Dignity: A Journal on Sexual
Exploitation and Violence
Volume 1 | Issue 1
Article 7
November 2016
Predictors of Readiness to Exit Commercial Sexual
Exploitation Among Women in India and the U.S.
Bincy Wilson
University at Bufalo, bincywil@bufalo.edu
homas H. Nochajski
University at Bufalo, thn@bufalo.edu
Follow this and additional works at: htp://digitalcommons.uri.edu/dignity
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Recommended Citation
Wilson, Bincy and Nochajski, homas H. (2016) "Predictors of Readiness to Exit Commercial Sexual Exploitation Among Women in
India and the U.S.," Dignity: A Journal on Sexual Exploitation and Violence: Vol. 1: Iss. 1, Article 7.
Available at: htp://digitalcommons.uri.edu/dignity/vol1/iss1/7
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Predictors of Readiness to Exit Commercial Sexual Exploitation Among
Women in India and the U.S.
Abstract
Exiting commercial sexual exploitation (CSE) is a diicult and prolonged process. his study examines the
predictors of readiness to exit CSE, using the stages of change model as an underlying framework, among
women in India (n=163) and the U.S. (n=87). Constructs such as years of schooling, residence,
unemployment, age of entry, causes of entry, types of exploitation, addictions, presence of perpetrator, culture
– individualistic and collectivistic, stigma, social support, empowerment, and current involvement in CSE
were assessed. Results of a multi-group analysis indicated signiicant diferences in the relationships between
readiness to change and the predictor measures. For the Indian sample, years of schooling, economic
conditions/abuse/runaway behavior as reasons for entry, individualistic and collectivistic culture approaches,
and stigma were associated with readiness to change. For the U.S. sample, living by oneself, abuse/runaway
behavior as reasons for entry, indoor experiences of exploitation, substance abuse problems, collectivist
cultural approach, social support, and current involvement in CSE were associated with readiness to change.
However, some similarities were also found. he indings suggest that service provision must focus on
addressing the constructs that increase the readiness to exit, while also being culturally competent.
Keywords
Commercial sexual exploitation, predictors of exit, multi-group, cross-cultural
Creative Commons License
his work is licensed under a Creative Commons Atribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0
License.
Acknowledgements
Fahs Beck Foundation Gender Institute, University at Bufalo hree referees reviewed this article using a
double-blind review process. With the permission of the reviewers and the authors, Dignity thanks them for
their time and expertise. hey are: Sven-Axel Mansson, Professor Emeritus, Social Work, Malmo University,
Sweden; Joan A. Reid, Assistant Professor, Criminology and Co-Director and Psychotherapist, Restoring
Innocence Lost Counseling Collaborative, University of South Florida, USA; and Pravin Patkar, Adjunct
Professor, Amrita University, India.
his research and scholarly article is available in Dignity: A Journal on Sexual Exploitation and Violence:
htp://digitalcommons.uri.edu/dignity/vol1/iss1/7
Wilson and Nochajski: Predictors
Volume , Issue , Article ,
PREDICTORS OF READINESS TO EXIT COMMERCIAL
SEXUAL EXPLOITATION AMONG WOMEN IN INDIA AND
THE UNITED STATES
Bi cy Wilso
University of Bufalo
Tho as H. Nochajski
University of Bufalo
ABSTRACT
Exiting commercial sexual exploitation (CSE) is a difficult and prolonged process. This
study examines the predictors of readiness to exit CSE, using the stages of change model
as an underlying framework, among women in India (n=
) and the U.S. (n= ).
Constructs such as years of schooling, residence, unemployment, age of entry, causes of
entry, types of exploitation, addictions, presence of perpetrator, culture – individualistic
and collectivistic, stigma, social support, empowerment, and current involvement in CSE
were assessed. Results of a multi-group analysis indicated significant differences in the
relationships between readiness to change and the predictor measures. For the Indian
sample, years of schooling, economic conditions/abuse/runaway behavior as reasons for
entry, individualistic and collectivistic culture approaches, and stigma were associated with
readiness to change. For the U.S. sample, living by oneself, abuse/runaway behavior as
reasons for entry, indoor experiences of exploitation, substance abuse problems,
collectivist cultural approach, social support, and current involvement in CSE were
associated with readiness to change. However, some similarities were also found. The
findings suggest that service provision must focus on addressing the constructs that
increase the readiness to exit, while also being culturally competent.
KEYWORDS
commercial sexual exploitation, predictors of exit, multi-group, cross-cultural
C
OMMERCIAL SEXUAL EXPLOITATION (CSE) of women and girls is a global
social justice issue, which reflects violence against women and amounts to
gross violation of human rights (Barry,
; Leidholdt,
). For the purposes of the current study, the focus is on women who were trafficked/forced into
prostitution, meaning that the women did not freely choose the sex trade, circumstances forced them into the industry, whether it was the result of economic conditions, some form of abuse, or drug addiction, or direct coercion, societal pressure, religion, or family. According to a recent global estimate on forced labor, the
total number being forcibly sexually exploited at any given time is . million; with
percent being female (International Labor Organization [ILO],
). Another
international organization that assists victims of such crime around the globe reports two-thirds being female and
percent subjected to CSE (International Organization for Migration [IOM],
). Although these figures are an estimate of
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Dignity: A Journal on Sexual Exploitation and Violence, Vol. 1, Iss. 1 [2016], Art. 7
the magnitude of the problem, they reflect the preponderance of females among
those being commercially sexually exploited.
In this study we examine the exit process from CSE in two countries, India
and the United States (U.S.), which are major source, transit, and destination
countries for trafficking for the purpose of CSE (United States Department of State
[USDS],
). In India, it is estimated that million women and girls are commercially sexually exploited, of which % are children, and a vast majority are
Indian citizens (Ministry of Women and Child Development, Government of India
[MWCD],
). National-level data on sex trafficking cases in the U.S. between
revealed
% were female,
% involved U.S. citizens, and % involved minors (Banks & Kyckelhahn,
). Apart from the similarity in the magnitude of the problem within the borders in both countries, these two countries
also reflect differing cultural approaches. The U.S. reflects an individualistic cultural approach while India reflects a collectivistic one. Therefore, an examination
of predictors of exit from CSE within these two countries would enable us to identify the cultural nuances involved in the exiting process.
Studies documenting the experiences of women in CSE describe the overwhelming presence of violence, victimization, captivity, criminalization, and commoditization (Gupta, Raj, Decker, Reed, & Silverman,
; Panchanadeswaran et
al.,
; Raphael & Shapiro,
; Williamson & Folaron,
). The traumatic
experience is not limited to while in the sex industry, but also prior to entering it,
and continuing to have a debilitating impact on the lives of victims even after exit
(as reviewed in Wilson & Butler,
). Most often, women are left with a range of
health consequences, psychological illnesses, emotional problems, addictions to
substances, stigma, and difficulties envisioning themselves in and transitioning
into mainstream society (Farley et al.,
; Jackson, Bennett, & Sowinski,
;
Raymond et al.,
; Sallmann,
; Zimmerman et al.,
).
