition envisions both the nation and religion as eternal and intertwined. See; (Smith 2003, 15, 17, 23, 25) Discussions about how religion affects the drawing of dividing lines between members of the group and others also remain scarce. In part, the relatively small amount of discussion on the subject is due to a general definitional ambiguity concerning ethnicity. Recent constructivist scholarship has proven more adept at addressing questions about the process of contestation, boundary formation, and boundary maintenance which are vital to the construction of ethnic identities (Barth 1969; Brubaker 2004; Gauri and Lieberman 2006; Wimmer 2013). Chandra’s (2009) definition of ethnicity as “an arbitrary subset of categories in which descent-based attributes are necessary for membership,” sheds some light on the ways in which religion influences the process of ethnic boundary formation and maintenance (377). One’s religion may be considered as one such qualifying attribute, but religion is one of the least “sticky,” and less visible of such attributes (Chandra 2009, 386–7, 390, 399, 402, 404). Religion also presents definitional ambiguities. Tweed observes that scholars use a wide range of metaphors and analogies to discuss what religion is. Tweed calls upon scholars of religion “not only to consider root metaphors—and their implications—but also to enter the debates about how to define the field’s constitutive term” (Tweed 2005, 253, 271, 276, 286). While both of the terms “ethnicity” and “religion” may suffer from a lack of definitional clarity, examining how religion and ethnicity interact in practice may allow for a clarification of such ambiguities. Practicing the faith: daily religious practices and boundary maintenance Religion often plays a vital role in distinguishing a group from an “other” (Chandra 2009, 390–392). Few scholars offer precise descriptions of how religion factors into the process of setting and maintaining the ethnic boundaries. Often, religion influences the process of ethnic boundary formation and boundary maintenance by demanding religious homogeneity as a criterion for group membership. Enloe remarks that the degree to which religion affects boundary formation and maintenance processes depends on the religion, and the particular ethnic group in question (Enloe 1996, 198–202). Brewer (1991) suggests that individuals prioritize multiple identities based on a need to maximize individual distinctiveness while maintaining membership in a group. Others, like Kay et al. (2010), suggest that individuals attribute more power to religion when the power of other sources of authority or control (e.g., the state) declines. While these studies do a great deal to advance understandings of when identities become salient to individuals, and how individuals prioritize between and activate overlapping identities, they leave open questions about how religious practice shapes understandings of the difference members of a group see between self and other. Here, scholars of ethnic boundaries provide a way forward. Wimmer observes that “boundedness” implies varying degrees of sharpness, clarity, closure and exclusivity (Wimmer 2008, 973, 976). Boundaries are not structurally determined, but are negotiable. Rather than being defined primordially or by the state, varying daily practices set and maintain ethnic boundaries. Ordinary actions and the symbolic systems in which they operate, Bourdieu and Wacquant argue, “do not simply mirror social relations, but help constitute them” Bourdeiu and Wacquant 1992, 9, 11\\uc0\\u8211{}14(Bourdeiu and Wacquant 1992, 9, 11–14). Through daily practices, individuals constantly reproduce, renegotiate, and maintain ethnic boundaries (Billig 1995; Brubaker et al. 2006; Fox and Miller-Idriss 2008; Goode and Stroup 2015). Fox and Miller-Idriss propose that through talking, choosing, performing and consuming the nation in their daily lives, members of the group engage in processes that maintain ethnic boundaries (Fox and Miller-Idriss 2008). Taking a similar approach in overviewing the role that religious practices play in forming and maintaining ethnic boundaries may yield greater insights about the relationship between religion and ethnicity. Though many studies of individual ethnic groups address the importance of religion, the field of ethnic studies lacks a comprehensive explanation for the relationship between religion and ethnicity. There are three ways in which religious practices influence the process of ethnic boundary formation: 1) as a universalizing identity which crosses over boundaries and fosters a supra-ethnic identity; 2) as one of a number of overlapping, negotiated identities; or 3) as a differentiating identity that distinguishes between groups. Table 1 below illustrates this typology. [Table 1 Here] Religion as a universalizing identity In some cases, the community of a