2017, Journal of Science and Practice of Music, Hanyang University
In this study, we analyze Chopin’s thoughts on piano playing by examining his sketches for a method book, and define its position in both musical and cultural history. Chopin’s manuscript contains merely an introductory part of the book but deserves a careful consideration, since it reflects his critical view on contemporary piano pedagogy. This study first examines the composer’s definition of music and his understanding of the notion of taste, which is a key concept of his aesthetics. Then we discuss the notion of technique: the definition, aim, categories, and its place in Chopin’s musical thought. Lastly, we analyze Chopin’s practical advices on piano playing from a historical perspective. Chopin’s thoughts on piano playing imply both a nostalgia for the eighteenth century music and a premonition of the modern piano technique. These thoughts consist of a dynamic interaction between the classical aesthetics and the romantic world view, which can be interpreted as a negative reaction to the modern industrial society.
The Palace Lady Ban Jieyu was daughter of Ban Kuang (班況), and a grandfather's sister of Ban Gu (班固 32-92), who wrote "The Book of Late Han (後漢書)". She has the episode with emperor Cheng (漢成帝, reg. B.C. 32-7), in which once emperor Cheng stayed in a sedan chair which was carried by four bearer. Emperor let Lady Ban Jieyu be riding together on the sedan chair. After she mentioned about the last emperor of Xia(夏), Yin(殷), Zhu(周, B.C. 1046-771), who took theirs concubine instead of faithful retainer in it, excused. And she asked him how could it be thought about them in history, if she is getting together him on the sedan chair. In this article, I make an attempt the Panofsky's iconographic theory to apply for analysis of the Eastern Painting. Three works of which are emerged the abovementioned episode of Ban Jieyu as I found - Admonitions of the Court Instructress to Palace Ladies 女史箴圖, The Story of Ban Jieyu in Sima Jinlong tomb 司馬金龍墓 and the episode of Jieyu refused to sit in the same sedan chair (with the emperor Cheng) 婕妤辭輦 in the Painting about the three basic principles in human relations 三綱行實圖. They consist of one emperor in the sedan chair and one palace lady, which are accordingly getting out a general rule to depict of this motif in each painting. Furthermore, it makes iconographic meaning "Emperor Cheng and Ban Jieyu" which will be made "Iconography of Ban Jieyu". Also it will be made the allegory of Ban Jieyu, with that can be easy to understand and interpret another artworks in same motif. The Palace Lady Ban Jieyu was daughter of Ban Kuang (班況), and a grandfather's sister of Ban Gu (班固 32-92), who wrote "The Book of Late Han (後漢書)". She has the episode with emperor Cheng (漢成帝, reg. B.C. 32-7), in which once emperor Cheng stayed in a sedan chair which was carried by four bearer. Emperor let Lady Ban Jieyu be riding together on the sedan chair. After she mentioned about the last emperor of Xia(夏), Yin(殷), Zhu(周, B.C. 1046-771), who took theirs concubine instead of faithful retainer in it, excused. And she asked him how could it be thought about them in history, if she is getting together him on the sedan chair. In this article, I make an attempt the Panofsky's iconographic theory to apply for analysis of the Eastern Painting. Three works of which are emerged the abovementioned episode of Ban Jieyu as I found - Admonitions of the Court Instructress to Palace Ladies 女史箴圖, The Story of Ban Jieyu in Sima Jinlong tomb 司馬金龍墓 and the episode of Jieyu refused to sit in the same sedan chair (with the emperor Cheng) 婕妤辭輦 in the Painting about the three basic principles in human relations 三綱行實圖. They consist of one emperor in the sedan chair and one palace lady, which are accordingly getting out a general rule to depict of this motif in each painting. Furthermore, it makes iconographic meaning "Emperor Cheng and Ban Jieyu" which will be made "Iconography of Ban Jieyu". Also it will be made the allegory of Ban Jieyu, with that can be easy to understand and interpret another artworks in same motif.