The extant research on CSE has focused on identifying the characteristics of
individuals in CSE and the factors causing entry into CSE (Estes & Weiner,
;
Dandona et al.,
; Kramer & Berg,
; Vindhya & Dev,
), experiences
while in CSE (Farley et al.,
; Hossain, Zimmerman, Abas, Light, & Watts,
; Panchanadeswaran et al.,
; Raphael & Shapiro,
), addictions to
substances (Bowser, Ryan, Smith, & Lockett,
; Yahne, Miller, Irvin-Vitela, &
Tonigan,
), and HIV/AIDS and other STI concerns among this population
(Gupta, Reed, Kershaw, & Blankenship,
; Halli, Ramesh, O’Neil, Moses, &
Blanchard,
; Shannon, Bright, Gibson, & Tyndall,
; Surratt & Inciardi,
). However, the understanding of exit from CSE has seen limited published
research, with the little that does exist, being qualitative in nature and conducted
predominantly in the West (Dalla,
; Mansson & Hedin,
; Oselin,
;
Sanders,
), and a handful of studies conducted in non-western countries
(Learmonth, Hakala & Keller,
; Manopaiboon et al.,
).
The process of exit from CSE is often understood as a difficult and prolonged process that may involve numerous exit-re-entry-exit cycles (Dalla,
;
Manopaiboon et al.,
; Mansson & Hedin,
; Sanders,
; Saphira & Herbert,
). During this process, women experience multiple barriers and have a
high probability of returning back into the sex industry (Dalla,
; Manopaiboon
et al.,
; Mansson & Hedin,
). Baker, Dalla and Williamson (
) have
integrated various exit models in an attempt to understand exiting from prostitution, comparing more general approaches provided by Prochaska, DiClemente and
Norcross’s (
b) Stages of Change model and Fuchs Ebaugh’s (
) Role Exit
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Wilson and Nochajski: Predictors
Model, to those more specific to CSE as seen in Mansson and Hedin’s (
) Breaking the Matthew Effect and Sander’s (
) Becoming an ex-sex worker. This comprehensive integrated model views exit from CSE as occurring in stages, involving
immersion, awareness, planning, initial exit, reentry and final exit, and lays the
foundation for our understanding of exit as a continuous dynamic process rather
than as a single event.
Within the context of the integrated model proposed by Baker and colleagues (
), is the concept of readiness to change. While not directly referred
to, the explanation of the model infers that this is a critical element that helps determine whether an individual continues to move forward or may revert/relapse
back into the sex trade. This construct of readiness to change is a product of the
Stages of Change model put forward by Prochaska and DiClemente (
a) and is
an indication of the dynamic elements within the change process (Prochaska, DiClemente, & Norcross,
b). The measurement of readiness to change is considered a more critical indicator of an individual’s motivation to change, than is the
actual measurement of stages (Carey, Purnine, Maisto, & Carey,
). While the
stages of Change model has been used in research studies to predict women leaving
abusive relationships and staying away from abuse within the context of intimate
partner violence (Burke, Mahoney, Gielen, McDonnell, & O’Campo,
), entering substance abuse treatment programs (Brown, Melchior, Slaughter, & Huba,
), recovering from substance abuse issues (Heather, Hönekopp, & Smailes,
; Teater & Hammond,
), and understanding the process of recovery
among survivors of childhood sexual abuse in therapy (Koraleski & Larson,
),
the integrative model of Baker and colleagues (
) has not yet been tested.
Within the context of the current paper, we consider elements that Baker and colleagues identified as having been important to exiting the sex trade, and how these
relate to readiness to change. Thus, assessing a woman’s readiness to exit CSE
would help in identifying the factors that are associated with and that facilitate
their movement along the continuum of exiting.
Factors Associated ith Bei g i CSE
An international report on re-trafficking into CSE has identified women coming from economically deprived backgrounds, with limited education and inability
to find and sustain employment, as being more vulnerable to being re-trafficked,
with a vast majority being trapped in CSE (IOM,
). On more than one occasion, women who were rescued and assisted by IOM in the past, re-enter the sex
industry for lack of other viable options. Poor socio-economic backgrounds, unemployment or lack of sustainable income, limited or lack of education, and presence
of perpetrators have been identified as factors causing entry into CSE, in both India
and the U.S. (Belcher & Herr,
; Clarke, Clarke, Roe-Sepowitz, & Fey,
;
Gupta et al.,
; Kennedy, Klein, Bristowe, Cooper, & Yuille,
; Kramer &
Berg,
; Vindhya & Dev,
).
Research studies conducted in the West have explored the relationship between many of these precipitating factors and their association with remaining in
the sex industry. For instance, entering CSE at an early age has not only a debilitating impact on the development of the individual (Clarke et al.,
), but is also
associated with staying in the sex industry for a longer duration (Cobbina & Oselin,
; Roe-Sepowitz,
, see also Dandona et al.,
in India). Women in indoor forms of CSE are older at the age of entry, spend a longer time in the sex
industry, are slightly more educated and therefore able to transition into more
skilled jobs post exit, as compared to those in outdoor forms who are younger at
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the age of entry, and report limited education (Sanders,
). Addiction to substances, which could arise either prior to or post entry into CSE, also acts as a barrier during their exit process from CSE (Kurtz, Surratt, Kiley, & Inciardi,
;
Romero-Daza, Weeks, & Singer,
). However, the impact of these factors on
the exit process remains largely unstudied, especially within different cultural contexts.
Culture is an integral part of society that provides information to individuals
within a society on what has worked in the experience of the society and is useful
in transmitting such knowledge to future generations (Triandis,
). Culture is
said to influence the personality of individuals (as reviewed in Triandis & Suh,
). In an individualistic society such as the U.S., the focus is on independence,
competitiveness, self-reliance, and in primarily valuing one’s personal achievement or well-being, where the self is independent of the in-group. However, in a
collectivistic society such as India, individuals are traditionalists, emphasizing ingroups (such as family, tribe) cohesion and interdependence, and subordination of
personal needs and goals while prioritizing those of the in-groups. Therefore, it is
imperative to not only identify the factors that influence the exit process within
these distinct cultures (as knowledge obtained from an individualistic society cannot be generalized to the phenomenon within a collectivist society), but to also understand the impact of culture itself on the exit phenomenon.
Women in the sex industry often encounter tremendous stigma from the society, which acts as a barrier preventing them from approaching social service agencies, health and mental health care, and accessing the support available to facilitate
exit (Bindel,
; Kurtz et al.,
; Sallmann,
; Suresh, Furr, & Srikrishnan,
). Even after exiting CSE and attempting to mainstream into societies, some
have reported enormous challenges adjusting to life post exit due to the high level
of social stigma attached to their involvement in the sex industry and different
standards of cultural expectations from women (Hennink & Simkhada,
;
Mansson & Hedin,
; Vindhya & Dev,
). Thus, it is important to examine
the impact of stigma on the process of exit within different cultural contexts.
Supportive relationships have been identified as being not just a protective factor against intimate partner violence (Bybee & Sullivan,
) but also a critical
factor in mobilizing women to leave the sex industry (Dalla,
; Hedin & Mansson,
). It refers to both informal (family, friends) and professional (staff of
organizations) support that women might have access to while in the sex industry
(Hedin & Mansson,
). Qualitative research has observed that a healthy supportive relationship has encouraged women to exit CSE, while relationships with
greater dependency needs often latch on as parasites for their own survival and
forces the women’s continued exploitation in CSE (Dalla,
; Manopaiboon et
al.,
; Raghavan & Pawar-Kate,
). This aspect needs to be further explored
within larger samples, to establish its association with exiting CSE.