religious faith eclipses ties to a particular ethnic group. The presence of a strong and inclusive religious faith precipitates the loss of salience of linguistic and ethnic boundaries, creating a multinational group identity rooted in religion. Jacobson (1997) describes the position of South Asian Muslims in the United Kingdom. The young people profiled are mostly of Pakistani descent, but identify themselves primarily as Muslims. Identifying in this way allows young British Muslims to feel a greater sense of belonging than claiming the more nebulous category of “Asian” (which also includes Hindus, and Sikhs—groups whose dietary and cultural practices feel alien to Muslims). Jacobson argues, “young Muslims are likely to feel that although within British society they are members of a relatively small and weak minority, their religious beliefs and practices traverse the globe and history and are, thus, components of what is a vast and (potentially at least) powerful force” (Jacobson 1997, 244-245, 252). Dickson’s (2009) studies in Muslim communities in southwest Canada illustrate how the practice of the pilgrimage of Tablighi Jama’at creates communities of faith centered around mosques. Pilgrims of various ethnic and national identities (Dickson mentions meeting Pakistani, Indian, Somalian, and other African pilgrims) construct new identities through their pilgrimages. In the course of the pilgrimage, participants map out the boundaries of communities of faith, encouraging other Muslims to wear Islamic clothing, eschew political associations, and devote themselves to Islam. These commitments enable participants to achieve a "re-arrangement of life priorities" around Islam and membership in the greater Islamic umma (Dickson 2009, 106–109). Both studies illustrate the ability of religion to empower adherents. Prioritizing a universalizing religious identity provides adherents with a greater sense of stability and belonging. Engaging in daily practices associated with Islam, like matters of dress and diet, provides adherents with a sense of connection to a larger community than they otherwise might possess. Because of the clarity and prominence of Islam in the lives of believers, “the social boundaries which encompass expressions of religious identity among young British Pakistanis are pervasive and clear-cut, the boundaries defining expressions of ethnic identity are semi-permeable” (Jacobson 1997, 47). Religion as an overlapping, negotiated identity While religion sometimes trumps other identities, it may also be one of several negotiated identities. Where these different boundaries coincide, the generation of new cultural practices occurs. The overlap of these multiple identities may allow a group to occupy a place of “in-between-ness.” Hoffstaedter’s (2011) discussion of “Malayness” provides an example. Malay identity emerged after a process of historical interaction between people from the Pacific Rim, East Asian, Arab, and British cultures. The arrival of Islam and subsequent Islamicization of Malaysia led to fusion of Islamic ritual practices with indigenous tradition. Parts of Islamic doctrine have also been used to justify the establishment of Malaysian political institutions, especially by likening democracy to the Islamic practice of shura, or religious debate (Hoffstaedter 2011, 37, 46). Lee observes that the establishment of syariah courts, which implement Islamic law, gave rise to tensions over who could be subjected to Islamic law, and its relationship to the secular justice system (Lee 2011). In interviews with non-Muslim Malaysians, Martinez found that citizens frequently listed being Muslim as necessary for being ethnically Malay. Constitutional provisions and governmental policies that define Malay identity further reinforce the conflation of Malay-ness and Islam (Martinez 2001, 487–489). Islam itself is also a site of contention among Malays. Khoo, in analyzing the films of Malay director Yasmin Ahmad, argues that Ahmad’s films, which depict liberal, Sufi, Malay Muslims, reflect the struggle of many Malays to reconcile their faith with a modern Malay identity (Khoo 2009). Much scholarship on ethnicity in post-Soviet states, particularly in Central Asia, describes a similar process of overlapping religious and ethnic boundaries (Akiner 1997; Lehmann 1997; Yémelianova 1997; Allès 2005; Cieslik and Verkuyten 2006). Cieslik and Verkuyten’s examination of Tatar identity in Poland assesses how Tatars utilize not only their Islamic faith, but also their ancestral connections to the Turko-Mongolic Golden Horde to position themselves as a bridge between east and west (Cieslik and Verkuyten 2006, 86–91). Religion as a differentiating identity Most often religion serves as a means of distinguishing the group from others. Marshall (2002) argues that ritual practice fosters feelings of belonging to the group as well as