Historically, the Hwajaeng(和諍) theory of Wonhyo(617-686) can not be rightly understood without the consideration of the two main axes: IlsimHwajaengMuae(一心-和諍-無碍) and Gwi-il-sim-weon Yo-ik-jung-saeng(歸一心源 饒益衆生). From the perspective of recent WonhyoSeon(禪) researches, where these two axes seem to play the same role, Hwajaeng need to be inevitably HwajaengSeon(禪). However, the WonhyoSeon(禪), as presented in these researches, is not only easy to understand ‘theoretically’, but also seems very difficult to practice, because it needs particlularly a very high level achivement in Ilsim(一心). In this situation, the ConscienceSeon(良心禪) of the Philosophy of Conscience lead us to understand and practice relatively easily Hwajaeng as HwajaengSeon(和諍禪), even before the Experience of Enlightment, no matter what is our level in Ilsim(一心). The ConscienceSeon, which can be said to be a modern version of the WonhyoSeon, is ‘Six ParamitasSeon’, for Six Paramitas are the very Virtues of the Conscience(良心). The WhajaengSeon can be defined as «Immersion and ImmersionThinking about Hwajaeng or Hwajaeng research, as Jungyong’s ‘Hakmunsabyeonhaeng’(學問思辯行), accompanied by Metacognitive Six Paramitas Analysis». The ImmersionThinking is possible only if the TrueSelf is awaked by Immersion in our Ego(generally more than 51%). The interpretation of Seonjeong(禪定) and Jihye(智慧), two basic axes of ‘Seon Practice’(禪修行), into ‘Immersion and ImmersionThinking’ means the «Humanistic Turn», that of Buddhist WonhyoSeon into Spiritual ConscienceSeon. To search continously the insightful «Way of Jungyong(中庸)», intending ‘the Perfecting of Self for perfecting Others’(自利利他), based on the TrueSelf, this ceaseless pursuit of harmony between Six Paramitas and Jungyong, in various cases of Hwajaeng or Hwajaeng research, is the core of the WhajaengSeon.
What is the humanities? How to study the humanities? These are the fundamental questions that Korean researchers of the humanities should ask, if they really want to overcome thoroughly the problems or the obstacles they face painfully nowadays. Among many possibilities, I strongly recommand the Hakmun-Seon(學問禪), which intends to inherit the Wonhyo’s philosophy and his Seon(禪), through the Problematology, and particularly the Philosophy of Conscience and its Conscience-Seon(良心禪). The main axes of the Hakmun-Seon, in which IQ, EQ and specially SQ cowork harmoniously, are two inseparable parts: (1) Metacognitive Analysis by “Gyeong-in-ui-ye-ji-sin”(敬仁義禮智信) of Confusianism, or Six Paramitas of Bouddhism, in the Spiritual level; (2) Research Approach by means of “Hak-mun-sa-byeon-haeng”(學問思辯行) of “Chungyong”(中庸). The Hakmun-Seon, which is a sort of “Meta-Research” in the Scholarly Studies, is also a Inmun-Seon(人文禪), comprising Hwajaeng-Seon(和諍禪) and Translation-Seon(飜譯禪). This InmunSeon, much more inclusive than the traditional Bouddhist Seon[Zen], can be hopefully a good way of Research for Korean Humanities Studies.
This paper analyzes Yang Ju-dong(1903~1977)’s research on the Korean classical poetry, focusing on its contexts of the ‘Korean Parnassus’ group in the late Japanese colonial period of Korea, from the late 1930s to the early 1940s. At the time of the second Sino-Japanese war, writers of “Munjang”, a popular coterie magazine founded in 1939, tried to ‘invent’ the language and literature of Joseon(Korea). Yang Ju-dong’s research on the Korean classical poetry, particularly interested in lexicology of ancient Korean language and literature, were related to such tendency of Munjang and its writers at that time. Concerning the discourse of ‘Korean classical literature’, Yang ju-dong conceived double boundaries of the Korean classical literature, the diachronic ‘past’ and the spatial ‘Korea=Orient.’ By fusing these concepts of time and space, he organized a singular ‘function’ of space-time of the Korean literature, that the Korean classical literature was valuable because it came from the past(classical antiquity), which meant it preserved Korean=Oriental aesthetics very well. These imagined boundaries and their function relied on two inventions. The first was the invention of the continuity of Korean language, from the language of Silla dynasty to the modern Korean. The second was the invention of the genealogical extension of Korean language toward Manchurian or Mongolian, based on the hypothesis of ‘Ural-Altaic language family.’ It seems that Yang ju-dong’s research internalized, to a certain degree, the logic of Japanese Imperialism, especially on its Orientalism or direction of ‘post/anti-westernization.’ To quote Homi Bhabha’s words, however, the invention of Yang ju-dong’s research can be analyzed as ‘resistance,’ because it interpellated Joseon(Korea), which was completely eliminated, into the Japanese imperialistic initiative of ‘Greater East Asia’, and therefore, implied “the signs of cultural difference and reimplicate them within the ‘deferential relations’ of colonial power.”