Empowerment is considered an essential factor in recovery oriented programs
and systems, as it operationalizes and measures personal empowerment (Rogers,
Ralph, & Salzer,
). Empowerment theory has been used with women in substance abuse, sexual assault, and domestic violence programs to understand the
process of change (Busch & Valentine,
; Campbell et al.,
; Gibson,
).
Empowerment is the process by which the powerless gain greater control over various circumstances in their lives (Kabeer,
; Pradhan,
). It reflects greater
self-confidence, inner transformation of one’s consciousness, decision-making
power, and outrival of systemic sources of subordination. However, this construct
has not been assessed among women exiting CSE.
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Research among women escaping intimate partner violence has identified that
higher social support and access to resources is associated with higher overall quality of life (Bybee & Sullivan,
), which is a significant negative predictor of reabuse (Tan, Basta, Sullivan, & Davidson,
). Studies have used quality of life as
a measure to assess the performance of various groups in clinical settings (Stevanovic,
). Quality of life refers to the degree of enjoyment and satisfaction that
women experience in various areas of life (such as physical health, mood, work,
and sexual life among others). Thus, within the context of women exiting CSE, assessing the impact of quality of life on women’s readiness to exit would better assist
in understanding the process of recovery.
Curre t Study
In the current study, we will address two important limitations of past research. First, to date, no known studies have identified the predictors of exit from
CSE in a quantitative manner. Second, the knowledge base on the process of exit
from CSE has been limited to the West. Using readiness to change and the integrative model of Baker et al. (
), we sought to identify some of the critical factors
associated with exit from CSE. Also, the global and international nature of CSE of
women makes it imperative to understand and address this phenomenon keeping
in mind varied socio-cultural contexts. Thus, our sample consisting of women
in/exiting CSE from two culturally distinct countries would be able to begin building a culturally competent knowledge base in this field.
The two main goals of this study are: (i) identifying the factors that predict
readiness to exit CSE among women, and (ii) examining if these predictors differed
across cultures (India and the U.S.). Given the relative lack of known research
identifying the predictors of exit from CSE, we included factors that are associated
with entering or remaining in the sex industry, such as years of schooling, dependents, marital status, residence, job situation, current involvement in CSE, age of
entry, causes of entry, time in CSE, types of exploitation, addictions, presence of
perpetrator, culture, stigma, social support, empowerment and quality of life as
predictors.
METHOD
Paricipa ts
The study consisted of
women participants (
from India and
from
the U.S.). The two eligibility criteria being the women had to be in either of the
three phases - currently in, exiting, or already exited from CSE and who were receiving, or had received services from social service organizations that served victims of CSE. A total of
agencies from the U.S (specifically in California - San
Francisco, Oakland, San Jose, Los Angeles and San Diego) and India (Bangalore,
Goa, Mumbai, Delhi and Kolkata), distributed evenly across both counties, participated in the study. All the participants were included in the study. The mean age
of the participants was . years (SD = . ) in India, and . years (SD =
. ) in the U.S., with ages ranging from to
years. Information on ethnicity
was gathered only for the U.S. sample since this variable was not relevant in India.
In the U.S., the highest represented ethnicity was African American (n = , %),
followed by Caucasian (n = , %), Hispanic/Latino (n = , %), Bi-racial (n =
, %), Native American (n = , %), and Asian/Pacific Islander (n = , %). In
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India, information was gathered on religious affiliation since this was more relevant in terms of the Indian census classification. The vast majority was Hindu (n =
, %), followed by Muslim (n = , %) and two ( %) Christians.
Procedures
The participating agencies were identified through web searches, personal contacts and snowball sampling techniques. Out of the agencies that were approached,
the proportion that participated was / in India and less than / in the U.S. The
staff at these agencies was requested to make announcements during group activities or individual counseling sessions, conducted routinely within the agency, to
ascertain the willingness of women to participate in the proposed study. Additionally flyers were used within agencies, especially in the U.S., to recruit women, but
in India this was not used due to the low level of literacy among this population.
Another mode of recruitment adopted was the snowball sampling technique – by
requesting the women who did participate in the study to inform their peers in/exiting CSE about the study. The women who expressed their interest in the study
were then directed to the researcher by the staff.
Data was collected using a survey questionnaire, between January and August
, after obtaining approval from the researcher’s university Institutional Review Board (IRB). A survey questionnaire was developed primarily in English, and
translated into two Indian languages - Hindi and Kannada (and back translated),
for the purpose of administration in India. Participants were compensated Rs.
in India, and $ in the U.S. for completing the survey. In India, factoring in the
low level of literacy among women in CSE, as well as their level of comfort, all
questionnaires were administered in an interview format, by the researcher (the
principal investigator). Although this method of administration was expensive,
time consuming (average - minutes per participant), and subject to investigator effect, it ensured that participants had a clear understanding of the questions,
a high response rate was achieved. In the U.S., different options, such as paperbased, or telephone-based, were offered for filling out the questionnaire. In some
organizations, the researcher was permitted to be present while the women were
filling out the survey to clarify any concerns they may have had, while in other organizations, the staff preferred either directly handing the questionnaire to the
women, who would complete and return to the staff, or administering them over
the telephone.
Measures
Readiness to change. A standardized instrument, namely the University of
Rhode Island Change Assessment (URICA) (McConnaughy, Prochaska, & Velicer,
) was used to measure and determine readiness to change in the process of
exit from CSE. This is a -item scale consisting of four -item subscales - precontemplation, contemplation, action, and maintenance. The initial instructions
informed the participants to consider involvement in the sex industry as the focus
for all questions. A sample item for pre-contemplation is, “I’m not the problem
one. It doesn’t make much sense for me to be here”; a sample for contemplation is,
“I think I might be ready for some self-improvement”; a sample for action is, “I am
doing something about the problems that had been bothering me”; and a sample
for maintenance is, “I may need a boost right now to help me maintain the changes
I’ve already made”. The original -point Likert scaling format was converted into
a -point format ( = Strongly Disagree to = Strongly Agree) for effectiveness and
to elicit a definitive answer. The reliability coefficients for the four subscales were
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.
,.
,.
, and .
, for the pre-contemplation, contemplation, action and
maintenance subscales, respectively. The readiness to change score (RCS) for each
individual was obtained by summing up the scores on the items for contemplation,
action and maintenance subscales and subtracting the scores on items for pre-contemplation subscale (Carey et al.,
).
Age of entry. Participant age of entry was determined by self-report, where
they were asked to indicate the age at which they were first commoditized for sexual purposes. For those who were unable to provide an exact number, an approximate age was obtained.