expressions of belief. A group may consider fellow co-religionists of a different ethnic group to be practicing a deviant version of the faith. Specific rituals or places of worship may be identified as belonging specifically to one ethnic group. Orsi’s (1992) study of Harlem’s Italian community describes how Italian Americans use the rituals of Roman Catholicism to distinguish themselves from their fellow Catholic Puerto Ricans, so as not to be looked down upon in American society. The use of festival processions, Italian-language masses, and assertions that Italians practiced a “correct” version of Catholicism, unlike Puerto Ricans who had been influenced by Santeria, served as a means of distinguishing Italian immigrant communities. Hoffstaedter explains that the presence of Indian and Chinese Muslims in Malaysia creates an internal “other” within the Islamic community. In Chinese Muslim communities Mosques, restaurants, groceries and other areas are noted as being “Chinese” rather than Islamic, and Malays see Chinese Islam as ritually different despite the appeals of Chinese Muslims for a larger Islamic communalism (Hoffstaedter 2011, 32, 35, 40, 52–56). Religious conversion, or the decline of the significance of faith may result in an overall loss of group distinctiveness. Form’s (2000) study of early 20th century Italian protestant communities suggests that the loss of Catholicism as differentiating factor allowed for assimilation of Italian Protestants into mainstream American society. Religion may be grounds for exclusion as well as differentiation. McDaniel, et al. (2011, 210) contend that “those who share ascriptive characteristics with the dominant (or majority) community are likely to consider these as stereotypical of what it means to belong to the nation.” A majority may assert that those who share their ethnicity must also share their faith (McDaniel, Nooruddin, and Shortle 2011, 213). In urban communities, religious practices may create mental maps of desirable and undesirable places for believers, and reinforce the social boundaries that distinguish the group from an outside other (Dickson 2009). Displays of street religion often become the site of negotiation of porous borders (Orsi 1992). The festival parades of New York City’s Italian-American Catholics establish a mental map of Italian identity that can be charted on a physical landscape (Orsi 1992, Sciorra 1999). Thomas Tweed’s (1999) study of Miami’s Cuban-Americans, and their relationship to the Catholic shrine of Our Lady of Charity, illustrates how the shrine, which is dedicated to the patron saint of Cuba, knits together the community in exile through ritual and symbolic architecture and enables Cuban Americans to re-establish the landscape of Cuba (Tweed 1999, 133, 145, 147–8). [Table 2 Here] These three roles should not be seen as mutually exclusive, but rather must be seen as situational and context-dependent. Engaging in an in-depth case study of daily ethnic boundary maintenance amongst China’s urban Hui minority communities will more fully explain when and how religion exerts these differing influences on boundary formation processes. Between “Umma” and “Minzu”: Islam and ethnicity amongst the Hui China’s ethnic Hui minority presents a fitting case study for observing the influence of religion on boundary formation and maintenance, as the Hui’s Islamic faith is the primary basis on which members are distinguished from the majority Han. Though the boundary line between Hui and Han may not be drawn as sharply as it is between the Han and Uyghur, or Tibetan identities, the subtler differences between Hui and Han identity may prove to be more frequently invoked, and more pervasive, in the course of daily life. In more contentious cases, like those of the Tibetans and Uyghurs, ethnic violence potentially reifies boundary lines, making such observations less fruitful for explaining the influence of religious practices (Côté 2015). Despite the Hui’s designation as one of the 55 ethnic minority groups officially recognized by the Chinese state, a significant amount of debate persists about whether they should be treated as an ethnic or religious minority group. The Hui are a heterogeneous group, whose members lack a true territorial homeland, and occupy a variety of economic and social positions. Even the degree of religiosity amongst the Hui varies, with some becoming secularized and not actively practicing Islam. Such diversity in circumstances causes some scholars to hesitate when describing the Hui as an ethnic group (Gladney 1991, 21–6, 65). Ultimately, Gladney (1991) concludes, Hui identity is based on different interpretations of the meaning and importance of qingzhen, or Islamic “purity and truth,” which he identifies as the unifying concept of the Hui culture. Gladney notes that the Hui themselves consider “Hui-ness” to be an ethnic as