THE 2 PAST SOCIETIES 5500 – 2000 BC P O L I S H L A N D S F R O M T H E F I R S T E V I D E N C E O F H U M A N P R E S E N C E TO T H E E A R LY M I D D L E AG E S THE PAST SOCIETIES THE PAST SOCIETIES P O L I S H L A N D S F R O M T H E F I R S T E V I D E N C E O F H U M A N P R E S E N C E TO T H E E A R LY M I D D L E AG E S Przemysław Urbańczyk, editor 2 5500 – 2000 BC Piotr Włodarczak, editor Warszawa 2017 The Past Societies Archaeologists are becoming increasingly proicient at reconstructing the past on the basis of its material traces, more and more of which are being discovered. Databases containing basic information are continuing to grow, chronology is becoming more precise, and gaps in our knowledge are being illed. The incessant accumulation of knowledge inevitably invalidates some of the interpretations made on the basis of smaller and diferent sets of data. As a result, interpretations in archaeology have been changing dynamically, and this means that even well-established views need to be re-evaluated with considerable frequency. Moreover, these changes in our perception of the distant past need to be presented in synthetic publications that outline the current state of knowledge. This ofers a point of reference for future research which will correct or alter the existing theories, eventually leading to the emergence of yet another comprehensive vision. As far as Polish archaeology is concerned, the time has clearly come for preparing such a synthesis, since the previous work of this kind (Prahistoria ziem polskich I-V) was published over 25 years ago. The new discoveries, new interpretations, and new research approaches developed by the new generation of scholars studying the material remains of the past urgently require a proper synopsis. The present volumes are the work of 60 authors formally divided into ive teams. In order to curb the “separatist” efects of the traditional systematization of prehistory and protohistory (into the Palaeolithic Era, the Mesolithic Era, the Neolithic Era, the Bronze Age, the Iron Age, and the Early Middle Ages), we employed a strictly chronological criterion: volume one encompasses the period between ca. 500,000 and 5,500 BC; volume two – between 5,500 BC and 2,000 BC; volume three – between 2,000 BC and 500 BC; volume four – between 500 BC and 500 AD; and volume ive – between 500 AD and 1000 AD. Such an artiicial division mitigates the sharpness of the traditional “pivotal moments” and at the same time emphasizes the accelerating nature of socio-cultural changes. In its simplest form, archaeology focuses on describing the sequence of changes in material culture. We continue to acquire new information about the past’s technology, production methods, agriculture, animal husbandry, mining, and pottery – yet our knowledge of past societies has not been growing at the same pace. These communities still appear alien and elusive. Therefore, the main focus in the present publication is to trace the social aspects of processes described in speciic temporal and spatial contexts. This was no easy task, as the physical nature of archaeological evidence forces our attention on the reality of material culture, whereas the social and symbolic side of history is more diicult to study. The present project ofers an attempt to redirect archaeological discourse about the past towards a more social and less material approach. This shift does not, however, change the fact that archaeology is very well suited to combining the humanities with the exact sciences. As such, it has laid the foundations for bringing the humanities closer to science and biology. We hope that our readers will deem this project a fruitful and interesting one. Przemysław Urbańczyk Published by the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of Sciences www.iaepan.edu.pl This volume has been edited with respect for Polish-language geographical terms and other nomenclature. Thus, the regions otherwise known as Greater Poland, Lesser Poland, Pomerania, and Silesia are here given as Wielkopolska, Małopolska, Pomorze, and Śląsk. The same goes for rivers (e.g., the Oder is found here as the Odra), personal names (not Boleslaus, but Bolesław), and so on. English translation Paweł Wit Zagórski (preface, chapters 1-8 and 10), Urszula Bugaj (chapter 9) Language editor Philip Earl Steele Typesetting and layout Bartosz Dobrowolski Cover design and photo Albert Salamon Wawrzyniec Skoczylas Artefacts on the cover photo, thanks to the State Archaeological Museum in Warsaw Printed and bound by Sowa Sp. z o.o. ISBN: 978-83-63760-96-0 Work inanced by the National Program for Development of the Humanities – 2012-2017 © Copyright by the authors and the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of Sciences Contents 11 12 15 16 17 19 20 Preface 1. The Neolithic and its consequences 2. Environmental and climatic changes 3. Transitional - central - border area 4. Chronology and cultural diversity 5. Investigations in the past Bibliography 21 Chapter 1 21 The irst farmers from the south – Linear Pottery 22 23 24 26 28 30 36 41 52 56 58 culture Introduction 1. The cultural situation in Europe in the 6th millennium BC 2. The origins of Linear Pottery culture, the exit areas, and migration 3. Development of the settlement of the earliest farmers in the Vistula and the Odra river basins. Origins and periodization 4. Regional distribution and settlement diversiication 5. The organization and development of settlements 6. Human burials 7. Elements of a production economy 8. Exchange contacts 9. The disappearance of the LBK settlement Bibliography 63 Chapter 2 63 64 65 70 The Danubian world and the dawn of the metal ages Introduction 1. The concept of the Copper Age/Eneolithic 2. Younger Danubian cultures in Polish lands. The history and the state of research 3. Chronology and basis for cultural taxonomy 4. Settlement patterns 5. Settlement micro-regions 6. Settlements 7. Dwellings 8. The economy. The basis of subsistence 9. Flint production 10. Metallurgy and copper products 71 72 73 74 78 81 82 84 87 88 92 93 95 100 101 11. Salt production in south-eastern Poland and other ields of production activities in north-western Poland – Kujawy 12. Funeral rites 13. Visual arts and igurative depictions 14. Society 15. Models of cultural change 16. Final remarks Bibliography 107 Chapter 3 107 108 110 121 122 Hunter-gatherers and the irst farmers Introduction 1. Early agrarian colonization of Polish lands and the irst contacts with the Mesolithic world 2. The 5th millennium BC – an intensiication of contacts 3. Integration of the systems – the Brześć Kujawski group of the Lengyel culture 4. Towards the transformation of the system – the Northern group of Funnel Beaker culture 5. Conclusions Bibliography 125 Chapter 4 125 Ubiquitous settlers, consequent farmers, and 115 118 120 126 128 132 133 138 141 146 151 155 159 164 167 monument builders Introduction 1. Dating the onset of the TRB and its origins in Polish territory 2. Typological (pottery), chronological, and territorial trajectories 3. Settlement 4. Subsistence economy 5. The funeral rite 6. Pottery 7. Chipped lithics 8. Remaining indications of the economy 9. Contacts with other systems of information low 10. Conclusions: the birth, heydays, and fall of TRB societies in Polish lands Bibliography 171 Chapter 5 275 Chapter 7 171 From south to north. Baden culture people and their 275 276 277 279 280 282 284 287 293 296 298 neighbours 172 Introduction 173 1. The Eneolithic - the era’s cultural background 175 2. The Baden complex – general characteristics 177 3. The northern periphery of the Baden complex ecumene 189 4. Baden complex inspirations and innovations in the interluve of the Odra and Vistula rivers 201 5. From south to north. The population of the Baden culture and its neighbours 202 Bibliography 211 Chapter 6 211 Collective graves, lint axes, and cows. The people of 212 213 216 218 220 227 228 229 234 235 237 240 244 249 251 253 255 256 257 259 260 262 264 Globular Amphora culture on the Vistula and Odra Introduction 1. General characteristics 2. The history of research 3. Chronology and periodization 4. Material basis: the remains of settlements and camps, funeral sites, artefacts, and ecofacts 5. The natural and cultural environment 6. Residential units: houses and huts 7. Campsites and settlements 8. Larger spatial structures 9. Subsistence strategies 10. Production: raw materials and technologies 11. Distribution and consumption of goods: access and exclusion 12. The living towards the deceased. The funeral rite as a form of manifesting group identity 13. Economy and ritual: the social and symbolic importance of domestic animals 14. Technical innovations 15. Basic social groups 16. Intra-group relationships 17. Between stability and mobility 18. External relations: cohabitation, cooperation, competition 19. Globular Amphora culture: a form of material culture or something more? 20. Mechanisms of persistence 21. The origin and legacy Bibliography 300 302 304 306 308 309 311 321 322 325 326 328 329 Battle-axes and beakers. The Final Eneolithic societies Introduction 1. Corded Ware 2. Bell Beakers 3. The history of research 4. The environment and regions 5. Stages of cultural development and absolute dating 6. Models of settlements 7. Kurgan ideology 8. Burials 9. Old vs. new. The phenomenon of the “syncretization” of funeral behaviour 10. The phenomenon of Złota 11. Catacomb graves 12. The importance of the funeral rite 13. The A-horizon and the problem of its origin 14. Emigrants from the south 15. Economy and subsistence strategies 16. Raw materials and technologies of the Final Eneolithic 17. Interregional links 18. War and warriors 19. Mobility 20. The organization of groups 21. The Final Eneolithic Beaker societies: a syndrome of the time, or maybe something more? Bibliography 337 Chapter 8 337 Beyond the world of farmers: the Subneolithic, 4000338 339 341 342 343 344 345 348 349 350 351 353 355 357 359 2000 BC Introduction: The Neolithic “as usual”… 1. …and “another” Neolithic 2. Identiication of the phenomenon 3. Problems of taxonomy 4. Prologue to the phenomenon 5. On the borders of worlds 6. The irst interactions 7. The further impact of the agricultural milieux 8. Natural and social obstacles 9. The returning wave? 10. The third stage of neolithization 11. The “last shelter” of the Subneolithic 12. The end of the transformation 14. Environmental issues and the economic models Bibliography 361 Chapter 9 361 362 364 368 369 371 373 374 Dagger means power: Western Poland, 2300-2000 BC Introduction 1. In the archaeological record 2. Final Neolithic tradition in a nutshell 3. Early Bronze Age trends 4. Development of metallurgy 5. Final remarks Bibliography 377 Chapter 10 377 Towards the Bronze Age in south-eastern Poland (2300378 379 380 382 383 385 386 390 393 394 396 2000 BC) Introduction 1. Regions 2. Dating 3. The settlement model 4. Settlements 6. Economic issues 7. Cemeteries and graves 8. Technological innovations? 9. Chrono-cultural matters 10. Early Bronze Age societies in Małopolska Bibliography Chapter 2 The Danubian world and the dawn of the metal ages 64 Introduction 65 1. The concept of the Copper Age/ Eneolithic 70 2. Younger Danubian cultures in Polish lands. The history and the state of research 87 11. Salt production in southeastern Poland and other fields of production activities in northwestern Poland – Kujawy 88 12. Funeral rites 92 3. Chronology and basis for cultural taxonomy 13. Visual arts and figurative depictions 93 14. Society 72 4. Settlement patterns 95 15. Models of cultural change 73 5. Settlement micro-regions 100 16. Final remarks 74 6. Settlements 101 78 7. Dwellings 81 8. The economy. The basis of subsistence 82 9. Flint production 84 10. Metallurgy and copper products 71 Bibliography Chapter 2 The Danubian world and the dawn of the metal ages Introduction Sławomir Kadrow 64 The irst appearance of metal products, mainly from copper, and then the development of copper metallurgy, were important steps in the advancement of human civilization. For this reason, this stage is sometimes called the Copper Age (Eneolithic), similarly to the other important periods in the world’s history: the Stone ages (Palaeolithic, Mesolithic, Neolithic), Bronze age, and Iron age. The oldest copper artefacts were found within the vast territories of the Middle East, as well as in the Balkans and the Carpathian Basin. The dawn of the manufacture of copper artefacts in those areas was signiicantly ahead of their irst appearance in Polish lands, where the younger Danubian cultures then prospered (Danubian Ib and Danubian II according to Childe 1929). For Polish lands were peripheral in relation to the centres of civilization. 1. The concept of the Copper Age/Eneolithic Fig. 1. The oldest inds of copper artefacts and the locations of copper exploitation; 1 – Jászladány, 2 – Belovode, 3 – Varna, 4 – Can Hasan, 5 – Asikli Höyük, 6 – Catal Höyük, 7 – Habuba Kabira, 8 – Norsuntepe, 9 – Cayönü, 10 – Yarim tepe, 11 – Shanidar, 12 – Chesmeh Ali, 13 – Tepe Zegeh, 14 – Arisman, 15 – Tal-i-Iblis, 16 – Nahal Mishmar (Pernicka 2013, Fig. 2) Those cultures in which copper and stone tools were used fore, that we use the term “Eneolithic” instead of the Copper alongside each other are ascribed to the Copper Age (Li- Age, and to replace the criterion of copper with a set of chardus 1991a). Literally, though, such a period is best de- cultural, social, and economic elements. The appearance of scribed by the term “Chalcolithic”, which is commonly used ploughing instead of slash-and-burn cultivation in agriculture, in French archaeology (Greek word khalkos = copper, and important change in settlement behaviour, the interment of lithos = stone). Recognizing the presence of copper (“Copper the deceased in cemeteries and not within inhabited places, Age”) as a decisive criterion causes diiculties in classifying and signiicant strengthening of the role of the male in the certain cultures to the period of interest to us here. Also, the societies of the time are considered to be the most important diiculties in evidencing the spatial and temporal continuity factors (Neustupný 2008a). of copper use are to be emphasized. It was proposed there- The Past Societies 2: 5500 – 2000 bc 65 Chapter 2 The Danubian world and the dawn of the metal ages Fig. 2. Chronology of the expansion of copper metallurgy; a – by 5000 BC, b – by 4000 BC, c – by 3000 BC, d – by 2500 BC, e – by 2000 BC (Pernicka 2013, 4) Additionally, the importance of multifaceted transformations, often of only regional range, that took place at the time in Central Europe is to be emphasized. At the beginning of the Eneolithic, agriculture ruled over the stretches outside of loess and chernozem zones. Contacts between farmers and groups of hunter-gatherers increased. Flint mining and its wide distribution became large-scale enterprises. Copper ore mining began and salt exploitation expanded. This was also the time when, according to Andrew Sherratt, multifaceted revolutionary economic changes, ones he labelled the “Secondary Products Revolution” (Sherratt 1983) took place. In Belovode in eastern Serbia, at a site of Vinča culture, dated from 5500 to 4500 BC, traces of large-scale copper smelting were recently discovered. The raw material smelted there came from the territories of Serbia and Bulgaria (Fig. 1, 2). A temperature of 1,100 ºC was obtained by burning wood in pits dug in the ground. Small ornaments and copper 66 vessels, known from various sites of this culture, were made from the copper produced here. The research in Belovode has documented the oldest remains of the complete process of copper metallurgy in the world (Radivojevič, KuzmanovičCvetkovič 2014). Single artefacts made of this metal, dated as far back as the middle of the 8th millennium BC, have been discovered in areas of the Middle East (Pernicka 2013). Small copper ornaments also come from the early Neolithic Szarvas and Szakálhát cultures of the Great Hungarian Plain (Fig. 1; Makkay 1995). However, it is the sequence of the Hamangia and Varna cultures, starting from the 3rd phase of the development of the former, that is regarded as the oldest and most representative of the Copper Age/Chalcolithic. The two cultures are dated from 4900 (Bojadžiev 2002) to 4400 BC (Higham et al. 2008). The eponymous cemetery in Varna is the site with the most numerous metal inds (Ivanov 1975). Altogeth- Introduction er, 160 items of copper and more than 3,000 gold objects – usually small – with a total weight exceeding 6 kilos were discovered there. For comparison, the much larger cemetery in Durankulak yielded “only” 142 objects made of gold, together weighing 50.5 grams (Dimitrov 