Causes of entry. Participants were asked to indicate the cause of their entry
into CSE by either checking from the list of causes provided or by specifying any
additional cause that is not mentioned at the end of the options. Although the responses were grouped into causes, for purposes of the current study, these were
collapsed into economic conditions (also includes poverty, survival sex), running
away behavior (includes running away from home and foster care), abuse (experience of child physical or sexual abuse, other trauma, or being addicted), and being
coerced for various reasons (sold, forced, abducted, societal practices, pimped, lack
of support). Since the participants checked multiple causes of entry, each of these
four causes were used in the study and were treated as a dichotomous variable
where = Yes and = No.
Time in CSE. Participant time spent in CSE was determined by self-report,
where they were asked to indicate the duration of time in terms of years, months
or days, which was later converted as a fraction of years. Participants who had already exited CSE, provided the duration of time between their entry and exit, and
for those who were still in the sex industry, the duration was determined as the
difference between the age of entry and their current age.
Types of exploitation. Participants were asked to indicate the various settings
within which they were commercially sexually exploited, by providing multiple
choices, and a blank space at the end of the options to specify any additional types
that were not listed. The responses were grouped into three categorical variables
(Outdoor, Indoor, Both) based on the responses. Outdoor types included street
prostitution while indoor types included brothels, escort services, massage parlors,
dance bars, strip clubs, peep shows, and pornography; and both were individuals
that indicated experiencing both types of exploitation. For purposes of the current
study because they could check both outdoor and indoor types, these were used as
the measures in subsequent analyses.
Addictions. Simple Screening Instrument for Substance Abuse (SSI-SA, Center
for Substance Abuse Treatment,
) was used to assess addiction to substances
(alcohol, drugs, or tobacco) during the past months. The SSI-SA is a -item
scale, and uses a dichotomous response format ( = Yes or = No). A sample item
is, “Have you tried to cut down or quit alcohol, drugs or other substances of your
choice?” The total score on all the items provides the individual’s degree of risk
associated with their addiction. The overall reliability of this measure for this study
was ∝ = . .
Perpetrator presence. The presence of a perpetrator was assessed with the following item “Do you have to give money earned to another individual?” The response was coded into a dichotomous format ( = Yes and = No).
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Culture – individualistic and collectivistic. A standardized instrument, namely,
the Horizontal and Vertical Individualism and Collectivism Scale (HVICS) (Triandis & Gelfand,
) was used to measure the influence of cultural orientation on
the respondent’s exit process. HVICS has been tested across different individualistic and collectivistic societies including the U.S. and India. This is a -item scale
using a -point Likert scaling format ( = Strongly Disagree to = Strongly Agree),
with two constructs – individualism and collectivism having items each. A sample item for individualism is, “I would rather depend on myself than others.” In
terms of collectivism, a sample item is “The well being of my co-workers is important to me.” The reliability for the individualism subscale was . , while for the
collectivism subscale it was . .
Perceived stigma. Sex Worker Stigma Index (SWSI; Liu et al.,
) was used
to measure how the perceived stigma among women in CSE impacts their exit process. SWSI was developed and tested in India among women in CSE. This is a item scale, using a -point Likert scaling format ( = Strongly Disagree to =
Strongly Agree), and comprising two domains - perceived stigma from community,
and one’s family ( items each). A sample item is, “I feel that if I disclosed my identity to some people they would not talk to me anymore.” The overall reliability of
the scale for this study was ∝ = . .
Social support and satisfaction with social support. The social support system
variable was measured through a -item scale called Social Support QuestionnaireShort Form (SSQ-SF) (Sarason, Sarason, Shearin, & Pierce,
). Each question
consists of two-parts - the first part assesses the number of available individuals
(not exceeding nine) that the respondent feels they could turn to in times of need
in a variety of situations. A sample is, “Whom can you really count on to be dependable when you need help?” The second part measures the respondent’s degree
of satisfaction with the perceived support available in that particular situation,
where they indicate their satisfaction on a -point Likert scale ( = Very Dissatisfied
to = Very Satisfied). Cronbach’s ∝ for this measure in the current study was .
for social support and . for satisfaction with social support.
Empowerment. A -item Empowerment Scale (Rogers, Chamberlin, Ellison,
& Crean,
) was employed to measure the level of subjective feelings of empowerment on a -point Likert scale ( = Strongly Disagree to = Strongly Agree). Although the instrument had subscales, for the purpose of this study, only the total
score was obtained, by adding the scores on items of self-esteem/self-efficacy,
community activism and autonomy, righteous anger, and optimism and control
over the future, and subtracting the scores on items of power-powerlessness subscale. A sample item is, “I have a positive attitude toward myself.” Cronbach’s ∝
for the powerless subscale was . , while for the other items, the alpha was . .
Quality of life. Quality of Life Enjoyment and Satisfaction Questionnaire (QLES-Q) (Endicott, Nee, Harrison, & Blumenthal,
), a -item scale was used
to measure quality of life. The last two items on this scale which were standalone
items were not administered, as they were not relevant for the final scoring, making it a -item scale in this study. A sample item is, “Taking everything into consideration, during the past week how satisfied have you been with your physical
health?” Responses were scored on a -point scale ( = Not at all satisfied to =
Very satisfied), where higher scores indicate better enjoyment and satisfaction
with life. Cronbach’s ∝ for this measure in the current study was . .
Currently in CSE. This dichotomous variable asked the participants to indicate
if they were currently involved in CSE, which was coded as = Yes and = No. Some
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Wilson and Nochajski: Predictors
of the respondents who did not choose either of these options, rather mentioned
that there involvement in CSE was on a decline, were also included in the ‘Yes’
category.
Years of schooling. The educational qualification of individuals, a continuous
variable, was obtained by asking the participants to either provide their degree or
years of schooling completed. All values in this variable were converted into numeric values based on the degree completed.
Dependents. This was a continuous variable, where the respondents were
asked to indicate the number of individuals that were dependent on them, including children.
Marital status. Participants were asked to indicate their marital status by either choosing an option from the multiple choices provided, or by using the blank
space to enter any additional status that may not be included in the list. The responses were coded as a dichotomous variable where, = Single (Single/Divorced/Separated/Widow/Abandoned) and = With Someone (Married/In relationship).
Residence. Participants were asked to indicate their residence by either choosing an option from the multiple choices provided, or by using the blank space to
enter any additional information that may not be included in the list. The responses were coded as a categorical variable where, = Supervised (Shelter/Transitional home), = Oneself and = Unstable (living with someone else, family,
friends, partner or in a hotel).
Job situation. Participants were asked to indicate their current job situation by
choosing from a set of options provided or by filling in any additional information
that may not be listed in the blank space at the end. The responses were coded as
a dichotomous variable where, = Employed (legally employed either full time or
part time), = Unemployed (living in shelter with no job, house wife, living on
welfares, still in the sex industry which is not legal employment).
A alysis
For analysis, all the data obtained from India and the U.S. was coded and entered into the IBM Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) . An initial analysis was performed to determine the pattern of missing data. The results revealed
that the U.S. sample had more missing data compared to the Indian sample, which
may be due to the difference in the manner of survey administration in both countries. An overall missing value analysis conducted on all key variables of the study
suggested a few missing cases in some predictor variables (i.e. years of schooling
[n= , %], dependents [n= , %], current job situation [n= , %], age of entry
[n= , %], time in CSE [n= , %], and types of exploitation [n= , %]), which
were excluded for the purpose of bivariate analysis. However, to identify predictors, multivariate regression analysis was performed in MPlus
(Muth9n &
Muth9n,
), using full-information maximum likelihood (FIML) estimation due
to the missing cases ( to percent). FIML imputes the values of the missing items
based on all other variables being used in the analysis (similar outcomes to that of
multiple imputation).