well as religious identity (Gladney 1991, 12–15, 111–5). Dillon (1999, xvii–xviii) also discourages a treatment of the Hui as just “Chinese who at some point in the past converted to Islam.” Hudson (1987) concludes daily religious practices, like wearing headscarves, “most vigorously express” the ethnic difference between themselves and the majority Han. Israeli (2002) also stresses that the development of the Hui identity occurred through a gradual, evolutionary process through which various Islamic peoples in China began to identify themselves “Chinese Muslims.” During the Ming Dynasty Chinese Muslims maintained an outward image of themselves as assimilating by taking Chinese names, and adopting Chinese customs, while also keeping an internal image that was distinctly Islamic through use of “Islamic names” and speaking Arabic among other Hui. Hui scholars rectified Islam with Confucian tradition. The end result was a distinctly Chinese Islam (Israeli 2002, 60–63, 113, 121–122). Methodology The fact of Islam’s persistence as a marker of Hui ethnic identity demands a more thorough investigation into the kinds of practices that different modes of religious observance engender. The Hui are diverse group, both geographically and culturally. Though the population of Hui may be concentrated in the northwestern provinces of Ningxia, Gansu, Qinghai and Xinjiang, they are present throughout China, with significant populations in Yunnan in the southwest, Hebei, Shandong and Henan in the north, and in major cities like Shanghai and Beijing. Hui communities also vary in their degree of religious orthodoxy, including both devout communities, and relatively secularized ones. In order to determine how religious practices differ in how they influence boundary setting processes across different locations I conducted observations and interviews in five cities: Beijing, Yinchuan, Lanzhou, Xining, and Jinan. These cities were selected as case sites because each is a provincial or autonomous region capital, and each city represents one of three types of population configurations: Isolated Hui communities (Beijing, Jinan) where Hui are less than 2% of the total population and Han account for over 95%; Pluralistic communities (Lanzhou, Xining), in which ethnic minorities account for at least 5% of the population, and two or more groups (including the Hui) have a population of greater than 2% According to the 2010 Chinese Census.; and Titular Autonomous Communities (Yinchuan) in which the Hui have been designated as having autonomous governance status, and are allotted roles in local ethnic policy formation. In total, I conducted 15 semi-structured interviews lasting between 30 minutes to an hour during the months of June and July of 2014. Respondents answered questions concerning the history and development of the Hui community in each city, Islamic rituals and holidays unique to the community, and the routines of daily life in each city. Respondents were selected through a process of snowball sampling. Initial interviews were conducted with an initial contact, who aided me in finding further potential respondents. Appendix A provides greater detail regarding these interviewees. Further, I conducted a number of spontaneous, on-the-spot conversations with merchants, vendors, etc. These unstructured interviews lasted no more than a few minutes. In addition to these interviews, field observations were conducted at a variety of locations, including the Hui Culture Park in Yinchuan, and the QingZhen Xiang Market in Xining, and the Hui Quarter of Jinan. Observations of Friday Jumu’ah prayers were conducted at Niu Jie Mosque in Beijing, in Linxia City outside of Lanzhou, and at the Dongguan Mosque in Xining. Islam as a universalizing force between the Hui and other Muslims Many Hui express a sense of connectedness to a larger Islamic umma. These connections include connections to transnational Islamic communities. In Jinan, for example, plaques at the Great Northern Mosque indicate restoration projects undertaken with financial contributions from the government of Saudi Arabia. Author’s field observations, Jinan, July 20, 2014. This community of faith includes all Muslims, and transcends the official categories set by China’s ethnic classification system. A Lanzhou businessman in his early thirties who identified himself as ethnically Dongxiang—another of China’s Islamic minorities—remarked that in the northwest, the Islamic community was fairly cohesive. Though he was not Hui, he routinely worshipped alongside Hui. In his view, the Islamic community in Lanzhou represented a diverse array of people who existed as a single community of faith rather than a disparate number of ethnic communities. Interviewee 006 Two Hui office workers from Lanzhou repeated the businessman’s claim that differentiating between the various ethnicities in the community was a