2002). Another set from which many golden artefacts are known concerns the hoard from Tiszaszölös, associated with the Polgár cultures (Makkay 1989). The combined weight of gold objects from this hoard and from all other Copper Age sites in the Carpathian Basin does not exceed the weight of the gold assemblage from Varna (Makkay 1995). The entire metal inventory from the graves of the Hamangia and Varna cultures can be classiied as artefacts having symbolic functions. A number of artefacts made from other raw materials had similar functions ascribed to them. For instance, one may mention here the long lint blades or ornaments made from Spondylus shell (Chapman et al. 2006). Moreover, the relatively numerous animal oferings discovered in human graves had ritual importance (Voinea 2010). We should add the consistent separation of burial places (cemeteries) from settlements, the appearance of stone architecture, and the intensiication of long-range exchange. Many archaeologists believe that at the cemeteries of the Hamangia-Varna cultural milieux, with particular emphasis placed on the cemetery in Varna, there are signs of serious internal diferentiations within the communities that used them. It is considered to be an outcome of the following: an invasion of steppe population (Lichardus 1991b), a ight to control the circulation of objects with essential symbolic meaning (Chapman et al. 2006), the spontaneous development of a knight-warrior ethos (Kadrow 2011a), or other reasons (Voinea 2010). It seems, that these interpretive proposals are partly complementary. However, at times the possibility of the existence of stable forms of intensiied internal diversiication of the communities discussed here is denied, and a thesis of kin-tribal mechanisms for the appearance of numerous symbolic objects is put forward (Kienlin 2008). In the middle of the 5th millennium BC grave complexes and deposits with numerous artefacts of a symbolic nature appeared on the Atlantic coast in south-western Brittany, by the Gulf of Morbihan. These were mainly jadeite axes. In one grave over 100 pieces of this type of axe were discovered. Variscite beads were also recorded in these graves. The high symbolic importance of jadeite is indicated by the fact of its common co-occurrence with the oldest bronze objects in the graves of the irst two royal dynasties in Uruk in Mes- The Past Societies 2: 5500 – 2000 bc opotamia dated back to the middle of the 3rd millennium BC (Pernicka 1998). The richly equipped burials of men, in stone cists, were covered with extensive stone and earth mounds having oval, trapezoid, or rectangular shape. They could reach a height of even 15 meters. The largest mound of this kind in Saint Michel is dated to the middle of the 5th millennium BC. These graves and mounds, alongside numerous menhirs and carved stelas, belong to the Castellic culture, which is a local, coastal facies of the Neolithic Cerny culture (Klassen et al. 2011). Some researchers maintain that great graves with richly equipped burials, and cult centres having the form of rows of menhirs in Carnac, indicate the possibility of the existence at this time of “kingdoms” ruled by priests, just as in the case of Polynesian islands in the 18th and 19th centuries (Klassen et al. 2011). The Hamangia-Varna cultural cycle stemmed from local Mesolithic cultures and was shaped by the inluence of the Neolithic cultures of the Kodžadermen-Gumelnița-Karanovo VI complex (Todorova 2003). The Castellic culture was also formed on the basis of the Mesolithic Teviecien culture, which intensely exploited the Atlantic sea coast (e.g., Dupont, Marchand 2008). Its formation was probably also inluenced by the neighbouring, already completely Neolithic, Villeneuve-Saint-Germain culture (Klassen et al. 2011). Despite the considerable distance and many obvious diferences between the two cultural phenomena (i.e., Hamangia-Varna and Castellic) their communities had to have rather lively contacts as evidenced by surprisingly similar depictions of cattle found on gold plaques from grave No 36 in Varna, and on stones in many megalithic tombs from the Gulf of Morbihan in Brittany (Klassen 2004; Kienlin 2008). Other inds from the Atlantic coast of France conirm the links of this area with the Carpathian Basin and northern Anatolia as well as with the area of present-day Bulgaria. However, more striking are the structural similarities of the communities forming both cultural entities. The territories of the Hamangia-Varna and Castellic cultures became centres of far-reaching exchange of numerous products. From the west coast of the Black Sea, came Spondylus shells that spread widely within most of Europe (e.g., Todorova 2002b). Raw materials and inished products made of copper, gold, and various stones were imported from diferent places that were from a few dozen to more than a thousand kilometres away (e.g., Dimitrov 2002; Chapman et al. 2006; Manolakakis 2008). 67 Chapter 2 The Danubian world and the dawn of the metal ages N ( ! ! ( ( ! ( ! ( ! ( ! ! !! ( ( ( ( ! ( ( ! ! ( ! ( ! ! ( ( ! ( ! ! ( ( ! W ( ! ! ( E ( ! S ( ! ! ( ( ! ( ! ( ! ( ! ( ! ( ! ! ( ( ! ! ( ( ! ( ! ! ( ( (! ! ( ! ( !! ( ( ! ( ! ( ! ( ! ! ( (! ( ! ((! ! ( ! ( (! (! ! ( ! ( ! ( ( ! ( ! ( ! !! ( ( ! ( ! (! ! ( ( ! ! ! ( ( ( (( ! (! ! ! ( ! ( ! ( ! ! ( ( ! ) " ( ( ! ) " (! ) " (! ! ) " ( ! ! ) " ( ! ( ! ( ( ! ) " !( ( (! ! ( ! ( ! ( ! ! ( ! ! ( (! ! ( ! ( ! (( ! ! ( ( ( ! ( ! ( ! !! ( ( ! (! ! ( ! 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Spread of jadeite axes (circles), copper artefacts (squares), and gold artefacts (triangles) in the 5th and 4th millennia BC (according to Klassen et al. 2011, Fig. 7 – simpliied) The aforementioned jadeite axes are a spectacular ex- population of the Hamangia-Varna cultures was not smaller ample of far-reaching distribution in Western Europe. Jadeite than that of typical Neolithic cultures in the Balkans’ interior. was extracted at Monte Viso in the Alps at an altitude from A similar relationship probably existed between the population 2000 m to 2400 m above sea level and in the much lower on the coast of Brittany (Castellic culture) and their inland Ligurian Apennines on the hills of Monte Beguia. The Gulf neighbours (Cerny culture). The presence of monumental of Morbihan is at a distance of 900 km from these quarries. stone and stone-and-earth architecture in both of the remote Ready axes travelled from Liguria to Brittany, where they cultural entities required the involvement of an abundant and were subjected to an additional on-the-spot treatment, con- organized workforce. sisting of the marked thinning of the axes made in the south The contact in the inal stage of the 6th millennium BC (Klassen et al. 2011). of Neolithic and Mesolithic communities on the west coast The above examples of far-reaching exchange and the of the Black Sea took place when the groups of hunter-gathcirculation of diferent kinds of raw materials and products erers existing within abundant ecological environments of (Fig. 3) certify the intensiication of contacts in many areas of large rivers (e.g., the area of the Iron Gates gorge on the Europe in the middle of the 5th millennium BC. The exchange Danube) or coastal zones, had already undergone signiicant hubs were in areas that can be called “Mesolithic paradises”. socio-cultural transformation under the inluence of Neolithic The natural environment of such places ofered an abundance societies that had been developing for a long time in the of readily available food to the people inhabiting them and Balkans (Whittle 1996). A little later, just before the middle of thus allowed for demographic growth. The number of graves the 5th millennium BC, similar processes took place in southat the cemetery in Durankulak permits us to believe that the west Brittany (Klassen et al. 2011). 68 Introduction These phenomena comprised a set of conditions that were necessary, though not suicient, for the emergence of new Eneolithic social structures. The fact that the fusion of the Mesolithic and Neolithic communities took place in Dobroudja, i.e., in an area of semi-desert nature, where continuation of typically Mesolithic activities, such as hunting wild donkeys and gathering seafood rendered better prospects, was an additional element determining to some extent the direction of further transformation. Agriculture based on hoe cultivation could not stand a chance here (Todorova 2002a). In the case of the Castellic culture, the continuation of typical Mesolithic activities was determined by the food abundance of the maritime coast in the area of the Gulf of Morbihan. In the zones of “Mesolithic paradises” hunting and gathering were much more eicient and demanded much less efort spent than the production-based economy of the Neolithic (Kobusiewicz 2006). However, the key factor determining further changes was the need for symbolic interpretation of the new, privileged position of men – Mesolithic hunters – in the context of Neolithic culture, in which until then the more important role was played by women. On the west coast of the Black Sea an important moment in these endogenous transformations was the particular appraisal of Mesolithic values expressed as the consistent assignment of Mesolithic burial rules to men. At the same time, Neolithic traditions were continued with the interment of deceased women. These practices took an archaeologically perceptible form in the practice of equipping men’s graves with prestigious items, often weapons, made mainly of metal. On the other hand, metal ornaments were found more and more frequently over time in women’s graves (Boyadziev 2008). On the Atlantic coast in Brittany, these processes manifested themselves by emphasizing the superiority of men through graves richly equipped in jadeite axes. The necessity for symbolic emphasis of the new role of men and their ideological legitimacy were the driving force of the rapidly growing metallurgy, stone production, along with economic transformation involving more and more domains (Sherratt 1983). These changes probably found religious and philosophical justiication, on the one hand, in the earliest manifestations of the then emerging individualistic ethos of the warrior (Kadrow 2011a) and, on the other hand, in the thriving of the megalithic idea that sought a manifestation of group (ancestral) bonds in the cult of ancestors (e.g., Bintlif 1984). The Past Societies 2: 5500 – 2000 bc Indeed, it seems that the necessity to justify and legitimize the privileged position of some men in a given community (“patriarchy”) was the only criterion common for the all the oldest (Varna, Castellic) prehistoric implementations known to us of the socio-cultural experiment referred to as the Eneolithic (Kadrow 2015a). A similar mechanism led circa 500 years later to the appearance of the oldest phases of Funnel Beaker Culture on the south-western coast of the Baltic Sea (cf. Klassen, 2004). The local population had been mostly inspired by the Atlantic experiences. This is evidenced by numerous jadeite axes, serving primarily symbolic (prestigious) functions, and by adaptation of the idea of megalithic structures (Rzepecki 2011). Eneolithization of the already fully-formed Neolithic communities in the Balkans, the Carpathian Basin, Ukraine and Moldova, and Central and Western Europe had a completely diferent course and character when it started from the second half of the 5th millennium BC. It consisted in more or less supericial adaptation of a “patriarchal” ethos (warrior-knight or warrior-priest), radiating from the two oldest centres of the oldest Eneolithic in Dobroudja and Brittany. When considering the material culture, this is evidenced by the adaptation of copper and jadeite shaft-hole axes and axes (Fig. 3). Meanwhile, in the ritual sphere, it manifested itself through the spread of individual burials varied according to the sex of the deceased from the western Pontic centre (Kadrow 2010) or megalithic collective burials from the west (Rzepecki 2011). The Late Neolithic societies of the Great Hungarian Plain played an important role in spreading the eneolithization process in Central Europe. By focusing, like in a lens, multi-cultural inluences (Raczky et al. 2007) they themselves also afected neighbouring areas. Theories of external inspirations from the steppe in the formation of the oldest Eneolithic centre in Dobrudja (Lichardus 1991b) have neither justiication in the sources (Rassamakin 1999; Lichter 2001), nor adequate theoretical support (Kadrow 2011a). Instead, they are based on an extremely popular myth of the Indo-Europeanization of “old Europe” (Kadrow 2011c). Both types of eneolithization processes are also clearly perceptible in the areas north of the Carpathian Mountains. The south-eastern inluences resulted in the emergence of Lublin-Volhynian culture (Kadrow 2011b) and indirectly also of the Jordanów culture and Brześć Kujawski culture (Grygiel 2008). In the Funnel Beaker culture, western and north-western trends dominate (Jażdżewski 1936; Rzepecki 2011). 69 Chapter 2 The Danubian world and the dawn of the metal ages 2. Younger Danubian cultures in Polish lands. The history and the state of research N W tyckie E Mo ał e B rz S a b 0 50 100 [km] 200 c Fig. 4. Systems of the circulation of pottery information; a – Lengyel, b – Polgár, c – Stroke-Ornamented Pottery culture (partly according to Nowak 2009) The emergence of the younger Danubian cultures in Polish as Kujawy. The population of southern Moravia settled in lands was unambiguously associated with the successive Sandomierz region, Lublin region, Volhynia, and Red Ruthenia migratory waves of settlers from the south. In this way, the (Kostrzewski 1949). most prominent scholars – the fathers of Polish archaeology Józef Kostrzewski recognized the emergence of a new – perceived the dawn of the neolithization and eneolithization raw material (copper) and the metallurgy associated with it as of the lands north of the Carpathian and Sudeten mountains. a criterion for distinction between the Neolithic and Eneolithic. The coming of the population of the younger Danubian He did not emphasize the socio-cultural and economic transcultures was supposed to be merely a further strengthening formations. Konrad Jażdżewski outlined a similar picture of the of the Early Neolithic process of neolithization of Polish lands. emergence of the younger Danubian cultures (Kostrzewski Successive waves of migrants from the south in the form of et al. 1965; Jażdżewski 1981). groups of people from Stroke-Ornamented Pottery culture A little later though, the studies on the cultural taxonowere moving into southern Silesia (hereafter, Śląsk) and west- my of the Danubian population were intensiied. The irst stage ern Małopolska. Almost simultaneously, people migrated from of that research was concluded with the article by Jadwiga the Tisza in Hungary into Volhynia and Red Ruthenia as well Kamieńska and Janusz Krzysztof Kozłowski, published in 70 3. Chronology and basis for cultural taxonomy a synthetic work on the Polish Neolithic edited by Tadeusz Wiślański (Kamieńska, Kozłowski 1970). Some adjustments of this vision appeared in subsequent synthetic works on the Danubian cultures in Poland (e.g., Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 1979; Kozłowski 1989; Wojciechowski 1989). Until the publication of these works, a tendency to make more detailed cultural divisions within the younger Danubian cultures had prevailed, with subsequent cultural groups being distinguished (cf. Kozłowski 1966; Kamieńska 1973). There was a will to look for their associations with the Lengyel, Tisza-Polgár or Stroke-Ornamented Pottery cultural milieux, or with Rössen culture. Later, the opposite trend began to dominate. Attempts to combine previously distinguished small units into larger blocks, cycles, or cultures were undertaken. They resulted in the establishment of the Lengyel-Polgár cycle (Kruk 1980) or the Lengyel-Polgár period of the Danubian cultural circle (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 1979). Recently, Marek Nowak moved away from the taxa of the traditional cultural division and proposed a taxonomy of the younger Danubian communities in the form of “systems of pottery information low”. He distinguished the following systems: “stroked”, Lengyel, and Polgár (Fig. 4; cf. Nowak 2009). 