This study examines the characteristics of Record of a Journey to Japan (扶桑紀行, Pusang kihaeng) written during the 1719 embassy and the perception of Japan by its author, Chŏng Hukyo. Chŏng was recognized as a prominent poet among Noron literati such as Kim Chang-hŭp and Sin Chŏng-ha during the reign of King Sukjong. As a soldier of the 1719 mission to vice envoy Hwang Sŏn, he was responsible for exchanging poetry with the Japanese along with the embassy’s clerks and secretaries. Joining the mission to Japan was a form of leisure for him, and this is apparent from how his emissary record focuses on detailed such sightseeing experiences rather than on information. The record mainly focuses on sensory descriptions of scenery and unique sights as well as recreating the exchange of diaries and poetry in written conversations with Japanese literati. In particular, it is noteworthy for its vivid descriptions of diverse experiences such as whale hunting and sites of poetry exchange not found in other emissary records. Moreover, Chŏng’s perception of Japan can be analyzed from three aspects. The first of these is approval of Japan’s legal system and national strength. The second is a sensitive reappraisal of Japanese character and customs from a sympathetic viewpoint. The third is a new understanding of Japan’s civilization through an adaptation of the discourse of Sino-barbarian dichotomy (華夷論, hwa-yi-ron). The last is particularly interesting in its adaptation, or roundabout modifying, of the premises of an existing concept among Chosŏn intellectuals to produce a new understanding. The above investigation of Record of a Journey to Japan demonstrates several important points for analysis in research on emissary records. A comparison with records from the same or different time periods will broaden the scope of the study.
This research aims to probe the meanings of farewells and the characteristics of Son’gok Yi Tal’s farewell poetry, as well as the modes of expressions employed in verbalizing the subject matter. Good byes appear often in Yi Tal‘s poetry because his poetic self within the work is a ’wanderer’ and a ‘vagabond’. Being unable to settle down and having to leave produces repeated farewells. His poetic self wanders due to warfare and poverty – which compounds the sadness of the good byes. Although this poetic self reflects the actual personal history of Yi Tal, neither the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, nor the historical and social contexts of the poet – for instance, of him being a sŏ-ŏl, which impoverished him - are made apparent in the poetry. Rather, farewell is depicted as a yoke of destiny in which no human can free themselves from. His farewell poetry focuses on illustrating the human ‘sorrow’ itself which is sealed inside fate. The decision to select farewell as the subject matter in his works, including yuefu poetry(樂府詩), also comes from the idea that farewell is the most apt subject for a genuine depiction of human sentiment. Next, modes of expressions in Yi Tal’s farewell poetry have been inspected in two aspects. The first aspect concerns the characteristics apparent in the use of imagery; in describing the scene – which gives rise to the sentiment of farewell - Yi Tal often employs images of descent and darkness, as well as images of aimless drifting. Another in this aspect is the effective use of acoustic imagery; the sounds that are largely associated with seasons – such as cry of a cuckoo, nightingale, fall cicada, cricket, or a frosty wind – ring through the poems, working to deepen the sentiments of farewell. Following this, characteristics pertaining to composition techniques are discussed. First, Yi Tal juxtaposes farewells with encounters to highlight its sorrowful nature. The joy of the meeting intensifies the sorrow of the parting – and a brief encounter during the war brings sadness rather than delight. The farewells of the past are reminded in a poem about an encounter, and short meetings are followed by long separations. This mode of expression effectively communicates the sorrow of a good bye as a yoke of destiny. Another is to articulate the farewell of tomorrow in the last two lines of the poem; this mode serves to show the restrained sorrow through visualization. Yi Tal is an important poet who epitomizes a certain turn that took place in mid Chosŏn era – the turn towards admiration of the Tang poetry style. His works call for a more thorough inspection, especially since the number of the remaining works is scarce. And in doing so, ‘farewell’ is a topic that requires much deliberation because of the weight it carries in his works. Further discussion is warranted on whether Yi Tal’s farewell poetry shows any difference when compared to the farewell poetry of his peers, or the poets of later generations.