matter of minor importance. Noting that Salar and Dongxiang mosque attendees spoke minority languages, the men admitted that linguistic differences did pose some issues concerning communication. These differences were dismissed as unimportant. “We really don’t divide ourselves by ethnicity,” one remarked, claiming, “For us, there are just Muslims and non-Muslims.” Breaking the Islamic minorities into separate groups, they posited, was more important to Lanzhou’s Han community. Interviewee 007 and Interviewee 008. A stroll through the major market street in Xining’s Muslim quarter seems to confirm such assertions. The stalls that line the street for a length of four city blocks display a diverse array of wares sold by members of many of China’s Islamic minority groups. Uyghur bakers sold naan bread. Hui merchants sold produce, and other sundries. Restaurant windows advertise “Dongxiang style roasted mutton.” Author’s field observations, Xining, July 12-18, 2014 Such diversity indicates that the community is not a strictly Hui, but is instead truly multi-ethnic, and defined by shared belief in Islam. Islam as negotiating multiple identities by creating internal boundaries Reconciling Islam with traditional Chinese cultural practices is one of the foremost obstacles for Hui communities. The question of how to be both Chinese and Muslim is one that is both politically and culturally difficult. Politically speaking, many mosques, like the one in the Yinchuan suburb of Najiahu, promote a vision of Islamic theology that is aligned with patriotism through a program that emphasizes “Love your country, Love your faith” (ai guo, ai jiao). Author’s field observations, Najiahu, July 4, 2014. Culturally speaking, conceptions of what should be regarded as proper Islamic practice, and the struggle to reconcile syncretistic cultural practices with devotion to Islamic faith creates internal boundaries within the community. These struggles are made manifest most clearly in the debate between the two major schools of Islamic thought in Hui communities: a more orthodox school influenced by Arabian Islam, called yihewani, and an older school more embedded in native Chinese traditions, called gedimu. Colloquially these schools are referred to as the “new” and “old” schools respectively. Yihewani is often referred to as xin jiao, or “new school,” while Gedimu is referred to as lao jiao, or “old school.” The schism between Yihewani and Gedimu traditions primarily centers on the subject of following correct Islamic tradition. As a Hui university student in Xining explained, the Yihewani school seeks to return to orthodox Islam as practiced in the Middle East. Yihewani followers regard their practice of Islam as more authentic, and more “pure” than the Gedimu. Interviewee 010. The office workers in Lanzhou, both Yihewani, remarked emphatically that theirs was the “correct” Islam. Gedimu had allowed Islamic teachings to be distorted by other outside influences, particularly Confucianism. The men referred to the “old” school as adopting too many “old Chinese traditions” (lao zhongguo de fengsu). By venerating ancestors, or celebrating Confucian holidays like China’s Qing Ming tomb-sweeping festival, Gedimu followers strayed too far from orthodox Islam. Many could not even properly pronounce words of the Qur’an in Arabic, instead relying on Chinese transliterations. By contrast, they proudly remarked that the “new” school had adopted Middle Eastern modes of dress, and lifestyle habits. Interviewee 007 and Interviewee 008. The divide between the two schools impacts community affairs. The university student from Xining explained that Yihewani and Gedimu followers did not share mosques, and largely avoided joining together at weddings and funerals. Hui from the different traditions rarely intermarried, and in some cases caused families to become estranged from one another. Interviewee 010. The schism is also expressed as a regional divide. In western China, where closer proximity to revivalist Islamic traditions from Central Asia has produced a more conservative community, Yihewani mosques are more numerous. My Lanzhou contacts claimed Gedimu mosques are exclusively found in Eastern China. Interviewee 007 and Interviewee 008. A Hui elder working at the gate of the Great Northern Mosque in Jinan, in eastern China’s Shandong province, confirmed that most of the mosques in Jinan were “old school” Gedimu mosques, but argued that, locally, such distinctions were not important. Interviewee 012. For the office workers in Lanzhou, this regional split was evidence of their superior devotion to the faith. “You can even see it in their mosques,” one of the office workers explained. “They use Chinese style roofs. Those mosques look just like Confucian temples!” The Yihewani mosques in Lanzhou, he boasted, are domed, have tall minarets, and are built in a Middle