3. Chronology and basis for cultural taxonomy r tyckie W N E Mo Bał ze S a b 0 50 100 [km] 200 c Fig. 5. Settlement centres of the Early Copper Age in Poland; A – Kujawy, Chełmno Land and Pałuki; B – Małopolska, C – Śląsk The Past Societies 2: 5500 – 2000 bc 71 Chapter 2 The Danubian world and the dawn of the metal ages While the origins of the younger Danubian cultures are rather group combines three, i.e., all of the distinguished systems. concordantly dated back to the period from 5000 to 4800 Malice culture and Brześć Kujawski culture belong to two BC, there are signiicant diferences in dating the beginnings systems, just like the majority of local groups of the younger of the Copper Age/Eneolithic in Central Europe. Sometimes it Danubian cultures in Poland. Only Stroke-Ornamented Pottery is dated back to the period 4500-4300 BC (Grygiel 2008). In culture belongs to just one system of circulation of pottery other cases, this period is viewed as signiicantly younger and information (cf. Nowak 2009). At a later stage of the development of younger Danset between 4300 and 4000 BC (cf. Czerniak 1994; Kienlin 2010). Until recently, the temporal succession of the Tiszapol- ubian cultures the division of Polish lands into three distinct gár culture (older) and Bodrogkeresztúr culture (younger), the cultural regions crystallized. In Małopolska, only Lublin-Vollatter being dated to the period 4000/3900-3600/3500 BC, hynian culture and the Złotniki-Wyciąże group of the Polgár was considered beyond doubt. However, recently the partial culture belonged to the milieu of fully Eneolithic cultures (Fig. contemporaneousness of the two cultures is postulated and 5). In Śląsk, only Jordanów culture deserves to be called a fully the dating of the onset of the latter is pushed all the way Eneolithic culture (Fig. 5), while in Kujawy the same can be back to 4300 BC (Raczky, Siklósi 2013). In this chapter I will said about Brześć Kujawski culture (Fig. 5). In each of these assume that the dawn of the Eneolithic period, equivalent to regions, alongside the progressive Eneolithic cultures, also the origins of the classic phase of Lublin-Volhynian culture, the conservative cultures of a Neolithic nature were continuing Brześć Kujawski culture, and Jordanów culture, took place to develop. In Małopolska this was the Malice culture of the circa 4100/4000 BC and that the early Eneolithic reached the Rzeszów phase and Modlnica group of Lengyel culture. In end of its development circa 3600 BC. Śląsk small groups of mixed Lengyel-Polgár characteristics Once distinguished, the cultural formations of the late kept on developing. In north-western Poland it was mainly the Neolithic in the taxonomy of systems of the circulation of Góra group. This division of Polish lands into three cultural pottery information belong usually not to one, but often to regions will be the basis for the civilizational characteristics two or three such systems (Fig. 4). The Samborzec-Opatów of the younger Danubian cultures in Poland. 4. Settlement patterns South-eastern Poland for areas with: chernozem and forest brown soils, upland land relief, and mixed deciduous forests as primal vegetation When considering the principles of land settlement, the pop- (Kruk 1980). ulation of the younger Danubian cultures continued the traIn the younger, Eneolithic period of the development of ditions of the older Linear Pottery culture. Within the loess the Danubian cultures in Małopolska signiicant deviations in uplands of western Małopolska that population exploited the land settling from the aforementioned trends are perceptible. same landscape zones and morphological landforms, as well The population of Lublin-Volhynian culture began to locate its as soils. It was particularly attracted to fertile habitats within settlements within plateau zones (e.g., the fortiied settlements the lowest terraces of larger river valleys. in Bronocice, Złota). The preference of the plateau zone of There was a clear trend for inhabiting loess upland landscape puts it closer to the Funnel Beaker culture than to areas with the highest usability of the geographical area. The others, especially older, cultural units of the Lengyel-Polgár settlement preferences of these communities was above all cycle (Kadrow 2011b). 72 5. Settlement micro-regions North-western Poland – Kujawy South-western Poland – Śląsk Larger settlement clusters of the Danubian cultures in north-western Poland occur in two regions: Pałuki-Kujawy-Chełmno and Pyrzyce Land (Wiślański 1969). The vast majority of the sites of the Stroke-Ornamented Pottery culture and the Brześć Kujawski culture is located on lower terraces of larger rivers. Preferred areas were covered with black soil, brown soil, and podzol soil formed from ine-grained sediments of aquatic origin that were the habitats of moist deciduous forests (Wiślański 1969). There was a general trend to avoid areas of undiferentiated geomorphology and soils, as well as poorly irrigated ones. The settlements concentrated on areas that were originally covered with mixed oak-lime-hornbeam forests and riparian forest. Plateaus were avoided. Settlement eagerly entered lower parts of the landscape, including wetlands (Wiślański 1969). In Śląsk the close link between the settlement of the younger Danubian cultures and hydrological network is noteworthy. Settlers of the Lengyel and Polgár cultural groups chose the most fertile loess soils: chernozem, brown soils, and luvisols. Communities of Stroke-Ornamented Pottery culture went beyond the listed soils and also settled outside the loess zones on sandy soils, pseudopodzol, and soils formed on tills (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 1993). This trend was associated with the extension of economically exploited areas. The preference was for areas where mixed deciduous forests developed with oak, hornbeam, and lime being the leading species (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 1993). However, also in Śląsk a tendency, though not consistent, to shift settlement in higher zones of the landscape over the time is visible (Czerniak 2012). 5. Settlement micro-regions South-eastern Poland – Małopolska The Danubian culture population inhabiting permanent settlements also established a number of smaller, often temporary settlements. Their functions were connected with the exploitation of the resources of the environment surrounding permanent settlements. These settlements created a network of clusters (micro-regions) of settlement covering an area from 16 to 40 km2 (Kruk 1973). North-western Poland – Kujawy area, located about 7 km westwards of the micro-region in the Brześć Kujawski area, was signiicantly larger. It consisted of a central settlement at site 1 in Osłonki and satellite settlements (including the sites: Osłonki 1a, Konary 1 and 1a, Miechowice 1, 4, and 4a – Grygiel 2008). The central settlements were the places where elites were living. This is conirmed by the presence of very richly equipped graves that have never been recorded at satellite settlements. It seems that the latter ones were inhabited by a population which was occupied in agriculture and husbandry (Grygiel 2008). The settlement micro-region of the culture in the Brześć Ku- South-western Poland – Śląsk jawski area consisted of one large central settlement at site 4 in the eponymous town, and a few smaller satellite settle- The settlement of the younger Danubian cultures in Śląsk conments (sites 3, 5, 5a, and 10 in Brześć Kujawski). Smaller set- sists of a large number of permanent settlements and traces tlements were situated around the central one at a distance of ephemeral presence (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 1993). of between 100 to 400 meters. The micro-region in Osłonki The Past Societies 2: 5500 – 2000 bc 73 Chapter 2 The Danubian world and the dawn of the metal ages 6. Settlements South-eastern Poland – Małopolska es built in a row on along the east-west axis were discovered. The ifth house, which was originally part of this layout, was From the older stage of the development of the younger destroyed by a modern road. Parallel to the row of houses, Danubian cultures within this part of Poland the only known and at a distance of 30-40 meters to the south of it, spreads examples of more in-depth identiied settlements come from an area of densely accumulated shards and lint artefacts, the area of Malice culture. Small, single homesteads or settle- which probably delimit the zone of economic activities and ments consisting of 2 to 4 dwellings dominated there. Rarely consumption. Within the zone of houses the number of movable inds of Malice culture is surprisingly small. Hence, this were they of slightly bigger sizes. In the large settlement complexes in Targowisko or in is a case of clear separation between the residential quarters Zagórze in the Wieliczka-Bochnia loess region (Czerniak et and the area of production and consumption. al. 2007) the remains of post-frame structures of dwellings The spatial arrangement of houses on site 42 in Rozbórz are at fairly large distances from each other. The minimum in the Rzeszów-Przemyśl loess region may indicate that there distance between dwellings was 50 m, however, usually it were no great chronological diferences between them. No was much greater (Fig. 6). Sometimes two dwellings were stratigraphic relationship between them was observed. Neither was there a case of too narrow spacing between them, put right next to each other. At site 11 in Targowisko the remains of 4 post-frame as would exclude the possibility of contemporaneousness of houses were found that correspond to the ones known from these buildings. The documented random spatial distribution sites 14 and 15 of the same locality and from site 2 in Zagórze. of dwellings was not a result of implementing one, predeterThree of them are arranged in a single row of houses aligned mined plan in a short time horizon. It is rather a cumulative along the NW-SE axis, and the fourth house is slightly to the outcome of a sequence of construction activities unfolding side (Czekaj-Zastawny et al. 2007). At site 2 in Zagórze 4 hous- in a rather not very long time-span. Fig. 6. Location of Malice culture houses at Targowisko, site 14-15 (after Czerniak et al. 2007) 74 6. Settlements Fortiied settlements are known from the younger, Eneolithic stage of the development of the younger Danubian cultures in Małopolska. Apart from the best known features of this type from site Grodzisko I in Złota (Żurowski 1930; 1934; Sałacińska, Zakościelna 2007) and Bronocice (Kruk, Milisauskas 1985) a few other examples can be also included in the number of fortiied settlements of Lublin-Volhynian culture. Among them are the fortiied settlements in Gródek Nadbużnym 1C, in the village of Zimno in Ukraine (Kadrow, Zakościelna 2000), in Las Stocki (Zakościelna 1986), in Sandomierz at the site Wzgórze Zawichojskie (Kowalewska-Marszałek 1990; 2007) and Strzyżów (Podkowińska 1960). The surface size of Lublin-Volhynian culture’s fortiied settlements did not exceed 3 hectares. They were surrounded by a single ditch at least, accompanied by an embankment and a wooden palisade. In the case of the site in Bronocice the ditch surrounded an area of 168 x 210 m, i.e., 2.4 hectares. It was probably a continuous ditch since in the sections unearthed in many excavation units no interruptions were found. Its depth (from 2.2 to 2.9 m) and width (from 1.0 to about 1.9 m) varied in diferent sectors of the studied settlement. The ditch, of a V-shaped cross-section, was dug in loess sterile earth and had sloping, stepped sides converging towards the bottom. This stepped cross-section of the walls of the ditch could have been unintended and its shape is probably the outcome of the course of post-depositional erosion processes. Parallel to the ditch, at a distance of 2 m from it, ran a shallow depression of 1 m in width, at the bottom of which traces of post holes with a diameter of 20 cm were discovered. The distance between these post holes ranged from 20 to 30 cm. In all likelihood they represent the traces of a wooden palisade. The dirt collected in the process of digging the ditch was used to build an embankment. Natural erosion and ploughing are probably what destroyed its traces (Kruk, Milisauskas 1985). Fortiied settlement in Złota at site Grodzisko I is located on a promontory rising 30 meters above the loodplain of the Vistula river. The area delimited by the course of steep slopes and fortiication ditches is 250 x 80-90 m large (Fig. 7). From the south the settlement was surrounded by a single ditch. Additionally, it was defended by the steep slope of the promontory. From the west and north sides there is a line of 3 or 4 parallel ditches, despite the fact that the slopes of the headland are also very steep there and, therefore, have a naturally defensive nature. From the east, i.e., the only side not limited by a steep slope, which connects the promontory with the plateau the number of ditches increases to 6 or 7 (Żurowski 1930; 1934; Podkowińska 1953; Sałacińska, Zakościelna 2007). Fortiied structures were discovered not only at the sites of Lublin-Volhynian culture. A poorly recognized ditch, perhaps part of a fortiication, was discovered at a settlement in Werbkowice associated with the Rzeszów phase of Malice culture (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 1993). Moreover, an area surrounded by a palisade in Zakrzowiec, site 6 is associated with the Pleszów group of Lengyel culture (Jarosz 2004). Relics of ditches discovered in Modlnica should be associated not with Baden culture, as was postulated by the discoverer, but with the Modlnica group (Żurowski 1933). Double and sometimes triple ditches, accompanied by a palisade and enclosing from the south a settlement of the Złotniki-Wyciążę group in Podłęże, site 17, should be associated with the aforementioned cultural entity (Nowak et al. 2007). Settlements at sites: 17-20 in Pleszów and 62 in Mogiła (Godłowska 1976), should be associated with not precisely deined stages of Fig. 7. Fortiied settlement of Lublin-Volhynian culture in Złota, site Grodzisko II (after Sałacińska, Zakościelna 2007) The Past Societies 2: 5500 – 2000 bc 75 Chapter 2 The Danubian world and the dawn of the metal ages the development of the Lengyel-Polgár cycle in the vicinity of Kraków – Nowa Huta. Fragments of ditches discovered there were most probably elements of fortiication structures. North-western Poland – Kujawy In Brześć Kujawski culture there were central settlements (e.g., Brześć Kujawski, site 4) and colonies thereof (e.g., Brześć Kujawski 3; Gabałówna 1966). They consisted of between 8 to 10 contemporaneous houses. The settlements in Brześć Kujawski and in Osłonki 1 covered the area of at least circa 2 hectares (Grygiel 2002; Czerniak 2002). However, most of the settlements like: Racot 25; Biskupin, Konary 20, Kościelec Kujawski were smaller and consisted of only one home and a few features (Nowak 2009). Settlements at sites 3 and 4 in Brześć Kujawski and site 1 in Osłonki are lagship examples of the internal layout of a settlement from the time of the younger Danubian cultures in the Polish Lowland (Jażdżewski 1938; Grygiel 1986; 2008). The former developed over a long period of time. Three phases of its development have been identiied. A relatively small trapezoidal house (feature no. 742) was the oldest feature there. Its length was approximately 10 m and, in contrast to all the other trapezoidal houses of the Brześć Kujawski group, its wider gable wall faced north. Traces of the early phase are concentrated on a surface of 0.5 hectares in the top region of the peninsula on Smętowo lake. In the classic stage the settlement reached its maximum spatial development. Its surface was then 2 hectares. At that time, there were a dozen or so contemporaneous trapezoidal homesteads, whose integral part was that of deep cellars dug inside the buildings. There were small cemeteries next to some of the houses. After catastrophic ires, most of the houses were rebuilt in the late phase. Their number and the area within which they functioned was smaller than in the classic phase (Grygiel 2008). The settlement at site 1 in Osłonki was also occupied during three phases of development. In the oldest stage, it was composed of a group of small trapezoidal houses, which were generally less than 20 m in length. They are characterized by shallow foundation trenches. At that time, small houses were accompanied by small clay pits. During the classic stage the settlement extended by two houses in its eastern part and ive houses in its northern and western side, and the overall surface of the settlement doubled. There were two rows of houses along the main W-E axis of the settlement. The southern row 76 was longer, reaching 300 m and consisted of 12 contemporary houses. The number of houses in the northern row was half as big (6 houses). Inside the houses deep cellars were dug out. The entire settlement during the classic phase occupied an area of 300 x 100-150 m (Grygiel 2008). The settlement in Osłonki 1 is one of the best studied cases of fortiied settlements of the younger Danubian cultures in Poland. In the early stages of the late phase, the construction of a defence system, consisting of a moat and palisade, was begun. The course of the fortiication was limited only to the western side and partly also to the northern and southern edges of the settlement, because its eastern side was defensive by nature, as it was surrounded by lake waters. The defensive structure had two phases of development. In the earlier phase the moat and palisade showed signs of hurried construction. They were discontinuous. In two places they were complemented by structures of destroyed houses. In the second phase, the fortiication system was much more durable. It consisted of a moat with a depth of up to 1.5 m and a width of up to 3 m. The palisade stretched out along the moat, on its inner side. The fortiication system, composed of a moat and palisade, had only one entrance. Its design, determined by social unrest, hampered the chances for spatial development of the settlement (Grygiel 2008). South-western Poland – Śląsk In the case of Stroke-Ornamented Pottery culture, the most typical were single homestead settlements (one trapezoidal house and few features – Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 1993). Later cultural units subjected to Lengyel and Polgár inluences are supposed to be similar in nature. The settlement in Zarzyca in Lower Śląsk, which had an area of 6-7 ha, is included among the largest settlements of the post Linear Pottery cultures in Poland (Wojciechowski 1990). At the same time, the surface of the settlement in Racibórz-Stara Wieś in Upper Śląsk is estimated to be up to 14.5 hectares in size (Kurgan-Przybylska 2005). In Lower Śląsk a fortiied settlement of Lengyel-Polgár culture was discovered in Zarzyca (Prus, Wojciechowski 1990) and one hailing from Jordanów culture in Tyniec Mały (Noworyta 1986; Prus, Wojciechowski 1990). The ditches discovered in Tyniec Mały enclose a small space. On the other hand, a fragment of the ditch in Zarzyca seems to be a part of an extensive fortiied complex. 