Descriptive statistics including means, standard deviations, minimums, maximums, frequencies and percentages were computed for all variables. This revealed
differences in the mean and standard deviation values for each country and therefore, bivariate analyses were conducted to identify their significance. Chi-square
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Dignity: A Journal on Sexual Exploitation and Violence, Vol. 1, Iss. 1 [2016], Art. 7
and cross tabulations for categorical variables and t-tests for continuous variables
were performed. To ascertain effect sizes, square of Cramer’s V (ES) for categorical
and Cohen’s d for continuous variables were computed.
We then ran bivariate analyses looking at the relationships between our identified predictor measures and readiness to change variable. This was done for the
overall sample and within the India and US samples as well. Measures showing
significant relationships with readiness to change were then used in the overall
analysis.
Multivariate regression analyses were done on MPlus by running a multigroup procedure to test whether the parameters differed for the Indian and US
participants. All predictors were entered into the model and assessed for significance within Indian and U.S. sample. The benefit of doing this analysis in MPlus
is that it accounts for the missing cases found in certain key variables in the U.S.
sample by imputing the value. The Wald statistic was used to assess differences in
parameters. Initially an overall assessment was made, and then separate assessments were done for each parameter in the analysis. The R square for each sample
along with the associated p-value was also ascertained to determine the significance of the variance accounted for by the predictor variables.
RESULTS
Descripi e A alyses
A comparison of the frequencies and percentages for all categorical variables
in the study between women in India (n =
) and the U.S. (n = ) are summarized in Table . There were no significant differences in marital status and job
situation between the two groups of women. However, there were significant differences in the other variables. Residential status revealed a significant difference
)= . ,p<.
, ES = . ] with half the women in India living by
[ ( , n =
themselves as compared to % of U.S. women living in unstable housing arrangements (i.e., living with someone else, family, partner, or in a hotel). More than half
the women in both India and U.S. had exited CSE, with the percentage of women
)= . ,p<.
, ES =
having exited in the U.S. being significantly [ ( , n =
. ] than those in India.
All four causes of entry explored in this study suggest a significant difference
between the two groups of women. The proportion of women identifying economic
conditions as a cause of their entry into CSE was significantly higher [ ( , n =
)= . ,p=.
, ES = . ] in India to enter as a function of some type of abuse
[ ( , n =
)= . ,p=.
, ES = .
]. The likelihood of entry being a func)=
tion of runaway behavior was also higher in the U.S. than India [ ( , n =
. ,p=.
, ES = .
]. Finally, the likelihood of being forced into the sex trade
was significantly higher for women in India than the U.S. [ ( , n =
)= . ,
p<.
, ES = . ].
The types of exploitation encountered by individuals while in CSE revealed significant differences between the countries. The participants in India were more
likely to have experienced indoor forms of exploitation (i.e. brothels, dance bars,
lodge based prostitution), than the U.S. participants [ ( , n =
) =
. ,
p<.
, ES = . ]. The women in the U.S. were more likely than the women from
India to have experienced outdoor forms of exploitation (i.e. street prostitution [
( ,n=
)= . ,p<.
, ES = . ].
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Wilson and Nochajski: Predictors
TABLE . Differences Between India and the U.S. Sample on Categorical Independent Variables
India, n =
Variable
n (%)
n (%)
Marital status
Residence
Job situation
Currently in CSE***
Causes of entry
Types of exploitation
Perpetrator presence***
Note: *p < .
, **p < .
U.S., n =
Single
(
)
(
)
With someone
(
)
(
)
Supervised
(
)
(
)
Oneself***
(
)
( )
Unstable***
( )
(
)
Employed
(
)
(
)
Unemployed
(
)
(
)
Yes
(
)
(
)
No
( )
(
)
Economic conditions**
(
)
(
)
Running away behavior*
( )
(
)
Abuse***
( )
(
)
Forced/Coerced***
(
( )
Outdoor***
( )
(
)
Indoor***
(
)
(
)
Both*
( )
(
)
Yes
(
)
( )
No
(
)
(
)
)
, ***p < .
There was also a significant difference between the countries, in the number of
individuals who identified the presence of a perpetrator, while in the sex industry,
[ ( , n =
)= . ,p<.
, ES = . ]. The Indian sample was split into equal
halves between having and not having a perpetrator, while a majority of the U.S.
sample identified as not having a perpetrator.
A comparison of the means and standard deviations for all continuous variables in the study between women in India (n =
) and the U.S. (n = ) are summarized in Table . There were no significant differences in age of entry, time in
CSE, and quality of life between the two groups of women. However, there were
significant differences for the years of schooling, with women in India being significantly lower than women in the U.S. [t (
)= . ,p<.
, d = . ]. The
number of individuals dependent on these women for their survival was significantly higher [t (
)= . ,p<.
, d = . ] in India than in the U.S. The women
in the U.S. had a significantly higher mean score on addictions [t (
)= . ,p<
.
, d = . ], social support [t ( ) = . , p = .
, d = . ], satisfaction with
social support [t (
)= . ,p=.
, d = . ], and empowerment [t ( ) = . ,
p<.
, d = . ] as compared to their counterparts in India. However, the women
in India were significantly higher on culture – individualistic [t ( ) = . , p =
.
, d = . ] and perceived stigma [t ( ) = . , p < .
, d = . ] compared to
their counterparts in the U.S.
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TABLE . Differences between India and U.S. sample in the descriptive statistics (N =
Variable
India, n =
U.S., n =
M (SD)
M (SD)
Age at time of interview
.
( .
)
Years of Schooling***
.
( .
)
Dependents***
.
( .
)
Age of entry
.
.
(
.
Substance Abuse***
. ( .
( .
.
( . )
.
( .
Time in CSE
.
)
)
)
)
( . )
.
( .
)
.
( . )
.
( .
)
Culture – Individualistic*
.
( .
)
.
( .
)
Culture – Collectivistic
.
( . )
.
( .
)
Perceived stigma***
.
( .
)
.
( . )
Social support**
.
( .
)
.
( .
Satisfaction with social support**
.
( . )
.
( . )
Empowerment***
.
( .
.
( .
Quality of life
.
( . )
.
(
Note: *p < .
, **p < .
)
)
)
)
.
)
, ***p < .
Bi ariate Relaio ships ith Readi ess to Cha ge
The results for the bivariate associations are shown in Table . We conducted
three sets of correlations, one for the overall sample (n=
), and then one for each
of the countries (U.S. n = , India n =
). For the overall sample, there were
significant positive relationships with readiness to change for years of schooling,
unstable housing, abuse as a reason for entry, substance abuse, a collectivist approach, number of supports, and empowerment. While negative relationships existed for the number of dependents, living by oneself, entry due to economic conditions, being coerced into the sex trade, and indoor exploitation experiences. For
just the India sample, there were significant positive relationships for years of
schooling, an individualist approach, a collectivist approach, perceived stigma,
number of supports, and empowerment. Negative associations were present for
age of entry into the sex trade and economic conditions for entry. Finally for the
U.S. sample, there were significant positive associations for substance abuse, a collectivist approach, and still being involved in the sex trade. Negative associations
were present for living by oneself and entry due to running away behavior.