Eastern style. Interviewee 007 and Interviewee 008. Such debates between Islamic schools demonstrate how Islam influences the negotiation of overlapping social boundaries. Gedimu Hui reconcile this coincidence in faith and ethnicity by tailoring Islamic tradition to fit alongside Chinese traditional culture. Mosques built in a Chinese architectural style, editions of the Qur’an translated into Chinese, and the continued observance of Confucian practices illustrate how Gedimu followers have set ethnic boundary markers that produce a distinctly Hui brand of Islam. Such interchange occurs not just between Han and Hui traditions. In Xining, where frequent interaction occurs between Tibetan and Hui communities, one respondent told me that some Hui often eat at Tibetan restaurants because of the Tibetans’ similar devotion to pure dietary strictures. Interviewee 010. By contrast, the Yihewani adherence to strict orthodoxy negotiates overlapping borders by excluding cultural practices that violate Islamic law. Islam as a differentiating force between Hui and others Islam also plays an important role in differentiating the Hui from China’s other ethnic groups. For example, the Dongxiang businessman from Lanzhou admitted that most mosques in Lanzhou are identified with one or another of China’s Islamic minorities. Even though he frequently interacts with Hui coworkers and neighbors, most of the members of his mosque are other Dongxiang from nearby Linxia. Interviewee 006. An Imam who taught Qur’anic studies at a madrassa in Yinchuan observed that although the Islamic community in Yinchuan is diverse, all of the students at his madrassa were Hui. In a traditional model of a Hui community the houses and business of congregants surround the community mosque at the center to accommodate the spiritual, educational and dietary needs of the community. Because most Chinese cities were once encircled by city walls, mosques can be found at sites of the former gates in most cities with significant Hui communities. Interviewee 003. Such development plans are evident in Xining, where mosques still stand at the former locations of the North, South, East and West neighborhood gates. See; (Gaubatz 1996) These mosques roughly correspond with the areas of Xining which residents call the “Hui quarter.” Author’s field observations, Xining, July 12-18, 2014 A similar grid exists in the city of Jinan, where the Great Northern and Southern mosques sit at opposite ends of the city’s most concentrated Hui neighborhood. Author’s field observations, Jinan, July 19-24, 2014 The mosques not only provide a venue in which the perpetuation of Hui identity occurs through worship, but also reify the boundary of the community in brick and mortar. Such configurations of urban space encourage many Hui to make lifestyle choices that cater to their religious needs. The Dongxiang businessmen in Lanzhou explained that he chose to live close to a mosque, which allowed him to keep in close contact with his faith. Living next to the mosque was convenient, due to the large number of Islamic restaurants and groceries nearby, which made keeping halal dietary standards less of a hassle. Interviewee 006. Another respondent in Xining, argued that inside of the city Hui Quarter, one was far more likely to find people who wore headscarves or prayer hats than outside of it. Interviewee 010 These communities offer spaces in which merchants can market ethnic goods. Such is the case in Jinan’s Hui Quarter, which many in the city know primarily because of the neighborhood’s high concentration of halal restaurants. Author’s field observations, Jinan, July 19-24, 2014 Several respondents tied a decline in Hui identity, particularly among young people, to displacement from these mosque-centered communities. The Yinchuan Imam argued that the demolition of residences and businesses that once adjoined most of Yinchuan’s mosques had led many Hui youth towards a more secular lifestyle. Constructing “secular amusements”, like karaoke halls or shopping centers, in place of Hui community businesses and homes causes a general loss of interest amongst younger Hui. Most importantly, the demolition of these neighborhoods usually included the loss of Islamic schools, leaving the community without means to learn about the tenets of the faith. As a result, Yinchuan’s Hui community faded. More problematically, he noted, young people in Yinchuan attend the mosque less frequently than in the past. Most only came to worship at important holidays, like the Eid al-fitr. These young people, referred to as “yearly Hui” (nian Hui in Chinese, because of their attendance at mosques “yi nian yi ci,” once a year) lacked basic knowledge of Islam, he said. Few of them could read the Qur’an in Arabic. Interviewee 003. A middle-aged, Hui international finance consultant in Beijing, shared similar concerns about the vitality