6. Settlements Rondels Recently, few rondels were discovered in Polish lands. A feature from Wenecja near Biskupin in Kujawy is among the unambiguous, though until now only preliminarily identiied rondels (Porzuczek 2011). Second object of this type comes from Bodzów in western Poland (Kobyliński et al. 2012). Rondels seem to be associated with the settlement of Stroke-Ornamented Pottery culture. On a broader scale, the construction of rondels was typical of a fairly narrow time horizon associated with the IV phase of this culture in the western and southern parts of Central Europe (Nowak 2009). The lack of more intense traces of occupation in rondels and the speciicity of post-consumption remains discovered there (e.g., in Polgár-Csőszhalom; cf. Raczky et al. 2007) indicate that they fulilled peculiar functions. Most commonly they are considered to be astronomical observatories and places for performing cult rituals combined with periodic meetings of the people from a given area, and even from distant places. Additionally, it is believed that rondels could have been fortiications, refugia, kraals, etc. (Nowak 2009). However, it is not excluded that they might have fulilled, to a varied extent, all of the above functions. The diameter of the feature from Głogów does not exceed 80 m (Piotrowska 2011). The rondel in Wenecja (Fig. 8), consisting of three moats, has a diameter slightly greater than 100 m (Porzuczek 2011). There is a puzzling complex with a circular outline and a diameter of 60 m from site 12 in Targowisko associated with the classic phase of Malice culture (Czerniak et al. 2007). Despite having only one set of depressions forming a circle, it resembles more a rondel than a typical fortiication. The early chronology of this layout, corresponding to the horizon of rondels, also supports the idea of including it among this kind of features. Fig. 8. Neolithic circular enclosure (roundel) of Stroke-Ornamented Pottery culture in Bodzów (Kobyliński et al. 2012) The Past Societies 2: 5500 – 2000 bc 77 Chapter 2 The Danubian world and the dawn of the metal ages 7. Dwellings South-eastern Poland – Małopolska because it survived only partially. Rows of post holes outlining the course of the walls were preserved best. In some cases, The structures of houses are known primarily from the older also rows of holes dividing houses into two or three parts stage of the development of the younger Danubian cultures, were noted (Kadrow 2015a). mainly from the area of Malice culture (Kadrow 2015b). HithHouses from site 42 in Rozbórz have individual conerto unknown building structures were discovered within struction features that allow us to place them between the the Wieliczka-Bochnia loess region, on sites 11, 14, and 15 in houses of the west of Małopolska and the houses of the Targowisko and site 2 in Zagórze. These are the remains of Lengyel culture from south-western Slovakia. Post-frame houspost-frame houses of standardized shape and size – length es coexist there with houses exhibiting preserved foundation of 10-12 m and width of 6.0-6.5 m (Fig. 9). The outline of the grooves. They have similar sizes to the structure from site 42 walls was formed by a single row of posts. The interior of in Rozbórz (e.g., Pažinová 2009). An analogous situation was a house was divided into two unequal parts (ratio 1 to 4) by found to have occurred in Hungary (Kadrow 2015b). a row of post holes. From the NW side each of these houses At site 62 in Mogiła (Kraków-Nowa Huta) a post-frame has a single, but fairly extensive pit for clay extraction. This feature was discovered that some researchers associate with clay was used for wall construction. Malice culture (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 1979) or with the Boasting unique characteristics, these structures have Samborzec-Opatów group (Godłowska 1968). A fairly well-preno known precise analogies. Similar features has been discov- served trapezoidal post-frame structure, similar to the ones ered only in south-western Slovakia, where they are typical of the early (I) phase of Lengyel culture (Pažinová 2009). Within the Rzeszów-Przemyśl loess region, at site 28 in Rozbórz, the rectangular outline of a house structure 13.8 m in length and 6.1 m in width was discovered. The post holes are placed at quite irregular intervals from each other and create ive parallel rows. The size of this feature corresponds to one of the houses of Malice culture in the Wieliczka-Bochnia loess region. However, this house difers from them when considering constructional characteristics (Kadrow 2015b). Twelve houses of Malice culture were discovered at site 42 in Rozbórz (Sznajdrowska, Mazurek 2015): eleven of them are post constructions, and one dwelling has a post-frame structure with a preserved foundation groove. All structures are oriented along the NNW-SSE axis. The outlines of the houses were rectangular. Their width ranged from 4.6 to 6.7 m and length from 9 to 12.9 m. The house with the preserved foundation groove was 5.3 m in width. Its length is unknown Fig. 9. House of Malice culture in Zagórze, site 2 (after Kadrow 2015) 78 7. Dwellings in the Odra river basin, is accompanied by long pits located along its side walls and shows traces of repair. The house is 18 m in length and 4.5-7.5 m in width. The post holes are arranged in ive rows. The middle row consists of post holes with the longest diameter. The narrowest wall, located in the NW part of the house, is outlined by post holes located within a foundation groove (Kadrow 2015a). Unfortunately, very little is known about the houses from the younger, Eneolithic period of the development of the younger Danubian cultures in Małopolska. House 56 from Brześć Kujawski 4 is a distinctive example of a construction typical of the Brześć Kujawski culture (Grygiel 1986). It is approximately 25 m in length and 6-9 m wide. For the construction of the walls either entire trunks or their halves were used in such a manner that the external and internal walls were even. The whole structure was tightly plastered with clay and the surface was smoothed by hand. The pits, from which the clay to build the walls was obtained, were located out-of-the-way. This type of house construction was very solid and was expected to be used for a prolonged period of time. Houses of the Brześć type, in which the inner row of posts North-western Poland – Kujawy was eliminated, came into existence in the Rössen culture Trapezoidal houses dominated in this area. Among them the (Grygiel 2008). They were of diferent sizes. Small houses following are distinguished: (1) construction with posts placed had 15 to 20 m in length and the classic size had from 25 to at a large distance from each other with an inner row of posts- 30 m. However, one of the houses was almost 40 m in length poles with fork at the end (Konary 20), and (2) structures (Czerniak 1980). The discovery of house no. 56 at site 4 in Brześć Kuwith side walls of post densely placed within discontinuous ditches. They have one inner row of posts-poles with fork at jawski and its analysis (Grygiel 1986) became a corner stone the end and one or two inner cellar pits (Krusza Zamkowa of the concept of a homestead (Fig. 11). No traces of intensive 3/91). There are also houses without pits inside (“Brześć type” economic activities were found within this house. All the waste – Czerniak 1980). material was discarded in the nearby pits. Hence, production Type (1) was discovered solemnly within the context activities had to take place in the yard, which was divided of the Stroke-Ornamented Pottery in Kujawy. Dwellings of into two zones – one more limited with specialist facilities, type (2) became very popular in the Brześć Kujawski culture and a wider one including pits for clay extraction (clay pits). (Fig. 10). A subtype with discontinuous foundation grooves Throughout the lifetime of the house new features were appears to be older and dwellings with continuous grooves made and old ones terminated. However, the residents of the – younger (Czerniak 1980). homestead were devoted to a single branch of a specialized Fig. 10. Reconstruction of typical trapezoidal houses of Brześć Kujawski culture (after Grygiel 2008) The Past Societies 2: 5500 – 2000 bc Fig. 11. Homestead (house with a yard) no. 56 of Brześć Kujawski culture from Brześć Kujawski, site 4 (after Grygiel 1986) 79 Chapter 2 The Danubian world and the dawn of the metal ages production. In the case of house 56 it was the processing of only one or two pits. Other buildings were probably built on antler, bones and skins. Within the area of the house with foundations and these were not buildings with post construca yard 10 graves with lexed burials were discovered (Grygiel tion (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa, 1993). 1986). Houses of the older phase of the culture discussed The concept of a homestead allows us to understand were discovered at numerous sites. The longer gamble walls the connections between all the features found in the vicinity were up to 9 m in width, while the shorter were up to 7 m. of the house, and being contemporaneous with it, within one The average length of these houses was approximately 20 functional concept (Grygiel 1986; 2008; cf. also Flannery 1976). m. The longest house in Stary Zamek 2a was 24 m long. The This concept was further developed during the analysis of surface of the houses ranged from 100 to 285 m2. houses 41 and 42 at site 3 in Brześć Kujawski (Grygiel 1994). The houses of the Stroke-Ornamented Pottery culture This also refers to the research by Jens Lüning (1982) and the in Śląsk were slightly larger than dwellings of the Early Neolithic. They were probably used to gather and store stocks functioning of his “Hofplatzmodel”. The homestead (house with a yard) was a fundamen- and to keep domesticated animals (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa tal socio-economic unit, within which production activities 1993). To date, no ovens or hearths have been discovered were undertaken, and various resources were consumed or within these houses. exploited (Bogucki, Grygiel 1993). No long post-frame houses were recorded at the sites associated with cultural entities that were under the inluSouth-western Poland – Śląsk ences of Polgár and Lengyel cultures. They were replaced by pithouses and semi-subterranean houses with a surface People of the Stroke-Ornamented Pottery culture lived in of a few dozen m2. Pithouses were accompanied by other, long houses with a trapezoidal loor plan. The houses were numerous features of economic purpose (Czarniak 2012). oriented along the north-south axis with a deviation of up to Traces of structures of post constructions survived 25-30° westwards or eastwards. Entries were located in the at some sites of the Lengyel-Polgár culture, e.g., in Racilonger, southern walls of these houses. Over time, the number bórz-Ocice. In Zarzyca a single post-frame house was found. of inner rows of posts supporting the roof decreased from The walls did not survive, but the roof had been supported three, through two, and ultimately to one. The posts of the by three rows of thin posts. The building had at least 6 m in walls were at times placed in foundation grooves (Kulczyc- width and more than 30 m in length. This structure was aligned ka-Leciejewiczowa 1993). along the E-W axis and was probably a building for economic Sometimes (Stary Zamek 2a), the walls of such houses activities. In Tyniec Mały, at the settlement of the Jordanów were built of posts placed in pairs, between which a wattle culture neither pithouses nor above-ground structures were of brushwood covered with clay was put. Later, construction discovered (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 1993). of such robust houses was abandoned and the walls were In the northern fringe of Śląsk in Siciny – in a zone made of single posts. At the same site, in one of the houses under the inluence of Brześć Kujawski culture – there was a clay loor was found, which probably was the original loor a post-frame house with the entire length of the walls placed of the building (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 1993). A similar clay in foundation grooves. The dimensions of the house were loor was also discovered in a dwelling unearthed in Tomice. as follows: length at least 30 m, width of the narrower wall – There are no long clay pits along the walls of the trap- 8.5 m and the wider – 15 m. The house was oriented along ezoidal houses of the Stroke-Ornamented Pottery culture. In the north-south axis with a westward deviation of about 35° the vicinity of the houses – within homesteads – there were (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 1993). 