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Wilson and Nochajski: Predictors
TABLE . Correlations of Potential Predictors with Readiness to Change
Predictor Variable
Overall (n=
Years of Schooling
.
***
Dependents
-.
**
)
India (n =
.
)
US (n =
**
)
.
-.
-.
Single
.
-.
.
Professional Supervision
.
.
.
+
**
-.
-.
*
*
-.
.
-.
-.
Oneself
-.
Unstable Housing
.
Unemployed
-.
Age entry into Sex Trade
-.
Time in Sex Trade
.
.
.
Presence of perpetrator
-.
.
.
-.
**
.
Reasons for Entering
Economic Conditions
-.
Runaway
-.
Abuse
.
**
.
Coerced/Forced
-.
**
.
-.
Work Outdoors
.
+
.
-.
Work Indoors
-.
**
-.
.
Substance Abuse
.
***
.
Individualist Approach
*
-.
.
-.
Collectivist Approach
.
.
Number of Supports
.
***
Satisfaction with Support
.
-.
**
**
-.
.
***
.
*
.
**
.
+
.
***
-.
.
Quality of Life
-.
.
-.
Still in Sex Trade
-.
.
.
;*p<.
.
.
Empowerment
+p<.
; ** p < .
*
.
.
-.
**
.
+
.
***
Perceived Stigma
**
*
-.
*
; *** p < .
Regressio A alyses
The next analysis was focused on identifying which of the identified measures
remained significant when controlling for the other predictors. Only those
measures that showed significant associations with readiness to change in the
overall analysis or in the separate runs for India and the U.S. were used in MPlus
version . to run a multi-group model, looking to assess whether the specific
measures would show similar relationships in the U.S. and Indian samples. The
initial run assessed whether the overall model significantly varied for the two
groups. We then assessed each specific measure to determine if the parameters
differed for the two samples. Results are shown in Table .
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Dignity: A Journal on Sexual Exploitation and Violence, Vol. 1, Iss. 1 [2016], Art. 7
TABLE . Multigroup Regression Analyses Results Predicting Readiness to Change
Predictor Variable
India (n =
Years of Schooling
(
%CI)
(
% CI)
.
( .
.
( .
to .
(- .
Age entry into Sex Trade
- .
( .
)
(- .
to . )
( .
)
to - .
( .
to .
( .
)**
( .
(- .
)
.
)+
)
to .
(- .
)+
(- .
( .
)
.
(- .
to .
)
(- .
- .
Substance Abuse
.
(- .
- .
(- .
Collectivist Approach
( .
Perceived Stigma
( .
( .
(- .
.
(- .
)
.
)
(- .
( . )
to .
( .
( .
)
)
( .
(- .
( .
)***
to .
- .
( .
(- .
to .
( .
)
)
( .
.
,p=.
.
,p=.
)
)
.
,p=.
.
,p=.
.
,p=.
. )+
)
)**
to .
( .
)
)
.
,p=.
)***
( .
)
to .
. ,p=.
)
( . )
to .
.
,p=.
. ,p=.
( . )
.
,p=.
.
,p=.
.
,p=.
)*
( .
(- .
)
)
( .
- .
.
)
to .
.
( . )
.
to .
(- .
)
)
( .
.
,p=.
)*
( .
.
to . )
(- .
( .
to .
)
)***
)
to
.
)+
to - .
-.
)**
.
to
( .
,p=.
)
)
( .
.
( . )
to .
.
)
to .
to .
.
.
to .
to .
.
)
.
)
( .
- .
,p=.
)
to .
to
- .
( .
to .
.
.
. ,p=.
)
(- .
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- .
,p=.
)**
to .
.
; ** p < .
to - .
(- .
(- .
;*p<.
.
( . )
Work Outdoors
+p<.
)
- .
(- .
Still in Sex Trade
( . )
(-
( .
)
- .
Empowerment
)
.
( .
(-.
Number of Supports
to .
-
.
)
-- .
.
Individualist Approach
)
to .
(- .
Abuse
Work Indoors
(- .
)
(- .
Coerced/Forced
)***
)
to .
- .
Runaway
( .
)
Wald – parameter
Difference test
(- .
Reasons for Entering
Economic
)
beta (SE)
- .
Unstable Living Situation
US (n =
beta (SE)
( .
Living By Oneself
)
)
to . )
( .
to
)
.
)**
; *** p < .
14
Wilson and Nochajski: Predictors
The comparison test for the overall model was significant, Wald = . , df =
,p=.
, indicating that the beta coefficients for the two countries differed.
Evaluating the specific coefficients for significant differences between the countries showed living by oneself, indoor types of exploitation, and currently still in
the sex trade as having significant differences, and scores on the entry due to running away behavior and individualist approach showing marginal differences.
For the living by oneself comparison, while the slopes were negative for both
the U.S. and Indian samples, the slope was steeper for the U.S. sample than for the
Indian sample, with the coefficient for the U.S. sample being significant. The coefficient for runaway showed a similar pattern. The results for still involved in the
sex trade, showed differences in terms of the slopes, with the Indian sample showing a non-significant but negative slope, while the U.S. showed a significant positive slope, suggesting that those who had already exited scored higher on the readiness to change measure, whereas for the Indian sample readiness to change did
not depend on whether they had exited or still remained in the sex trade. The indoor exploitation measure also showed different types of slopes for the two countries. The Indian sample showed a non-significant but negative slope, while the
U.S. showed a marginal positive slope. So, readiness to change was lower for the
women in India but higher for the women in the U.S. who participated with the
indoor types of exploitations. Finally, for the individualist approach score, both the
U.S. and Indian samples showed negative slopes, however, the slope for the Indian
women was steeper and significant, where the slope for the U.S. women was not
significant. Except for indoor types of exploitation and still being in the sex trade,
the directions of relationships for living by oneself, running away as a reason for
entry and individualist approach were similar for the two samples. So, even though
the overall test suggested a significant difference between the two countries, there
were some similarities as well.
In terms of the specific findings for the Indian sample there were significant
positive relationships with readiness to change for years of schooling, being abused
as a reason for entry into the sex trade, the collectivist approach, and stigma. Thus,
higher education, childhood abuse as a reason for entry, more focus on others, and
greater feelings of stigma associated with working in the sex trade all resulted in
greater readiness to change scores. Additionally, there were significant negative
relationships between readiness to change and economic conditions as a reason for
entry, runaway behavior as a reason for entry, and an individualist approach. So,
readiness to change was lower if economic conditions or being a runaway were
reasons for entry into the sex trade. Likewise, in contrast to a collectivist approach,
higher scores on the individualist approach resulted in lower readiness to change
scores. The R-Square for the Indian sample was .
, indicating that the model
accounted for
percent of variance in readiness to change.