of the NiuJie Hui community. He recounted his experiences as the son of an Islamic scholar. His father urged him to study Qur’an and devote himself to Islam, but instead he chose to study business in hopes of becoming rich. Despite his successes, which have earned him considerable wealth, he regrets ignoring his father. Without a real knowledge of the Qur’an he felt disassociated from his culture. Now, he attempts to rectify this lack of cultural knowledge by taking Arabic classes, and regularly attending Friday prayers at NiuJie Mosque. Many his age, he says, aren't as interested in rediscovering the faith. Interviewee 002. [Appendix 1 here] Table 1: Modes of religious influence on ethnic boundary formation and maintenance Role played by religion Function of religious activity Examples Universalizing Members primarily self-identify as members of a religious group. Religion links members to members of other groups of co-religionists. British Muslims Muslims engaged in Tablighi Jama’at Negotiating Emergence of new cultural practices Parallel/non-overlapping sets of cultural practices. Tatars Malays Differentiating Religion is the basis for identifying an other. Co-religionists are evaluated on the manner or correctness of religious practice. Churches/Temples/Mosques identified as exclusively belonging to a particular ethnicity. Italian American Catholics Malays (vis-à-vis Chinese Muslims) Cuban American Catholics Table 2: Roles played by religious practices and associated practices Role played by religious practice Associated practices Universalizing Pilgrimage (e.g. hajj, tablighi jama’at, etc.). Learning a language of faith (e.g. Qur’anic Arabic, Church Latin, etc.). Attending a multi-ethnic church, mosque, temple, etc. Negotiating Fusion of local traditions with rituals of faith (e.g. Malaysian kampong feast for Eid al-fitr). Celebration of popular or secular holidays. Syncretic practices (e.g. breaking religious codes, incorporation of other faith’s symbols in ritual). Differentiating Religious processions in ethnic communities (e.g. Italian Catholic street parades). Building enclaves surrounding religious buildings. Attending a mono-ethnic place of worship. Describing one’s community of faith as the “true” faith. Use of symbolic architecture to invoke the nation/localized architectural forms for religious buildings. Table 3: Roles played by religious practices across structural configurations Role played by religious practices Isolated Community (e.g., Jinan, Beijing) Titular Autonomous Community (e.g., Yinchuan) Pluralistic Community (e.g., Xining, Lanzhou) Universalizing Absence or downplaying of sects, or religious factions Connections to transnational communities of faith (e.g. partnerships with global, or Middle-Eastern Islamic organizations, etc.) Literacy in language of faith. Studying at religious schools. Multiethnic religious spaces/ congregations Adoption of “Islamic” styles of dress. Utilizing “Islamic” rather than local architectural styles. Negotiating Syncretism/ celebration of secular rituals (e.g. Chinese New Year, etc.) Translation of religious texts into local vernacular. Religious spaces built in local architectural styles (e.g. traditional Chinese mosques) Reinterpretation of religious practice to fit local institutions (e.g., local mosque leadership elections recast as shura, or reconciling local law with Islamic law). Promotion of patriotic policies (e.g., “Love your country, Love your Faith,” etc.) Interfaith religious dialogue (e.g. solidarity between Tibetan Buddhist and halal dietary codes) Selling of halal foods as specific to a particular ethnicity (e.g. Dongxiang Roasted mutton, Uyghur naan, etc.) Differentiating Operating religious business (e.g. halal restaurants, Islamic groceries, etc.) Segregated communities (e.g. Mosque-centric enclaves) Non-observance of “secular” holidays or activities. Observance of strict halal diet. Strict orthodoxy or piousness concerning regularity of worship (e.g. labeling infrequent prayer attendees as “nian Hui”) Sectarian/denominational mosques Street religion/Religious festivals in ethnic communities (e.g. religious processions). Wearing religious clothing or jewelry associated with a particular ethnic group (e.g. Hui vs. Uyghur-style prayer hats). Appendix 1: Interviewees Interviewee Code Occupation Ethnicity Gender Location of interview Date of interview 001 Graduate Student Hui Male Beijing 6/28/14 002 Financial Consultant Hui Male Beijing 6/28/14 003 Imam/ Madrassa Instructor Hui Male Yinchuan 7/1/14 004 Museum Curator Hui Female Yinchuan 7/3/14 and 7/4/14 005 Office Worker/Sales representative Han Male Lanzhou 7/7/14 006 Businessman Dongxiang Male Lanzhou 7/8/14 007 Office worker/Sales representative Hui Male Lanzhou 7/11/14 008 Office Worker/Sales representative Hui Male Lanzhou 7/11/14 009 Imam Hui Male Lanzhou (Linxia County) 7/11/14 010 Graduate