80 8. The economy. The basis of subsistence South-eastern Poland stick and a stone adze. Small plots surrounded permanently inhabited settlements. When they were exhausted they were Small-scale intensive farming on small garden-like plots and abandoned and left to regenerate, and new places were stationary animal husbandry formed the basis of subsistence. sought, which were turned into new ields. Husbandry did This type of agriculture is described as digging stick cultivation. not have greater signiicance. It was used without important In the early days of the Eneolithic certain transformations connection with agricultural crops cultivation, as a kind of occurred. The importance of the slash-and-burn technique a side activity. Sparse cattle, pigs, goats and sheep were kept increased then. In the structure of herds the importance of close to houses (Kruk 1980). pigs increased, with a simultaneous decline in the signiicance Intensiication of shifting cultivation of forest-fallow of goats and sheep. With the persisting dominance of the type and the clearing of increasingly larger glades led to exploitation of the bottom zones of valleys, the use of the abandonment of this system in favour of shifting cultivation dry environments on plateaus increased. Certain areas were of bush-fallow type. In addition to the intensive exploitation steadily used as agriculture land for a long time (Kruk 1973; of wet ields at valley bottoms, the higher terrains started to 1980; Nowak 2009). gain importance and use. The role of cereal crops increased. In light of the detailed analysis applying ecological The dominant position of ire as a means of agrotechnology indicators it is known that cultivation included valley areas and focusing on cereal crops cultivation on plateaus led to (where, for example, wheat was grown) and plateau areas the emergence of an extensive cultivation system of the that were intended for barley (Lityńska-Zając 2005). Cereals slash-and-burn-fallow type (Kruk 1980). were grown in small but well-exposed ields, as evidenced As a result of increasing land clearing, new possibiliby the presence of photophilic weeds in deposits of cereals. ties opened for the growing importance of husbandry, which Cattle usually dominate, with goat/sheep being the second ofered fertilizer for expanding agricultural cultivation. This most common animal in faunal assemblages from Małopolska change was accompanied by a process of domesticating (Nowak 2009). the wild forms of bovine, known as ‘domestication fever’ (for During the over millennium-long development of the a diferent view cf. Nowak 2009). The bigger size of herds younger Danubian culture societies in Małopolska, the growth kept (thanks to natural feed resources) led to the developof changes of an evolutionary nature is perceptible (Kruk ment of the irst signs of the ield-barn (sedentary) husbandry 1980). Their reconstruction is relevant far beyond the area system (Kruk 1980). of western Małopolska. Shifting cultivation of forest-fallow type (with ields North-western Poland – Kujawy scattered in forests) formed the basis of the economy. In order to obtain plots without trees a slash-and-burn technique In Brześć Kujawski culture, in the micro-regions of Brześć was implemented. Primarily, vegetables were grown on wet Kujawski and Osłonki, the cultivation of cereals (emmer wheat ields in valleys. Only a small part of crop production came and einkorn wheat, as well as barley) and cattle husbandry from cereal ields, located slightly higher up in dry areas were the basis of subsistence (Grygiel 2008). The ields were of forest. The basic agrotechnology consisted of a digging located on sandy-clayey soils. They either bordered with The Past Societies 2: 5500 – 2000 bc 81 Chapter 2 The Danubian world and the dawn of the metal ages forests, or single trees were left on them. This is testiied group of ethnically alien migrants (Grygiel 2008), whose apby the presence of shade-loving species (in faunal remains). pearance in Osłonki was linked with political events towards More than 90% of the animal bone remains belongs to the end of the existence of both settlement micro-regions in domesticated species (cattle, goat/sheep, and pigs). Animals Osłonki and Brześć Kujawski. The emergence of a new type husbandry was able to provide for the overall demand for of funeral rite (connected with Globular Amphora culture) meat without having to be supported by hunting (Bogucki is believed to be archaeologically perceptible evidence of 2008). Fish, turtles, and aquatic birds had a complementary this iniltration (Grygiel 2008; for diferent interpretation see: position. The economy was stable and mature (Wiślański Kadrow 2016). 1969; Grygiel 2008). Bones of the people buried in the Osłonki micro-re- South-western Poland gion contain high levels of strontium/calcium and strontium/ zinc indicators, which are associated with typical vegetarian To this day, the region of south-western Poland lacks synthediet. Foods containing animal proteins and milk contributed sizing papers going beyond mere enumeration of the palaeolittle to their diet. Hence, domesticated animals were not the botanical and paleozoological remains found (Czerniak 2012). main source of food for this population. However, the share It is worth noting, that there is a relatively high proporof animal protein in the diet of adults was signiicantly higher tion of wild animals (from 26% to 32% of auroch, deer, roe than in the case of children (Grygiel 2008). deer, and wild horse bones; cf. Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa No diferences in the nutrition of women and men were 1993) at the sites of Stroke-Ornamented Pottery culture (e.g., detected. A small group of men, whose bones show a much in Gniechowice) and at the sites of cultural entities being unhigher proportion of animal protein and milk in the consumed der the inluence of the Lengyel and Polgár cultures. At the food, stands out from this general background. They display sites of Jordanów culture only the remains of bovine bones diferent food consumption strategies, which can be described are found (Nowak 2009). as agro-pastoral or typical pastoral. This was probably a small 9. Flint production South-eastern Poland In the older, Neolithic period, communities of the younger Danubian cultures (Samborzec-Opatów group, Pleszów group, Malice culture) used diferent lint raw materials. Chocolate lint predominated in the Sandomierz-Opatów Upland. Jurassic lint strongly predominated in western Małopolska’s Upland (Balcer 1983). Blade cores of relatively small sizes (with a height of not more than 8 cm), lake cores, and splintered pieces were exploited. Blanks for tool production consisted primarily of blades whose length in most cases did not exceed 7 cm. The 82 blades only rarely reached the length of 10 cm. Among tools, the most common ones were endscrapers, retouched blades, and lakes, as well as truncated blades (Balcer 1983). During the younger period (Modlnica group, Złotniki-Wyciąże group, Lublin-Volhynian culture) chocolate lint was predominantly used in the Sandomierz-Opatów Upland, Lublin Upland, and Rzeszów-Przemyśl loess region – and in the western Volhynian Upland it was Volhynian lint that predominated. At the same time, Jurassic lint prevailed in western Małopolska (Balcer 1983; Zakościelna 1996). As in the previous period, blade cores, lake cores, and splintered pieces were exploited. The size of the blade cores increased, particularly in Lublin-Volhynian culture. The height North-western Poland – Kujawy of the most spectacular core of Volhynian lint from Łążek Zaklikowski reaches almost 20 cm (Zakościelna 1996). The length Flint production here was based on local Baltic erratic raw of blades and blade tools of Volhynian lint also reaches and material. Among the tools there are specimens made of sometimes exceeds 20 cm (Balcer 1983; Zakościelna 1996). imported raw materials: chocolate, Jurassic, Volhynian, and In Małopolska burins and blade tools prevailed among Świeciechów lints and obsidian. Blade core reduction was tools, while in the remaining regions tool assemblages were the primary way of exploiting lint. It was supplemented by still dominated, like in the previous period, by endscrapers splintered technique. Most likely, each family was involved in (Balcer 1983; Zakościelna 1996). Very distinctive lamellar these stages of lint processing (Papiernik 2008). retouch (Fig. 12), used primarily to form retouched blades Harvesting lint insets were the most numerous among (Zakościelna 1996) appeared in Lublin-Volhynian culture. expedient tools. Considering the morphology, these consisted There is a metric breakthrough clearly marked in the mainly of truncated pieces. Subsequently, hide scrapers and lintknapping of the younger Danubian cultures in Małopolska. cutting tools were also used. In the older phase, smaller blade blanks were used for tool production, and in the younger phase the blanks were distinctively larger (Dziedzuszycka-Machnikowa, Lech 1976). Another important change was the rapid increase of burin production (the burin horizon; cf. Kaczanowska, Kozłowski 1985). Both changes were ground-breaking and took place rather quickly at the turn of the Neolithic and Eneolithic (Kaczanowska 1985). Jurassic lint and chocolate lint were exploited on a large scale (Balcer 1983). These raw materials were acquired through mining methods from shafts of signiicant size (depths of up to 4.5 m and diameters in the top part of the shafts of up to 3.5 m). Mines of Jurassic lint are identiied in Sąspów, Jerzmanowice-Dąbrówka, and Bęblo to name but a few (Lech 1981), and chocolate lint was mined in Tomaszów (Schild et al. 1985). Fig. 12. Retouched blades of Lublin-Volhynian culture, made of Volhynian lint from Gródek Nadbużny, site 1C, and Książnice, site 2 (after Libera, Zakościelna 2013) The Past Societies 2: 5500 – 2000 bc 83 Chapter 2 The Danubian world and the dawn of the metal ages 10. Metallurgy and copper products South-eastern Poland – Małopolska So far, no metal objects have been discovered in Malice culture, the Samborzec-Opatów group, or the Pleszów-Modlnica group. Copper products in Lublin-Volhynian culture predominantly come from burial inventories (Zakościelna 2006). Altogether, there are about ifty metal artefacts discovered in the 29 graves (Zakościelna 2010). In the classic phase of Lublin-Volhynian culture there were few copper products. The vast majority of them was obtained from sepulchral features of the late phase of the development of this culture, contemporary with the Bodrokresztur culture (Zakościelna 2010). Among copper ornaments, wire earrings and bracelets should be distinguished. Two double spiral pendants (Fig. 13) are unique inds that evidence Lengyel culture’s inluence on Lublin-Volhynian culture (Zakościelna 2010; Wilk 2014). Among the weapons, there are daggers with a midrib and three holes for rivets. Additionally, a single battle-axe of Şiria type (Wilk 2004) and an axe of an intermediate type between Hajdúszoboszlo and Felsőgalla types (Zakościelna 2010) come from burial assemblages. Both of these specimens were found at a burial ground at site 2 in Książnice (Wilk 2004; see Box 1). Most of the copper objects of Lublin-Vol- Fig. 13. Copper ornaments of Lublin-Volhynian culture, from grave 8 in hynian culture display relations with the Carpathian Basin Książnice, site 2 (after Wilk 2014) and Transylvania. Metal artefacts are also present in graves of the Złot- the ire was increased by blowing in air using air bellows, of niki-Wyciąże group. They are examples of referrals to the which only tubular clay nozzles have survived. From 0.5 to 1 kg of raw material could have itted in a crucible. Smelting Lengyel milieu (Kozłowski 2006). The results of the pre-World War II research excava- took place within half an hour and involved the participation tions in Złota allowed reconstruction of the metallurgy of of two people (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 1979). copper in Lublin-Volhynian culture communities (Dziekoński Wire and thin sheets were hammered out of forged 1962). Metallurgists used native copper, but the origin of the copper. Most of the small products, mainly ornaments, were raw material has not been speciied to this day. Crushed made from them. Larger objects, axes, and battle-axes, were nuggets of raw copper were put into clay crucibles, placed rather not produced on spot. They were, in most cases, imon a hearth and covered with charcoal. The temperature of ported from the Carpathian Basin or Transylvania. 84 10. Metallurgy and copper products Box 1: An elite female burial: grave no. 8 from the cemetery of Lublin-Volhynian culture at site 2 in Książnice, Świętokrzyskie voivodeship Grave no. 8, excavated in August 2008, was discovered within the eastern burial ield of the Lublin-Volhynian culture cemetery at site 2 in Książnice, Busko Zdrój county, which consists of graves of the local elite. At the ceiling level, at a depth of 45 cm, the feature manifested itself as an elongated rectangle aligned along a north-south axis and grey-brown in colour. It was damaged in the southern part by a water supply trench. At the depth of 55-60 cm the skeleton of an adult woman was encountered that was almost complete, though in a poor state of preservation (Fig. A). She had been placed in a contracted position on her left side and back, with her skull facing south. Together with the deceased woman, 10 ornaments made of copper wire were found (Fig. 13). Under the skull there was a necklace with an ornament – a spectacle-shaped pendant. Inside the necklace there was an earring made of wire with a slightly smaller diameter than the wire of the necklace, while next to the necklace there was another earring with one end thickened and the other tapering into a point. Secondly, an almost identical necklace with a spectacle-shaped pendant was found at the top of the left femur. On the left ulna and radius a bracelet was unearthed. On the right ulna and radius a second, similar bracelet was laid. Also, there were two rings made of copper wire lying lat side-by-side at the chest level. One of these rings had an additional element – namely, a narrow strip of copper wrapped around the wire. Additionally, two artefacts made of chocolate lint were discovered in the burial. A retouched lint blade was found next to the right foot of the deceased, and a partly cortical retouched blade was recorded approx. 30 cm to the east of the chest. Based on the discovered pottery shards it should be assumed that in front of the skull, in the destroyed south-eastern corner of the burial pit, there were at least two pottery vessels: a small amphora and a pear-shaped goblet. In the north-eastern part of the burial pit a cluster of animal bones was unearthed that probably belonged to one individual representing an almost adult sheep Ovis aries L. Fragments of the right tibia belonging to an almost adult goat or sheep were also found. There is a radiocarbon date determination for grave 8 from Książnice provided by the Poznań Radiocarbon Laboratory. A sample from a human rib is dated to 5010±50 BP, i.e., approx. 3800-3700 BC (44.1%). This burial is undoubtedly among the richest women’s graves of the Eneolithic period in Polish lands. The unprecedented accumulation of copper items serves as an excellent example of the changes that took place in the social structure of the younger Danubian cultures. It shows that women of a high social status also took part in the process of forming the elite and controlling the trade and distribution of prestige objects during the late stage of Lublin-Volhynian culture. Stanisław Wilk Fig. A. Burial no. 2 from Książnice, Busko Zdrój county (photo by S. Wilk) The Past Societies 2: 5500 – 2000 bc 85 Chapter 2 The Danubian world and the dawn of the metal ages North-western Poland – Kujawy South-western Poland – Śląsk This region is an area with highest saturation of copper products (Czerniak 1980). Part of the metallurgical production took place on the spot (Grygiel 2008). The societies of Brześć Kujawski culture deposited large quantities of copper products, primarily ornaments, in graves of the classic phase. The majority of the copper artefacts was imported from the areas of the upper Danube river from the realm of the south-western groups of the Lengyel culture (via Jordanów culture? – cf. Grygiel 2008). Head and neck ornaments are found almost exclusively in Osłonki (Fig. 14), while most of the arm and leg ornaments were deposited in graves within the settlements in the Brześć Kujawski area. Copper beads, once elements of necklaces, are commonly found. The double spiral pendants and Stollhof type discs seem to be the most important. Another distinctive element of metal inds is represented by spiral bracelets with two and four coils made of lat or lat-convex sheet (Grygiel 2008). The use of copper objects in this region is recorded primarily in Jordanów culture. There is no certainty whether they were of local production. This uncertainty is caused by the lack of artefacts with local characteristics. All of them strictly refer to the designs from the upper Danube, the Carpathian Basin and Transylvania (Czarniak 2012). In Jordanów culture, double spiral pendants made of sheet with its end bent into an ear and discs of the Stollhof are what is most commonly found. Equally popular were the multiple coil bracelets and armlets made of copper sheet. In addition, lat axes with a curved blade edge are encountered (Czarniak 2012). Within cultural groups of the Lengyel-Polgár circle in Śląsk there are various kinds of copper battle-axes of the Carpathian and Transylvanian origin (Czarniak 2012) associated with the Polgár cultural circle. Fig. 14. Copper ornaments of Lublin-Volhynian culture, from grave LIV in Osłonki, site 1 (after Grygiel 2008) 86 11. Salt production in south-eastern Poland and other ields of production activities in northwestern Poland – Kujawy There were pottery vessels for brine evaporation discovered tion within the entire settlement (Grygiel 1986). In addition, at the Pleszów-Modlnica group sites in Kraków-Nowa Huta it was possible to identify shell workshops, in which beads as well as in the Wieliczka-Bochnia loess region. This type for production of hip-belts and other ornaments were made. of vessel was made of a clay body with a large amount of Moreover, a feature was identiied where traces of tanning sand temper. It had a hard and rough surface, and was ired were discovered. Throughout the entire yard there are traces red or orange. Briquetage for salt evaporation have