Results for the U.S. sample showed significant negative relationships with
readiness to change for living by oneself and runaway behavior as a reason for entry. In addition, there were significant positive relationships with readiness to
change for substance abuse, collectivist approach, number of supports, and still
being in the sex trade, and a marginal positive association for abuse as a reason for
entry and indoor forms of exploitation. The R-Square for the U.S. sample was .
,
indicating that the model accounted for
percent of variance in readiness to
change.
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Dignity: A Journal on Sexual Exploitation and Violence, Vol. 1, Iss. 1 [2016], Art. 7
DISCUSSION
The findings of this study, constitutes a contribution to the sparse knowledge
base in the area of exiting CSE. Capturing the phenomenon of readiness to exit
from CSE as a continuous variable, and using the existing standardized measures
of readiness to change score, has broadened its purview without having to re-invent the wheel. Assessing readiness to change even among women who have already exited recognizes exiting behavior as a dynamic process, and their vulnerability to re-enter for various reasons (lack of employment, need for resources). In
addition, there has been minimal work exploring possible differences in the experience for women in different countries, which the current study addresses by including two samples, Indian and U.S.
The variables used as predictors for the readiness to change score were not
evaluated in prior research as being related to readiness to change in the process
of exit from CSE. Some of these factors – such as age of entry into CSE (Cobbina &
Oselin,
; Roe-Sepowitz,
), cause of entry (Joffres et al.,
; Williamson
& Folaron,
), time spent in CSE (Gupta et al.,
; Sanders,
), types of
exploitation (Cusick, Brooks-Gordon, Campbell, & Edgar,
; Raphael &
Shapiro,
), addictions (Panchanadeswaran et al.,
; Vaddiparti et al.,
), presence of perpetrator (Gupta et al.,
; Kennedy et al.,
), stigma
(Jackson et al.,
; Sallmann,
), and social support (Dalla,
; Hedin &
Mansson,
) - were characteristics associated with women in/exiting CSE. The
other factors, although not directly associated with women in CSE, either predicted
reduction of abuse among victims of intimate partner violence – in the case of quality of life (Tan et al.,
) and empowerment (Busch & Valentine,
), or influenced change in the personality of an individual – in the case of culture (Triandis
& Suh,
). Therefore, these variables were selected to understand its impact on
readiness to exit CSE across different cultures.
The percentage of women having exited being significantly higher in the U.S.
could be attributed to the participation of organizations that mostly provided exit
services. Although efforts were made to include organizations that promote staying
in the sex trade in the U.S., like in India, there were only a couple of them with very
few participants. However, in India the participating organizations were more balanced comprising of both type of organizations – those that did provide exit specific services and those that promoted staying in the sex trade. Another interesting
finding was the proportion of women entering sex trade due to economic condition
and force being higher in India, and entering due to abuse and running away behavior being higher in the U.S. which is consistent with the literature in both countries (Kramer & Berg,
; Vindhya & Dev,
).
The lack of difference in the bivariate analyses of age of entry, and time in CSE
between Indian and U.S. samples reflect the ubiquitous nature of the exploitation
of individuals in CSE, regardless of women belonging to a developed or developing
nation, or individualistic or collectivistic societies. Moreover, the average age of
entry being years with nearly half the women ( %) entering as minors, and the
average time spent in CSE being years is consistent with a comprehensive study
conducted by Farley and colleagues (
) across nine different countries. This
underscores the challenges involved in exiting CSE and the need for more interventions.
Test of differences for the overall model indicated that the beta coefficients for
the two countries differed significantly. When considering differences in direction
of the coefficients, we found that having experienced indoor forms of exploitation,
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Wilson and Nochajski: Predictors
and being still active in the sex trade as the measures that showed different signs
for the beta coefficients. The readiness to change being higher and marginally significant for those in indoor form of exploitation in the U.S. sample is observed in a
qualitative study, where women in indoor forms of CSE were slightly more educated and therefore able to transition into more skilled jobs post exit, as compared
to those in outdoor forms (Sanders,
). In all other cases, such as living by oneself, running away as a reason for entry and individualistic approach, signs of the
coefficients were in the same direction indicating that although the impact on readiness to change was the same for both samples, it was more significant for one of
the sample.
Results for the Indian sample showed that education level was positively associated with readiness to change. This is consistent with the extant literature that
describes the characteristics of women currently in CSE in India as lacking, or having minimal years of schooling (Dandona et al.,
; Vindhya & Dev,
). Perceived stigma associated with working in the sex trade was also positively associated with readiness to change, while economic conditions as a reason for entry,
and an individualist approach were negatively associated with readiness to change
for the Indian sample. In contrast, for the U.S. sample substance abuse problems,
number of social supports, still being involved in the sex trade and indoor forms of
exploitation showed positive aspects, while living by oneself was negatively associated with readiness to change. Hotaling, Burris, Johnson, Bird, and Melbye (
),
describing their experience of serving women in CSE in the U.S., emphasize the
importance of stabilizing the latter by first offering safe housing and de-addiction
services, followed with access to a support group during their recovery process,
which has been established in the current study as factors predicting their readiness to exit.
However, there were a few measures that impacted readiness to change in both
the U.S. and India. The collectivist approach was similar and significant in both
the U.S. and Indian samples, suggesting that taking more of a focus on others than
the self may be more likely to result in a greater likelihood of readiness to change
behavior regardless of where the women resided. Studies exploring the impact of
culture on personality have described that a collectivistic cultural approach nurtures individuals’ belongingness to a group or community from which they draw
strength and are influenced (Triandis & Suh,
). This can be understood within
the context of women exiting CSE and receiving services from social service organizations, as having a good peer network that positively influences and motivates
them during their exit, which is essential to women in sex industry who are otherwise ostracized by society in both countries. Similarly, abuse as a reason for entry
was positively associated with readiness to change in both countries, suggesting
that in these cases with proper support the individual can decide to change without
being influenced by external factors such as economic conditions.
Another interesting finding was that running away behavior as a reason for entry of women into CSE had a negative relationship with readiness to change in both
countries. Women who run away may not have sufficient self-efficacy around surviving without being involved in the sex industry. Therefore, from an intervention
standpoint, it is important to increase their belief in oneself to be able to survive
and sustain through viable alternate mechanisms. The literature in the U.S. has
identified run away behavior as having a strong impact on entry into CSE
(McClanahan, McClelland, Abram, & Teplin,
; Reid,
; Roe-Sepowitz,
), but this study has furthered that understanding by suggesting that it also
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Dignity: A Journal on Sexual Exploitation and Violence, Vol. 1, Iss. 1 [2016], Art. 7
reduces women’s readiness to exit, thus underscoring the importance of addressing the entry factors during the exit process.
Li itaio s a d Future Direcio s
Although the findings of this study are promising, there are a number of limitations that warrant consideration. The hard-to-reach nature of women currently
in/exiting or already exited CSE makes it difficult to adopt random sampling techniques. Therefore, the study approached these women through social service organizations that provided services to women in/exiting CSE, which limits the generalizability of the findings of this study to only those that have access to organizations assisting them. Thus, the current sample may not be representative of the
experiences of all women exiting CSE. Future research may benefit from recruiting
women exiting CSE through other means without ever approaching any social service organizations, and assess if their experience differs significantly from these
findings.