Student Hui Male Xining 7/13/14 011 Retiree/ Volunteer Mosque attendant Hui Male Xining 7/15/14 012 Retiree/ Volunteer Mosque attendant Hui Male Jinan 7/20/14 013 Restaurant owner Hui Male Jinan 7/20/14 014 Restaurant owner Hui Female Jinan 7/20/14 015 English Teacher Hui Female Jinan 7/21/14 Conclusions and directions for future study Observing the ways in which religious practices differ across different types of Hui communities provides a foundation on which further studies concerning the relationship between religion and ethnicity may be built. Observations in different types of Hui communities suggest that, despite a shared ethno-religious identity, religious practices vary depending upon the nature of the structural configurations of the community. Table 3, below, illustrates these differing practices as observed in the field. [Table 3 Here] From the catalogue of practices listed in Table 3, I attempt to draw some preliminary findings. In isolated communities the boundary markers set by religious practices highlight the relatively secularized status of Islam in these communities. In these communities Islam acts as a universalizing force through ecumenism and the downplaying of religious sects. Syncretistic practices like observing traditional Chinese holidays, or recasting Islamic theology to accord with indigenous Chinese traditions like Confucianism, indicate the ways in which isolated communities negotiate Chinese and Islamic identity. In these communities, ethnic branding of items centered around the sale of halal foodstuffs remains the primary way in which religious practice distinguishes the Hui from the majority Han. By contrast, the more visible place of religion in the Hui Autonomous Region capital of Yinchuan allows for greater emphasis to be placed on boundary markers connected to religious orthodoxy. In Yinchuan, literacy in Qur’anic Arabic, and regular attendance at the mosque were both mentioned as practices connected with being Hui, connecting the community to the larger faith. As an autonomous region, this negotiation allows policies that enable establishment of mosque schools that teach the Qur’an, and Arabic language. Practices that associate Hui identity with regular mosque attendance and literacy in the language of faith become more prominent. In Pluralistic communities, like Xining or Lanzhou, though the Hui may interact frequently with Muslims of other ethnic groups in large and diverse congregations, the Islamic practices that play the most prominent role in defining Hui identity are those that negotiate Chinese and Islamic traditions. In these communities, the increased attention given to sectarian mosques, and to theological lineages, defines a distinctively Hui religious identity. As a result, the most salient religious issues in these communities are those peculiar to Hui Islam, like debates over whether or not transliterated Chinese Qur’anic readings are acceptable, or whether it is appropriate to build mosques in a Chinese style. As a heuristic study, these findings should by no means be considered exhaustive. They represent the first steps in recognizing and cataloguing the types of practices that give shape to ethnic boundaries. This study not only provides a template for continued study of the role of Islamic practice in defining the boundaries of Hui identity, but also may be used more generally to expand the current body of scholarship on the relationship between religion and ethnicity. Transporting this framework to other cases will help to develop a deeper understanding of “everyday ethnicity.” Doing so will provide greater insight into how people experience ethnicity in their day-to-day lives (Goode and Stroup, 2015). A practice-oriented approach also provides an opportunity to revisit the canon of modernist works, and understand why religion continues to assert influence on nationalist practices. These observations suggest that examining different types of religious practices, rather than particular religious communities, may point towards a path forward in the struggle to understand the points of difference and coincidence between ethnic and religious identities, and how group members prioritize, or negotiate between them. Developing a conceptual framework that articulates the various ways in which religious practices are associated with a particular ethnicity, and which practices speak to larger transnational communities, may allow for future studies of how practices, and traditions diffuse. Acknowledgements I would like to thank J. Paul Goode (University of Bath), Peter H. Gries (University of Oklahoma), Marie-Eve Reny (University of Montreal), Tristan G. Brown (Columbia University), Daniel P. Brown (University of Oklahoma), Jason Pudlo (University of Oklahoma), and Christopher J. Elford (U.C. Berkeley) for their comments. 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