pointed of pottery use. Production of a number of other products is bottoms and tulip-like everted rims (Jodłowski 1971). They were also conirmed (Grygiel 1986). made at the settlement in Pleszów and then transported to Determination of the seasons in which various actions brine exploitation and salt production zone on the other side associated with food preparation were undertaken is among of the Vistula river. In Barycz near Wieliczka devices for salt the other interesting results of the analysis focused on food production were discovered. They consisted of a system of production (Bogucki 2008). It was ascertained that residents ditches supplying brine to tanks acting as evaporation tanks. of homesteads 56 (56a) in autumn and winter were involved During evaporation the density of salt increased in the salty in the processing and preparation of food from cereal crops. water accumulated in the tanks. In this way, it became brine Then, in spring they were mainly concentrating on wild plants, ready to be processed. Salt making took place in briquetages as well as on obtaining a fairly substantial amount of turtles. placed in open hearths (Jodłowski 1971). The slaughter, division, and consumption of pig meat took In addition to activities related to agriculture and ani- place in winter and early spring. At the same time, waterfowl mal husbandry in the Brześć Kujawski culture, traces of many were also made avail of. Deer hunting, skinning and eviscerother production related activities were recorded. In the area ation, and dividing the meat were done in late winter and of the yard of homestead 56-56a in Brześć Kujawski remains spring. Attention was paid to dairy products mainly in summer of specialized production of antler axes were discovered. and autumn, and ish and shellish were caught in summer This was the only workshop devoted to such type of produc- (Grygiel 1986; Bogucki 2008). The Past Societies 2: 5500 – 2000 bc 87 Chapter 2 The Danubian world and the dawn of the metal ages 12. Funeral rites South-eastern Poland – Małopolska The number of discovered graves of the younger Danubian cultures in Małopolska is relatively small, especially when compared with the discoveries of settlement complexes (Zakościelna 2010). In this context, relatively numerous sepulchral sources of Lublin-Volhynian culture are by far best represented. The number of graves of this culture within Poland’s borders exceeds 100 features (Zakościelna 2009; 2010; Zakościelna et al. 2009). Until recently, only 8 graves of the Samborzec-Opatów group and 17 graves of the Pleszów-Modlnica group of the Lengyel culture were published (Kaczanowska 2009; Kaczanowska, Tunia 2009). Slightly better in this respect is the situation when it comes to the Złotniki-Wyciąże group (22 graves; cf. Kaczanowska 2009; Kaczanowska, Tunia 2009), and to the Malice culture (23 graves; cf. Kadrow 2009; Kadrow et al. 2009; Sznajdrowska, Mazurek 2015). The vast majority of the graves of the Samborzec-Opatów group (seven of eight) were discovered at the complex of sites located on a terrace on the left bank of the Vistula river in Kraków-Nowa Huta-Pleszów. One grave was found in Sandomierz. All of them were located within settlements: however, they did not form clusters there. Perhaps they were located in close proximity to houses. Graves and settlement features do not create stratigraphic relations, which is an important premise for the assumption that these graves and settlement features functioned at the same time (Kaczanowska 2009). In each of these graves only one person was buried. The inhumations were in oval or sub-rectangular pits. In Sandomierz a woman was buried in a settlement pit. No evidence of any structures, cists, or coins was found. The preserved skeletons are oriented along the S-N axis with their heads towards the south. The bodies of the deceased 88 were interred in the burial pits in a lexed position on the right side. In only one case was the skeleton lying on the left side. Women, men, and children were among the people buried (Kaczanowska 2009). In the graves pottery vessels were found next to the deceased. They were usually placed in the vicinity of the head. Pottery deposited in graves does not difer from what is found in settlement features. Sometimes, miniature vessels were laid in graves (Kaczanowska 2009). The graves of Malice culture are known from 13 sites (Kadrow 2009; Kadrow et al. 2009), situated predominantly in the area of west Małopolska, mainly in the vicinity of Kraków. Only three sites are located in Sandomierz and its surroundings, and one uncertain grave is from the West Volhynian Upland next to the border with Ukraine, in the Hrubieszów area. Well preserved and properly documented human remains come from only 9 graves (Kadrow 2009). Most of the graves were encountered in the context of remains typical of settlement. Most commonly, only one grave was discovered at a particular site. In a few cases two graves were discovered at one site, and in Kowala the remains of three graves were discovered. So far, only cases of inhumation are known. Burial pits had the shape of an elongated oval or rectangle. In some cases, it is believed that the deceased were buried in settlement pits. Well documented cases reveal the presence of wood mats upon which the dead were laid (Kadrow 2009). All the deceased were interred in a lex position, most often on the right-hand side, though sometimes also on the left-hand side. Only in one grave was the deceased placed on their back with bent legs tilted to the right-hand side. With one exception all dead were positioned along the S-N axis with their heads towards the south. Only in the case of the grave from Świerszczów Kolonia was the deceased positioned with their head to the west (Kadrow 2009). 12. Funeral rites Almost every grave was equipped with pottery. In seven graves stone artefacts were discovered (including 7 axes). In six cases lint objects were found, and in two – bone ones (including pendants made of wild boar tusks). Pottery deposited in the graves does not vary from what was unearthed in settlements (Kadrow 2009). All of the graves of the Pleszów-Modlnica group of Lengyel culture were discovered at settlements (Kaczanowska 2009; Kaczanowska, Tunia 2009). The largest number of graves (10 features) was discovered at a site in Kraków-Nowa HutaPleszów. They formed three concentrations. The deceased were probably buried within an already abandoned part of the settlement. At times, they were interred in settlement pits. However, in most cases these were grave pits of oval or rectangular shape specially prepared for this purpose (Kaczanowska 2009). The deceased were positioned in lexed position on either the right or left-hand side with their hands placed next to their faces. Only graves with single burials are known, and they were always skeletal burials. The deceased were most often equipped with pottery, less often with stone or lint implements. In the richest grave besides pottery and stone products, a small altar of burnt clay was discovered. The deceased was covered with ochre. In the case of some graves there is a suspicion that they might be burials of specialists (lintknappers – Kaczanowska 2009). The largest database of sources for research on funeral rites in Małopolska is provided by Lublin-Volhynian culture (Zakościelna 2009). Already in the oldest phase of this culture, in the eastern part of its range in Volhynia (Hołyszów), graves next to and not within settlements were discovered. At the same time in the Sandomierz-Opatów Upland the habit of interring dead within settlements continued until the dawn of the classic phase of this culture. It was only at the turn of the classic and late phases that the custom of burying deceased at small cemeteries situated outside settlements became common (Zakościelna 2010). In comparison with the Carpathian Basin or Balkans, the cemeteries of Lublin-Volhynian culture were small – they did not exceed 10 graves. Graves with W-E orientation prevailed, only sometimes was a S-N orientation used (e.g., in Książnice, site 2: see Box 1). Graves were usually located on the circumference of a cemetery, which was rectangular, trapezoid, or oval in shape. Usually, at the centre of such a complex there was a male grave with rich grave goods. In a few cases a juxtaposition of male and female graves was noticed (e.g., on site 2A in Strzyżów men were buried in the north, while women The Past Societies 2: 5500 – 2000 bc in the south; at site 2 in Książnice men were laid in the west and women in the east). Many premises suggest that the distribution of graves at these cemeteries was an implementation of a predetermined plan, which was facilitated by a relatively short duration of their functioning (Zakościelna 2010). Skeletal burial was the typical funeral rite. The vast majority of graves was of a single burial type. Cenotaphs appeared extremely rarely. Grave pits were oval or rectangular in shape. Neither wood nor stone structures were registered inside pits. The deceased were laid in graves along the S-N axis with their heads to the south. Only single graves do not obey this rule and have a diferent orientation. Interring the deceased in a lexed position strongly prevailed with bodies buried on the right-hand side (men) or on the left-hand side (women). This principle was also applied to deceased children of both sexes (Zakościelna 2010). There were not many graves with no grave goods or with only modest inventories. Pottery vessels were the most common element of grave oferings. Women’s graves contained more pottery than men’s. Sometimes smaller vessels were put inside larger ones. Tools and weapons in male graves were located in the waist area. Other objects with prestigious connotations were located next to the head. Attributes of male graves are stone, antler, or copper shaft-hole axes, stone or copper axes, and bone or copper daggers, as well as rich lint inventories, including long blades and arrowheads. Wild boar tusks are also found in women’s and children’s graves. Inventories typical of female graves consist of body and dress ornaments including: earrings and bracelets of copper, and shell necklaces (Zakościelna 2010). Wealth diferentiation in grave goods is easily noticeable. This is particular evident in the case of graves in which adult men were buried. Relatively rare cooper tools and weapons, antler shaft-hole axes, bone daggers, and macrolithic blades and retouched blades of Volhynian lint, functioning as daggers, were the determinants of the highest social status (Zakościelna 2010). In the Złotniki-Wyciąże group of the Polgár culture most graves are from a single cemetery at site 5 in Kraków-Nowa Huta-Wyciąże (Kaczanowska, Tunia 2009). All of them are inhumations. Predominantly they consist of a single burial. Sometimes the deceased were buried in settlement pits (Kaczanowska 2009). The dead were laid into grave pits in lex position. It appears that women were interred on the left-hand side and men on the right-hand side. Orientation of the graves with 89 Chapter 2 The Danubian world and the dawn of the metal ages respect to cardinal directions varies. In almost every grave the inhabitants of the homestead formed a small graveyard goods consisting of pottery were discovered. Additionally, located directly next to it to the SW. The graves there are copper ornaments are quite often present. Deceased men had arranged in a row. They were separated from the residential large copper bracelets. In one male grave a copper dagger area by a fence. The youngest cluster contains graves of the was discovered, while in another a shaft-hole axe of the same deceased buried in refuse pits and without any inventories. metal was found. Among the copper ornaments deposited This concentration is associated with house No. 56a, a feain the graves, pendants of Hlinsko and Stollhof types should ture rebuilt in the place of house 56 after it burned down. be mentioned (Kaczanowska 2009). All together 10 graves were discovered within the yard of these houses. In most cases these are graves of women (6 North-western Poland – Kujawy graves). The association between antler shaft-hole axes with men, while decorated bone bracelets and shell hip-belts with The oldest, scarce graves of the ambiguous cultural ailiation women was conirmed (Grygiel 1986). within the broader milieux of the younger Danubian cultures in Kujawy are associated with the Stroke-Ornamented Pot- South-western Poland - Śląsk tery culture and possibly with the beginning of the Lengyel culture’s impact on this area. At that time inhumation was Only a few graves from the younger phase of Stroke-Ornathe standard funeral rite, although cremation burials are also mented Pottery culture are known. Only in one of them, from encountered. The deceased were buried in small clusters of Grębocice, has a skeleton been preserved. It lay on the leftgraves distributed within settlements. In the skeletal graves hand side, oriented along the W-E axis. In the graves from the deceased were always laid in lex position on the left-hand Przedmoście no human remains have survived (Czarniak 2012). side. It was only towards the end of this period, when the Among the quite numerous graves of the Malice cultendency for gender-diferentiated treatment of the deceased ture that have been excavated (for example, in Góra and started (Czerniak 1980). Racibórz-Stara Wieś), pottery as grave goods was discovered. During the development of the Brześć Kujawski group, Some of those graves, probably male ones, had deposits of the inhumation rite dominated with gender-diferentiated inter- shaft-hole axes, axes, and other small stone products. It is ment of lexed bodies on the right-hand side (men) or left-hand possible that at this time, in addition to skeletal burial, creside (women). Corpses were oriented along the S-N axis with mation was also followed as a funeral rite (Czarniak 2012). During slightly later times, in terms of the cultural entithe head pointing towards the south. Grave goods deposited with the dead depended also on the gender of the deceased. ties in Małopolska corresponding to the Pleszów group, some In the graves of males it was above all weapons and tools that graves without preserved human remains were discovered. were deposited, while in the graves of females – ornaments At the site in Kornica, the graves contained from two to three (Czerniak 1980). The dead were buried at the zone dedicated pottery vessels. In cultural complexes, corresponding to the Modlnica within a settlement (Czerniak 1980; Grygiel 1986; 2008). Towards the inal stage of the development of the group in Małopolska, more graves were discovered. UnforBrześć Kujawski group the trends from the previous period tunately, in none of them did human remains survive, except were largely continued. However, relatively frequent atypical for the remnants of two skeletons in the settlement pit at site graves (laying corpses on their backs; orientation of a skel- 17 in Tyniec Mały (Czarniak 2012). eton according to the E-W axis with the head towards east) The Jordanów culture interred the dead almost exappeared. One characteristic property of the graves from clusively in skeletal burials (see Box 2). The only exception, this period is the lack of grave goods (Czerniak 1980; Grygiel i.e., cremation, is the burial from Wrocław-Partynice. In this 1986; 2008). culture the bodies of the deceased were oriented along the A great example of how the burial sites functioned S-N axis with their head towards the south. Skeletons lay in within a settlement are homesteads no. 56 and 56a at site lexed position, with women laid on the left-hand side and 4 in Brześć Kujawski. At the time of the functioning of the men on the right. Exceptions to these rules are rare (Czarnihomestead one can identify four concentrations of asyn- ak 2012). Similar rules for internment of the deceased were chronous graves. Grave LXXX was the oldest. A little later not observed in the territory of Bohemia (Neustupný 2008b). 