This study explores the problem of “name (myŏng, 名)” in Pak Chiwŏn’s prose works Sŏn’gyultanggi (蟬橘堂記), Kwanjaegi (觀齋記), Palsŭngamgi (髮僧庵記), and Yŏngjaejipsŏ (泠齋集序). While Sŏn’gyultanggi discusses the emptiness and constraints of names, it also expects that they will induce efforts to discover the “true form” of the things themselves. Kwanjaegi observes how all things, from the self(ah, 我) to the name(myŏng, 名), change and die through the teaching of “obediently receiving and conveying.” While both works talk about the emptiness of names, they paradoxically also demonstrate their possibilities. Moreover, Palsŭngamgi highlights the contradictory existential condition of humans’, particularly literary intellectuals, ceaseless attempts to make a name for themselves, while Yŏngjaejipsŏ explores what this means through literature. The analysis can also be contrasted with Pak’s political treatise Myŏngnon (名論) in which he describes how the property of pursuing fame, that is, making a name for oneself, is a fundamental element that decides human action. In sum, the aforementioned works do not refute the making of names and making a name for oneself, but reflect Pak’s anxieties regarding such actions. Within his strong repudiation and doubt, he indirectly expresses the possibilities and necessity of leaving a name behind through humor, concealment, reversal, and twists.
This research approaches the elegies (哀悼詩) of Yongjae Yi Haeng, en route to reading his classical Chinese poetry. There are 101 verses under 63 titles of elegies in Yongjaejip; most of these poems are mansi (挽詩; condolatory poetry), and are entitled “∼ mansa (挽詞; condolatory words)” or “gok (哭; mourning) ∼”. First, main texts of the elegies are categorized and probed in three. First are the poems that deal with bitter deaths during sahwa (士禍; the purge of literati); a sense of strong resentment on the unfair deaths that makes one question the Heaven’s way flows throughout these works. The expressions seek to emphasize the noble nature of the dead, or accurately describe the experiences during sahwa. Second are the poems that feature praise on the dead’s contributions written after Chungjong’s Restoration to Righteous Governance. Here, the writer displays an official attitude-stressing what kind of loss one‘s death brought to the king and the country, and to the people and the literati. Also, in elegies written for an acquaintance about their family member, Yi Haeng lauds the virtue of the passed and the prosperity of the family. Third are the poems about distinguished features and memories of personal connections. These poems are especially valuable in their authenticity and originality. Next, the aim of Yi Haeng‘s elegies are discussed in two aspects, with the first being the expressions of personal grief—which is especially visible on elegies about his friends. Yi Haeng expressed his sorrows through lamenting his loneliness after all his friends have left. Second is the emphasis on the good fortune and the achievements of the family’s trade. He consoles the passed by saying that their descendants would benefit from their virtues, and that an outstanding heir would assume the family’s trade. While this corresponds to the universal view on life and death based on Confucian values, Yi Haeng actively uses it to overcome the sense of meaninglessness in his elegies. This idea adds a temperate and peaceful aesthetic to his elegies. The unique historical situation called Kapchasahwa (The Kapcha[1504] Purge of Literati) endowed Yi Haeng‘s elegies with distinctive trait, setting them apart from the authors of different periods. The sense of loss and loneliness from losing mates is a sentiment that pierces through his literature in general; further discussions are warranted on what meaning the accomplishments of Yi Haeng’s elegies have on the history of literature in early Chosŏn. Special attention should be paid in deliberating how the real life context of sahwa is related to the literature and consciousness of the people of then.