Additionally, the findings of this study cannot be generalized to juveniles, male,
or transgender populations exiting CSE. Also, the data obtained from the U.S. was
only from organizations within the state of California, thereby limiting the ability
to generalize these findings to the entire country. Future research may benefit from
use of stratified sample considering the vast heterogeneity in the universe of research area. The variation in the method of survey administration in India (interview mechanism), and the U.S. (paper-based), may have had an impact on the responses and completion rates.
The data obtained in this study is cross-sectional, which precludes understanding how the constructs are chronologically associated with each other. Future research could conduct a longitudinal study by observing individuals throughout
their recovery process. This may be achievable for organizations working with this
population by doing a series of self-reported tests at different intervals along the
continuum of the exit process. This would assist in the identification of variables
that truly impact the exit, and the various exit trajectories and the associated characteristics. The overall sample size for the survey being small was a limitation,
causing low power issues. The number of parameters used in the study would have
benefitted from a larger representation of women, especially in the U.S., which
limited to some extent, the ability to infer meaningful cross-cultural understanding. Nevertheless, given that contemporary research exploring the process of exit
among women from CSE is still nascent, this study is a first important step towards
understanding the predictors that facilitate readiness to exit and assist in developing interventions.
This study also examined for the first time some of the associations between
variables for women exiting CSE in both India and the U.S. This meant that there
was no extant literature to confirm or explain some of the significant outcomes.
For example, the individualistic cultural approach had a significant negative impact on the readiness to exit among women in India, while the collectivistic cultural
approach had a significant positive impact on the readiness to exit among women
in both the U.S. and India. Although on the surface this signifies that collectivistic
approach is better for women in both societies during the process of exit, future
research can substantiate these findings. Additionally, future work must also explore the impact of other factors such as psychological (depression, anxiety, post
traumatic stress disorder), health (fear of contracting sexually transmitted illness
such as HIV/AIDS), social customs (religious/non-religious), displacement of red
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18
Wilson and Nochajski: Predictors
light areas by real estate market, and legalization lobby on the readiness to exit
CSE.
Pracice I plicaio s
Our findings present a number of possible implications for clinicians, therapists and social service providers working with women in/exiting CSE. Readiness
to change score can be used as an indicator to gauge women’s readiness to exit
from CSE and provide services specific to their stage along the continuum of exit.
The service provision must be directed towards increasing the individual’s readiness to change, while simultaneously being culturally competent. Although there
were similarities in the experiences of women in CSE in the two countries, the inherent cultural differences within the society must be considered for service provision to be effective.
Services for women in/exiting CSE in India must focus on providing education,
working with family members to reduce their dependency on these women, focusing on early intervention programs, addressing the causes of entry such as economic conditions/abuse/running away behavior that leads women into CSE, shifting focus from individualistic to collectivistic approach and addressing their perceived stigma. Services in the U.S. must offer safe residential services, address entry factors such as running away behavior/abuse, especially work among those in
indoor forms of exploitation, provide de-addiction treatment (especially since the
women in the U.S. have significantly high risk towards addictions), and create positive support networks and collectivistic approach that would facilitate recovery. A
collectivistic cultural approach and being a part of a healthy network could positively impact readiness to exit for women in both countries, which must be addressed by service providers.
CONCLUSION
The current study sheds light on the phenomenon of exit from CSE among
women within two culturally distinct countries, India and the U.S. The study identified that variables such as years of schooling, living by oneself, age of entry,
causes of entry – economic condition/ abuse/ runaway/ force, types of exploitation
– indoor/ outdoor, substance abuse, culture – individualistic and collectivistic,
perceived stigma, social support, empowerment, and current involvement in CSE,
account for significant variance in the readiness to exit CSE among women in both
countries. Addressing some of these variables with significant impact on readiness
to change during service provision also has a direct impact on the exit process.
However, although some of these predictors were similar across cultures, there
were also differences observed between the individualistic (U.S.) and collectivistic
(India) societies.
Research on the process of exit from CSE is still in its nascent stage. Identifying
significant predictors of exit from CSE would assist organizations in offering more
effective services and intervening in more finessed ways among both, women in
the sex industry, as well as those who are in the process of exiting, and assist in
truly liberating those commercially sexually exploited through appropriate and
culturally competent services.
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19
Dignity: A Journal on Sexual Exploitation and Violence, Vol. 1, Iss. 1 [2016], Art. 7
ACKNOLWEGMENTS
Fahs Beck Doctoral Dissertation Grant Program, Gender Institute, University at Buffalo.
Three referees reviewed this article using a double-blind review process. With the
permission of the reviewers and the authors, Dignity thanks them for their time and
expertise. They are: Sven-Axel Mansson, Professor Emeritus, Social Work, Malmo
University, Sweden; Joan A. Reid, Assistant Professor, Criminology and Co-Director and
Psychotherapist, Restoring Innocence Lost Counseling Collaborative, University of South
Florida, USA; and Pravin Patkar, Adjunct Professor, Amrita University, India.
AUTHOR BIOGRAPHIES
Bincy Wilson, Ph.D., is a social science researcher who is passionate about gender justice
and empowerment of women and children. She has
years of practice and academic
experience working on issues related to commercial sexual exploitation of women and
children in international settings. She has a doctorate degree in Social Welfare from School
of Social Work, State University of New York, U.S. She started her career working with a
grassroots level NGO in Goa, India combating trafficking of women and girls for
commercial sexual exploitation by providing rehabilitation, protection and rescue services
to victims, followed with providing Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing
(EMDR) therapy in individual and group settings to address the trauma of victims of sex
industry in the USA. The wider social welfare community recognizes her expertise, both
popular media which has featured her work in news and radio programs, as well as the
academic community where she serves as an invited reviewer for peer-reviewed journals.
She is also a member of the Cadre of Experts that serves on the American Psychology
Association (APA) Task Force on Trafficking of Women and Girls. Currently, she works for
an international child rights organization (Terre des Hommes Netherlands), in India
overseeing programs related to child trafficking and migration, and commercial sexual
exploitation of children (CSEC) in India, Nepal and Sri Lanka.
Thomas H. Nochajski, Ph.D., is a research professor at the University at Buffalo School of
Social Work, an associate research scientist at RIA, as well as an associate research scientist
at the Center for Health and Social Research. He has over
years of experience doing
research and has been principal investigator or co-principal investigator n several National
Institute of Health (NIH) and foundation funded grants. His work focuses on all aspects of
prevention of alcohol and drug problems (primary, secondary and tertiary), which includes
how mental health and other behavioral risk factors influence treatment and prevention
outcomes. Nochajski also has experience with instrument development around screening
and assessment issues for various groups. He has also engaged in numerous evaluations of
existing programs, including drug courts, mental health programs, drinking driver
programs, substance use treatment and other types of programs for criminal justice groups.
His most recent work focuses on trauma and trauma-informed care.
RECOMMENDED CITATION
Wilson, Bincy & Nochajski, Thomas H. (
). Predictors of readiness to exit commercial
sexual exploitation among women in India and the United States. Dignity: A Journal of
Sexual Exploitation and Violence. Vol , Issue , Article . Available at
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http://digitalcommons.uri.edu/dignity/vol1/iss1/7
20
Wilson and Nochajski: Predictors
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