90 12. Funeral rites Pottery was the most common kind of grave good. Two or three vessels were usually placed in the vicinity of the head. Also graves with a bigger number of pottery vessels were registered. These graves were usually better equipped in other categories of goods, as well, including copper and stone goods. Weapons and tools were found in male graves, while diadems, earrings, and hip-belts were found exclusively in female graves. Some types of jewellery (rings, bracelets, pendants) were present in the graves of both sexes (Czarniak 2012). Box 2: Discoveries from Domasław A unique cemetery of Jordanów culture was discovered in Poland as the result of rescue excavations conducted in 2006-2008 at Domasław, site 10/11/12, Kobierzyce commune, which were associated with the construction of the Wrocław ring road. The rich sepulchral complex consisted of 25 burials. Among them grave no. 13123 is of particular importance due to its rich grave goods, which testify to the high social rank of the man, 45-50 years old, buried in it (Fig. A, B). The deceased was interred in a contracted position on his right side, with his head facing south and face turned to the east. Two clay vessels were deposited near his head. There was a large bowl on a hollow foot in front of his face, and behind his skull – a pitcher with two handles. The deceased was also equipped with items made of copper. A bracelet made of a copper strip was placed on his right forearm, and on his shoulder there was an axe head. The man’s left hand was probably holding the handle of a horn (antler?) axe, which was partly inserted under his right shoulder. At the height of the chest ive lint insets, among other things, were discovered. Their arrangement and visible wear from cutting plants indicate that there was a sickle deposited here, the handle of which, probably being organic, deteriorated. The burial is also equipped with other lint tools, ones which were deposited next to the knees of the buried man. In the same place, tusks of wild boar or pig were also found. All these items were probably deposited on a kind of rest made of bone or antler, the remains of which were discovered beneath the artefacts. Marta Mozgała-Swacha Fig. B. Grave of Jordanów culture no. 13123 from Domasław, Wrocław county Fig. A. Grave of Jordanów culture no. 13123 from Domasław, Wrocław county and its goods (drawn by (photo by L. Nowaczyk) N. Lenkow, T. Murzyński) The Past Societies 2: 5500 – 2000 bc 91 Chapter 2 The Danubian world and the dawn of the metal ages 13. Visual arts and igurative depictions Among the younger Linear Pottery cultures the most numerous assemblages of anthropomorphic igurative depictions are provided by the Pleszów-Modlnica group (Fig. 15; Kaczanowska 2002; 2006) and Lublin-Volhynian culture (Zakościelna 2002). In comparison with the abundance of anthropomorphic igurines in the Neolithic cultures from the Balkans and the Carpathian Basin (e.g., Hansen 2007) and the Eneolithic Tripilian culture (cf. e.g., Monah 2012, Ţurcanu 2013) this collection is extremely modest. In the Modlnica-Pleszów group anthropomorphic visual arts are strongly stylized, but they also have naturalistic elements. Typical are igurines of pregnant women, in most cases preserved only fragmentarily. Usually these are legs with buttocks and sometimes with a surviving foot (Kaczanowska 2002). Most of the igurines have women’s attributes. However, the most interesting igurine is the head of a man with realistically depicted facial features. This head refers to depictions known from the Hamangia culture, from the west coast of the Black Sea (Kaczanowska 2002). Even more scarce is the set of anthropomorphic igurines from Lublin-Volhynian culture (Zakościelna 2002). At site Grodzisko I in Złota two small anthropomorphic vessels were discovered. One of them depicted a woman, the other a man. Additionally, in Las Stocki at site no. 7 a schematic igurine of a woman was unearthed (Zakościelna 2002). At the settlement of the Złotniki-Wyciąże group at site 17 in Podłęż the fragment of a foot of an anthropomorphic vessel was found. The surviving part consists of legs of three persons (the entire vessel would have had the legs of four people), most probably women (Nowak et al. 2007). Among the most interesting discoveries one should mention three depictions of human igures, modelled using plastic bands, on the upper part of a belly of an amphora of Malice culture (Fig. 16). The best preserved specimen comes from site 1 in Targowisko (Grabowska, Zastawny 2007). The other two are from sites 12 and 13 in the same locality (Czerniak et al. 2007). Analysis of the former of these depictions indicates visual analogies in the Herpály culture in the Tisza river basin, and iconographic references to the Stroke-Ornamented Pottery culture in Bohemia (Grabowska, Zastawny 2007). 92 Fig. 15. Human head from Kraków-Nowa Huta-Pleszów, site 17 (after Kaczanowska 2006) Fig. 16. Vessel of Malice culture with an anthropomorphic depiction from Targowisko, site 11 (after Grabowska, Zastawny 2014) 14. Society Małopolska Detailed characteristics of the funerary rite of Lublin-Volhynian culture, taking into account diferent rules for laying the bodies of the deceased and providing them with gender-diferentiated grave goods (Zakościelna 2009; 2010), reveals close correlations to the customs present in the Tiszapolgár and Bodrogkeresztúr cultures (Bognar-Kutzian 1963). Just as in the Carpathian Basin, weapons were deposited only in men’s graves. Analysis of the available sources allows us to suspect the existence of male associations of a military nature. Reaching a certain age regulated men’s access to them. For example, at the cemetery in Tiszapolgár-Basatanya this age was determined to be the age between 16 to 18 and 25 to 35 years (Vandkilde 2006). In light of the data collected at the cemeteries of Lublin-Volhynian culture (Zakościelna 2010), it can be assumed that such associations also existed among the communities living in the early Eneolithic in Małopolska and today’s western Ukraine. The communities in which such associations of warriors existed were characterized by the individualism of their members. There was a patrilocal system of residence for young married couples. Communities of this type were typiied by a stable economic basis (Vandkilde 2006). The abundance of prestigious items (including copper products) deposited in male graves of Lublin-Volhynian culture (Zakościelna 2009; 2010) evinces the existence of relatively intensive processes of internal diferentiation within the community, especially through demonstrating by young and ambitious men the aspirations to achieve higher social status (Kadrow 2011a). The persistence of constant discrepancies in the burial rite of women and men in Lublin-Volhynian culture (as well as in the cultures: Hamangia, Varna, Tiszapolgár, Bodrogkeresztúr, Brześć Kujawski, and Jordanów?) may indicate contrasting The Past Societies 2: 5500 – 2000 bc Fig. 17. Spread of gender-diferentiated graves; A – Hamangia and Varna, B – Tiszapolgár and Bodrogkeresztúr, C – Lublin-Volhynian culture, D – Brześć Kujawski culture (after Kadrow 2011) diferentiation of the social roles of both the sexes also in their daily lives (Kadrow 2011a), just as was the case in the society of the Mycenaean culture, as described by Homer (cf. Ossowska 2000; Vandkilde 2006). Mycenaean society was the oldest, historically perceptible manifestation of the chivalric ethos (Ossowska 2000). This ethos was appearing in cultures of diferent eras and in diferent areas, and it was related neither to a speciic type of economy nor to a particular socio-cultural formation (Ossowska 2000; Ryłko-Kurpiewska, Socha eds. 2010). A certain number of characteristics speciied all forms of its occurrence, while others were typical of just part of them, or of individual, his- 93 Chapter 2 The Danubian world and the dawn of the metal ages torically speciied cases. The ethos discussed here well have had its origins in Europe in 5th and 4th millennium BC in these cultures (Fig. 17), in which speciic processes of militarization took place, ones which were accompanied by the formation of deined social roles for women and men (Kadrow 2011a). Social diversiication was relected mainly in the varied amount of prestigious items being deposited in the graves. However, this had no afect when it comes to accessibility to food of higher quality (Grygiel 2008). Warriors were the most important group of elites. Archaeologically perceptive traces of it are male’s graves equipped with antler shaft-hole axes Kujawy (window). The destructive force of these shaft-hole axes is evidenced by injuries still visible on some of the skulls from Communities of the Brześć Kujawski culture consisted of Osłonki. Warriors’ weapons also included bone daggers and local groups (villages) living in settlements. Initially, there wooden bows from which arrows with bone arrowheads were were three to six trapezoid houses, each inhabited by a sin- shot (Grygiel 2008). gle family. The houses had one cellar pit in which grain was In the late phase of Brześć Kujawski culture there are stored. The deceased were buried in the immediate vicinity traces of disasters visible at the central settlements, includof the house, in the yards surrounding them (within the area ing numerous ires, mass graves, and injuries recorded on of the homestead) (Fig. 11; Grygiel 2008). the skeletons. These events may have been the result of an Central settlements formed during the classic phase, internal conlict (Grygiel 2008). for example, in Brześć Kujawski, site 4 and Osłonki, site 1. Very In Osłonki the decision was immediately made to build richly equipped burials appeared within them. The amount a defence system composed of a moat and a palisade, with of copper products deposited there is one of the highest in only a single entrance point. During this period, the import of Polish lands. At the same time a custom began of interring copper, calcite, and lint raw materials from the south stopped the deceased with their heads oriented to the south. Just completely. A new funeral rite appeared. Generally, graves as in the early phase, the dead were buried next to homes. were no longer equipped with grave goods. The bodies of Graves formed groups counting between two and nine fea- the dead were laid in various sunken features which pretures (Grygiel 2008). viously had been used economically. The deceased were The production of prestigious items of shell, antler/horn, not interred in a lexed position on the side. The habit of imported copper and calcite was concentrated at the central gender-diferentiation disappeared. The manufacture and settlements (Grygiel 2008). Specialists were involved in the deposition of almost all previously known prestigious items production of these high-status objects, which indicates the were abandoned. The irst animal burials appeared. All this development of diferentiated social roles among the inhab- testiies to profound change taking place within the socio-culitants of the central settlements. Prestigious items had an tural sphere, consisting of secondary egalitarianization and almost exclusively symbolic meaning and practically without the decline of the network of microregional dependencies exception they were deposited in graves at the time of the previously connecting communities living in central settledeath of those to whom they belonged. ments (Grygiel 2008). The dead were also buried at satellite settlements, though usually without grave goods. This emphasizes the Śląsk belonging of the dead buried in lavishly equipped graves to the local elites, who would dwell only in central settlements, There is little one can say about the social structure of Jorwhile the residents of satellite settlements belonged to a group danów culture. There is no adequate analysis either in Śląsk of people with lower social status (Grygiel 2008). itself (e.g., Czarniak 2012) or in the neighbouring Bohemia (cf. Neustupný 2008b). 94 15. Models of cultural change Western Poland Stroke-Ornamented Pottery culture developed in the environment of Linear Pottery culture. The process of one culture’s transformation into another can be observed in pottery stylistics. Spherical bowls decorated with incised bands and lines slowly started to change their appearance towards a pear-like shape. Šárecký style of ornamentation began to gain the advantage. Originally this was developed in Bohemia, but it quickly spread also to Śląsk, western Poland, and the middle Elbe river basin. It consisted in creating rows of points impressed with various types of stamps. These impressions were placed along the incised lines or on these lines. New forms of pottery vessels derived from the old ones. The same is visible in the case of ornamentation motifs. However, decoration technique – impression instead of incision – was a complete novelty (Fig. 18). Gradually the rules for preparing the clay body were subjected to changes. More and more ine-grained sand was added to the clay body as temper (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 2006). The lint production resigned from the use of raw materials imported from the upper Vistula river. Flintknapping began to depend completely on local erratic Baltic lint. In addition to the continuation of the inhabitation of already settled loess areas a tendency to expand into areas with less plenteous soils, including even sandy soils, emerged. Traces of Stroke-Ornamented Pottery culture can be found even in swamps and river overlow areas. At the same time, in the loess zone, an inclination is recorded to settle in slightly higher up zones of terrain, quite far from river valley bottoms. Settlements mostly consisted of a single homestead, in contrast to Linear Pottery culture, in which quite large settlements were common. Post-frame houses were still rather large, but now they had a trapezoid plan, unlike the earlier constructions with a rectangular one. With time, the number of inner rows of posts supporting the roof decreased from three to one. Clay The Past Societies 2: 5500 – 2000 bc Fig. 18. Vessels of Stroke-Ornamented Pottery culture from grave 1 at Sikorowo, site 29 (Rzepecki et al. 2016) loors appeared. Clay for wall construction was obtained from clay extraction pits situated in the vicinity of the north wall of a house. At the same time, clay extraction from pits running along the longer walls of the house was given up. The role of hunting wild animals as a part of primary subsistence strategies increased. It is worth recalling that in the earlier period hunting was almost completely unrecorded (Marciniak 2005). There was a tendency toward a self-suicient economy. However, obtaining various kinds of stone proves that distant contacts with diferent communities, including ones outside the milieux of Stroke-Ornamented Pottery culture, were maintained (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 2006). 95 Chapter 2 The Danubian world and the dawn of the metal ages The emergence of Jordanów culture in the Wrocław Plain initiated the Copper Age in Śląsk. Most researchers believe that this was an outcome of strong impulses (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 1979), inluences (Kozłowski 1989), or even migrations of groups of people from the south (Czarniak 2012). It is supposed that they have their origins in the areas of the Tisza river basin, where cultures of the Polgár cultural circle were developing (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 1979; Kozłowski 1989; Czarniak 2012), Pannonia with its Balaton-Lasinja culture (Kozłowski 1989), or the upper Danube basin (Grygiel 2008; Czarniak 2012). The multiplicity and various directions of external inluences may indicate how complicated were the processes forming the beginnings of the Copper Age in Śląsk. The lack of local stylistic roots of the pottery of Jordanów culture does not necessarily prove an inlow of a new population into Lower Śląsk. The forms of larger vessels, primarily of jugs and amphora, have correlations in the Balaton-Lasinja culture, while some ornamentation motifs and techniques seem to refer to the Polgár milieux, especially to the Tiszaug group. In terms of the raw materials and form, the majority of the copper products its into late-Lengyel metallurgy of the Stollhof type. At the same time, the relatively scarce shaft-hole axes recall those from the Carpathian Basin and Transylvania. Śląsk is a good example of the co-existence in one region of cultures of a late-Neolithic nature (Ocice group in Upper Śląsk and Góra group in north-western part of Lower Śląsk) with fully established Eneolithic culture boasting a developed copper metallurgy, i.e., Jordanów culture (cf. Kozłowski 1989). settlements with stroke-ornamented pottery indicates that the process of re-population involved small groups of people, probably composed of two or three families (Grygiel 2008). These groups reached Kujawy via Wielkopolska from the south-west (Śląsk) and from the west (from the area of Saale and Elbe in central Germany). In that region lived the communities of the IV phase of Stroke-Ornamented Pottery culture and contemporaneous phase of the Rössen culture. At that time, they were subject to quite strong inluences of the Lengyel culture. These small groups of migrants brought with them a material culture with characteristics from these three cultural groups: stroke-ornamented + Rössen + Lengyel. The best proof of this is seen in the complexes from site 1 in Gustorzyn and sites 4 and 4a in Miechowice (Grygiel 2008). Shortly after the irst wave of immigration subsequent settlers came whose presence manifests itself by the Góra group style. Hence, the process of the genesis of the Brześć Kujawski group was autochthonous and based on a gradual fusion of the late elements of Linear Pottery culture with younger elements of the Góra group joining them later (Grygiel 2008). In the irst phase of the Brześć Kujawski group all of its basic features had developed – pottery, forms of tools, and ornaments. In the beginnings raw lint materials were still imported (Jurassic and chocolate lints). This was later completely abandoned and lint production became dependent on local Baltic lint (Grygiel 2008). The most important element determining the integrity and distinctiveness of the Brześć Kujawski group was its socio-economic organization, founded on the idea of a settlement consisting of solid trapezoid houses. Their concept Kujawy came from the Stroke-Ornamented-Rössen environment, where one can trace their full evolution. The manner in which Kujawy was colonized by the population The original, local invention was the homestead (house of the younger Danubian cultures is not as unambiguous as with a yard), where the dead were buried (Fig. 11). The abovein the case of Śląsk. We can refer to at least two diferent mentioned import of copper products from the south-western models describing this process. groups of Lengyel culture – through Jordanów culture – adds In light of the reconstruction made by Ryszard Grygiel, to the particular image of the Brześć Kujawski group (Grygiel the population of the Brześć Kujawski group appeared in the 2008). region of Brześć Kujawski and Osłonki as a subsequent wave As perceived by Lech Czerniak (1994), the colonizaof settlers in the middle of the 5th millennium BC. Their choice tion of Kujawy was extended in time and took place mainly to inhabit the same sites that had previously been populated in the period of Linear Pottery culture. It was completed as by the people of Linear Pottery culture gives evidences of the late as at the beginning of the late Linear Pottery culture. It is continuation of the same economic patterns by the settlers not possible to speak of a settlement hiatus between those of the Brześć Kujawski group. The irst farmers had left the cultures. The speciic cultural feature of Kujawy in the form area in the aftermath of a sudden drying of the climate in the of the Brześć Kujawski group (late Linear Pottery culture in irst half of the 5th millennium BC. The nature of the oldest phases II and III) was shaped in a continuous and long process. 96 15. Models of cultural change Reorganization and change in relations between various cul- development are recorded. An area once “infected” with intural centres was of crucial importance. The dominant place habitation, on which in most cases only one house was built, of the ailiations with Małopolska during the Linear Pottery was later usually discarded forever. A site which had never culture in the later stage was taken over by the connections before been inhabited was sought for the erection of a new with Śląsk and with central Germany, where the western house. Instead of the pioneer colonization of pristine land post-Linear Stroke-Ornamented-Rössen complex dominated hundreds of kilometres away from the point of departure, now (Czerniak 1994). the habit of colonization of spots located within sight range Most likely as a result of internal social conlicts taking became standard practice. Changes in settlement structures place in the cusp of the classic and late phases, the com- and the narrowing of horizons had to be accompanied by munities of Brześć Kujawski culture underwent very serious signiicant social change. Symptoms of similar changes are transformation. This is perceptible in many aspects of the ma- observed in the Rhineland, in south-western Slovakia, and in terial culture and funeral rite. The central settlements became the vicinity of Rzeszów (Kadrow 2005). Initially an entire village acted as the main economic, fortiied at that time. Gender-diferentiated rules for burial rite vanished. Animal burials appeared. A process of change of social, and cultural unit and the main decision-making centre, pottery forms and technology began, and its capstone was whereas at the cusp of the 6th and 5th millennia BC that role the emergence of the earliest phases of Globular Amphora was taken over by the inhabitants of individual houses. They, culture (Czerniak 1994; Grygiel 2008). on their own, established contacts – sometimes even with very distant communities (e.g., from eastern Slovakia, the Tisza Małopolska river basin, Transcarpathian Ruthenia and even from Transylvania and Volhynia), and began to bring in various types of There is a dispute on the continuity of the settlement between lint and obsidian supplementing local resources. Previously, late Linear Pottery culture and the early Samborzec-Opatów Jurassic lint dominated. Also, the forms and ornamentation phase of the Lengyel-Polgár cycle. It remains an open question of pottery typical of the cultures from the Carpathian Basin whether these were merely stylistic transformations of pottery, were willingly replicated (Kadrow 2005). or if the possibility of a settlement hiatus should be taken into The changes observed in the material culture were account, one followed by a wave of new migrations from the the outcome of a loosening and reorientation of existing Transcarpathian region and from the west to particular loess contacts that afected the people of Linear Pottery culture areas of western Małopolska and the Sandomierz-Opatów Upland. The continuity of the settlement between these cultural entities is conirmed by observations on the left bank of the Vistula river – namely, at terraces sites in Kraków-Nowa Huta (Godłowska 1976; Kruk 1980). Cultural change in Małopolska at the cusp of Linear Pottery culture and Malice culture, as well as the related Samborzec-Opatów group, can be perceived either as the result of a new wave of migration from the south or as the outcome of complex autochthonous processes of a socio-cultural nature. The latter approach does not deny various migratory movements, but they are not considered to be the main causative factor of cultural change. Towards the end of the development of Linear Pottery culture in Małopolska the place of compact settlements with deined boundaries was taken over by vast areas in which one can observe the efects of wasteful, extensive management of the inhabited space. Within large areas the outlines Fig. 19. Vessel of Stroke-Ornamented Pottery culture from of houses from one, two, sometimes even three phases of Targowisko, site 12 (after Czerniak et al. 2007) The Past Societies 2: 5500 – 2000 bc 97 Chapter 2 The Danubian world and the dawn of the metal ages at the decline of its existence, and of replacing south-westIn the discussion of the origins of the Chalcolithic period ern Slovakia as a speciic template and nursery of all ideas in Małopolska one thing seems certain. This is the aboveby a multi-directional model for interactions. The essential mentioned borrowing by the population of Lublin-Volhynian designs for pottery production were now derived not from culture of the pottery decoration techniques implementing today’s Slovakia, but from Bohemia and Śląsk (Fig. 19). These white paint (Fig. 20). The intensiication of such ornamentation were supplemented with ideas borrowed from the Carpathian took place in settlement clusters of this culture in the middle Basin. The pear-shaped beaker became the most common Vistula river, especially in the loess areas around Sandomierz. form of vessel. Incised ornamentation was replaced by stroke Imports or imitations of vessels of the late Neolithic Csöszhaornamentation. The custom of erecting large houses gave lom-Oborìn group from the northern part of the Carpathian way to a fashion for distinctly smaller buildings, tailored to Basin are already encountered in the late classic phase of the human scale (Fig. 9; cf. also Kadrow 2005). Malice culture, for instance at site 12 in Targowisko. The In addition to construction, pottery and lintknapping pear-shaped beaker unearthed there of a form characteristic and the production of other components of material culture of local Malice culture was ornamented with red and white continued. This indicates that the population of the younger oil-based paint (Czerniak et al. 2007). Danubian cultures (in this case, of Malice culture), when conIn the late phase, there are obvious simultaneous borsidering demography, was a continuator of the population of rowings of shapes and ornamentation in pottery production Linear Pottery culture. The nature of the changes taking place from many directions. One encounters here beakers referring at that time resembles more a worldview “reformation”, the to Baalberg/Michelsberg forms, a cup of the form and ornasources of which should be sought rather more in the internally mentation relating to the Balaton-Lasinja culture, and rather conditioned changes in the perception of the world, than in numerous Bodrogkeresztúr elements. externally forced transformations (environmental, climatic, Foreign elements, which lent to the uniqueness of Lubpolitical, or economic). In Małopolska no discontinuity in the lin-Volhynian culture, appeared in it gradually and selectively inhabitation of a majority of the centres of settlement was from various cultural milieux. This contradicts to the notion of them being brought at once by a wave of migrants from registered (Kadrow 2005). The relative isolation from the new impulses coming to the areas north of the Carpathian Mountains in the beginnings of the Copper Age Cultural was a special feature of Lublin-Volhynian culture. Nevertheless, the involvement of Polgár or even Tripilian elements in its development is emphasized, and the possibility of an inlow of a larger group of immigrants from the Tisza river basin is not excluded (Kulczycka-Leciejewiczowa 1979). Sometimes it is added that the direct inluence (migration) from the eastern part of the Carpathian Basin began already towards the end of the Neolithic, which is supposedly evidenced by the continuation of the custom of decorating vessels with white oil-based paint (Kozłowski 1989). At the same time, the local origins of its genesis are pointed out by accentuating the resemblance of the pottery of the oldest phase of Lublin-Volhynian culture to the materials of the late (Rzeszów) phase of Malice culture (Kadrow, Zakościelna 2000). However, it is argued that the similarity of the pottery of both these cultures does not stem from their genetic dependence. They were rather the outcome of a fairly long period of coexistence of these cultures, especially in the area of Volhynia. Fig. 20. Vessel of Lublin-Volhynian culture from Złota, site Grodzisko II (after Kaczanowska 2006) 98 15. Models of cultural change a speciic area. Such a characteristic feature as the gender-difThe Złotniki-Wyciąże group – contemporaneous to the ferentiated funeral rite became a norm only in the classic late phase of Lublin-Volhynian culture – that developed within phase of Lublin-Volhynian culture, and the rule of interring a small area in the vicinity of Kraków, constitutes a separate dead outside settlements, i.e., in cemeteries separated from matter. It combined pottery (including “milk jugs”) of strongly the settlements – only in the late phase (Zakościelna 2010). Bodrogkeresztúr nature with metals having a distinctive The same is true when it comes to the copper metal- Stollhof character. lurgy. The irst, and at the time not numerous, metal artefacts These examples bespeak the dominant role of austarted to low into Małopolska as late as in the classic phase. tochthonous cultural entities in the genesis of Lublin-VolhyHowever, the vast majority of them is correlated with the late nian culture. The process whereby this culture formed was phase. They were then mostly from the Tisza river basin as, accompanied by selective adaptation and the incorporation for example, copper shaft-hole axes. However, imports from of elements from diferent cultures, and this determined the the Lengyel cultural circle are also known, for instance, in uniqueness of Lublin-Volhynian culture. During the older period of Lublin-Volhynian culture’s the form of double spiral pendants (Fig. 13) typical of the presence in Volhynia and Rzeszów-Przemyśl’s loess region, inventories of the Stollhof type. The trough-like retouch, which was very distinctive for the Malice culture was still developing in its late (Rzeszów) Lublin-Volhynian culture, and which formed the lateral edges of phase. Moreover, in western Małopolska the population of the many retouched blades (Fig. 12), was borrowed from Tripolye Modlnica group of Lengyel culture existed. The population of culture (Zakościelna 1996). both cultures neither used nor produced copper items, but rather maintained, generally speaking, a Neolithic nature. The Past Societies 2: 5500 – 2000 bc 99 Chapter 2 The Danubian world and the dawn of the metal ages 16. Final remarks The three Eneolithic centres in Poland (Brześć Kujawski, Jor- culture (Nowak 2009). No evidence was registered there of danów, and Lublin-Volhynian – cf. Fig. 5) existing within the either exploiting yoked draft animals in cultivation or using younger Danubian cultures are distant echoes of the main animals’ pulling power otherwise. These advantages appear east-Balkan line of the development of the new era, which in Polish lands not until the advent of Funnel Beaker culture. lourished in the second half of the 5th millennium BC in its The population of Brześć Kujawski culture lived in long two secondary centres: Polgár (on which the metallurgy in trapezoid houses, which were a legacy of the Neolithic, and Lublin-Volhynian culture was dependent on) and late Lengyel buried their dead within settlements, close to their houses. (inspiring the use of copper in the Jordanów and Brześć These habits and practices signiicantly distinguish the comKujawski cultures). munities inhabiting Kujawy from those of Lublin-Volhynian The main element connecting these centres is the use and Jordanów cultures. Although in their case we do not of copper items primarily for symbolic purposes. They em- know the forms of housing construction, it seems certain that phasized the aspirations of certain members of a community these could not have been structures similar to those used to achieve or maintain a particular social status. For men, this in Brześć Kujawski culture. In Małopolska, towards the end was foremost the status of warrior (weapons). For women, it of the existence of the younger Danubian cultural complex, was likely to indicate their marriage bonds with the warriors the rule of interring the deceased at cemeteries separated (e.g., wives), or being in a kinship relation with them (e.g., from the settlements was consistently respected. daughters), expressed by owning and wearing ornaments. Communities of Lublin-Volhynian culture continued The symbolic signiicance of copper products among the to create anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figural art communities of the early stage of the Copper Age in Poland (Zakościelna 2002) that was present in the Neolithic periis also attested by frequent deposition of them in graves, or, od in Małopolska (Kaczanowska 2002) and was especially signiicantly less frequent, in hoards. characteristic of the cultures with painted pottery in central There is no conclusive evidence of the presence of and south-eastern Europe (Hansen 2007). However, such everyday tools made of metal among these communities. art was found neither in Brześć Kujawski culture nor in the Hence, they could not inluence the improvement of the Jordanów culture complexes. eiciency of economic activities in agriculture, husbandry, These examples demonstrate signiicant diferences in or in various types of production and the acquisition of raw the social organization and beliefs of the population of these materials. three regional centres of the early Eneolithic in Polish lands. In the detailedly analyzed inventories from the central They also show that the condition for the adaptation or prosettlements of Brześć Kujawski culture there are no grounds duction of copper items was not necessarily an outcome of for an unambiguous claim that a set of technological and uniication in the ields of: economy, the rules of land settling, organizational innovations known as the secondary products social organization, and beliefs. 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