Published in:
Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift für Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte
DVjs 89.Jg., 4 (2015), 630-636.
A Statement on German studies and the Humanities.
Anil Bhatti (New Delhi)
I
As in other countries the situation of the humanities in India is
characterized by contradictions which stem from the general politicaleconomic direction of national neo-liberal policy making. In the field
of education this means that privatization is actively encouraged by
the government at all levels and there is a general shift in the
weightage of state financing for education accompanied by an
abdication of the state from crucial social sectors such as health,
education and other public services. Instead of a comprehensive policy
of development in all sectors of society, policy making under
globalization leads to the instrumentalisation of the educational sphere
which in turn favors the unidimensional investment in programs
which are geared to the interests of the job market. There is an intense
commodification of education.
This commodification affects both students and teachers and it thus
has a dual character. As many observers have pointed out, students
have now increasingly to become primarily a subject for the job
market and they have to be ready to pay a high fee for corporate
market oriented courses. Scholarships do not keep pace with the
increase in expenditure for a comprehensive education. The other
aspect of commodification concerns teachers. Increasingly they are
being relegated to contract appointments with fewer chances of
getting permanent positions. The teaching profession becomes part of
the precariat.
Further, the long term effect of the commoditization of education
concerns the social character of the university. It is no longer a place
where critical thought can develop and social commitment nurtured.
The crucial criterion becomes the ability to exercise command over
money. Commodification means that education is primarily seen in
terms of its exchange value and utility within a market economy and
only after that there may be space and time for developing critical
social perspectives.
The processes of restructuring universities and making them function
like corporate entities involving increased bureaucratization is part of
the current scenario. However, the bureaucratic dream of a
technocratically controlled sector of education which functions on
principle of supply and demand and which is completely controlled
founders on the inner contradictions of the situation. The university
itself can generate the intellectual opposition to the system of control.
Further, the state has a vast administrative apparatus which needs
bureaucrats who are selected on the basis of an examination system in
which the curricula include the social sciences and the humanities.
The social sciences and humanities thus continue to have a secure
structural place in the educational system so that the real struggle is
over the contents and methods of these social sciences. This then
becomes the contested terrain of ideology where there is a concerted
effort to change curricula, teaching programs, scholarly choices to suit
the ideological preferences of the current political dispensation.
This also applies to the field of foreign language teaching and the
place of culture studies. Though English has become an Indian
language and has become a part of the multilingual world of India it
has been repeatedly emphasized that exclusive dependence on it is not
enough in an increasingly interconnected world where there are many
windows to other traditions and cultures. This also secures the
structural position of studies in foreign languages and cultures where
again the struggle is between the exclusive emphasis on market
oriented teaching and seemingly unnecessary emphasis on the
emancipatory potential of literary and culture studies. The utilitarian
study of foreign languages (DAF for instance) does not have to justify
itself. Theory, literature and culture studies need to constantly find
some legitimation.
We must thus note that the state in India today does not marginalize
the humanities as such. Rather, it attempts to forcefully transform
them functionally. Market orientation is emphasized and
simultaneously the there is an attempt to refashion them along the
ideological lines of what may be termed a form of right wing
homogenized Hinduism –“Hindutva” – which is at variance with the
loose unstructured nature of traditional varieties of Hinduism.
‘Hindutva’is a homogenized version of Hinduism which is used to
connote an essential form of Indianness (corresponding to Englishness
or Deutschtum) which functions as a kind of Leitkultur for an
intensely diverse, multireligious, plurilingual society.
This involves large scale interference in the governance of educational
institutions. Some recent appointments of Heads of institutions and
research bodies crucially affect independent critical and artistic
engagement on issues faced by the country which leads to resisting
governmental interference in academics and governance. There is a
national protest against this and calls have been given to protect
academic endeavour and the universal principles of freedom of
thought, expression and the right to dissent.
II
Education in general and the Humanities in particular are therefore a
contested terrain where state control and surveillance are in conflict
with a critical humanistic perspective. This is in effect an ideological
struggle between a secular world view which defends open, syncretic
life worlds based on commonalities against closed, homogenized
worlds. The process of homogenization of complex societies like India
leads to the creation of parallel multicultural universes which exist
next to each other like monads which can interact but not intersect and
transform themselves through metamorphosis.
This should be seen in the context of a basic struggle between the
contradictory processes of homogeneity and heterogeneity in India.
The defence of heterogeneity is characterised by an acceptance of
pluricultural, plurilingual, translational, overlapping orders of
similarities which look upon complex cultures as palimpsests and thus
differ from models of homogeneity which are based on the drive
towards a singular cultural identity. In metaphorical terms, the
multicultural society is a mosaic with distinct parts in a frame,
whereas the pluricultural society is a woven fabric or a web
characterized by interwoven, inseparable strands. Seoarating the
strands will lead to tearing and destroying the weave.
Comparative thought based on non-hierarchical thinking in
similarities emphasizes relational thinking, entangled histories and the
connectedness and overlaps across cultural borders. In contrast,
programs which search for authenticity are based on the obsession
with purity and origins. This leads to the desire for erasure historical
accrual of memory and the overwriting given by cultural palimpsest.
As against this, a pluricultural perspective is based on the
development of the critical relationship to the past in order to find,
rehabilitate, critically inherit and appropriate cultural heritages,
combining past and present, establishing links and out of the plenitude
of the world deriving that critical assemblage which will enable us to
shape a better world. This is based on mingling, mixing, emphasizing
affiliations, alliances and similarities in the complex search for a
possible united front of aesthetics against the rise of authoritarian
regimes.
In this sense pluricultural and heterogeneous societies can be viewed
as complex webs and palimpsests of overlapping similarities.
Similarity (Ähnlichkeit) with diversity would then be the goal of the
historical process based on a Universalist humanist perspective. It is
based on solidarity which ignores particularistic bonding in order to
project a pluricultural society of communication characterized by
fuzzy borders and transcended boundaries. We could indeed see the
signature of the pluricultural form of life in the affirmation of
similarity in diversity as against the absolutisation through
homogenization. In effect the ideological struggle over the humanities
in our contemporary neo-liberal societies attempts to prevent the
development of this kind of pluricultural perspective in order to
establish a unidimensional market oriented program.
III
Another crucial aspect of diversity concerns language. India’s
linguistic diversity and complexity remains as part of a general fuzzy
cultural, social and religious practice resisting the homogenization of
classificatory order. A substantial part of India’s ‘communities’ are
bilingual and many are plurilingual. The type of functioning
performative plurilingualism in India, for instance, with the
simultaneous presence of many languages in the immediate life world
is difficult to define and a behaviorist model of ‘code switching’
would hardly help in comprehending it. There is no mechanical switch
which is turned on and off in plurilingual situations. There are more
helpful metaphors. Many languages co-exist and merge, float, glide
into each other. They are part of a repertoire which one can draw upon
depending on the situation. And, as in all repertoires the relative
competence in each component can vary and again, depending on the
requirement and circumstances, it can be refined and improved upon.
There can also be an element of play in this. Perhaps one could use a
musical metaphor to comprehend plurilingualism. The ability to deal
with musical material allows a musician to play freely. S/he can
improvise, create variations, change styles and tonalities. Linguistic
diversity is something similar. It allows one to function with a
language repertoire in an environment where the purity of
essentialised language is not privileged. All attempts to sabotage
plurilingual situations (movements for linguistic purification) wish to
establish homogenized languages which can negotiate between the
‘own’ language and ‘foreign’ languages. The relationship between
languages in a plurilingual repertoire is not the relationship between a
so called mother tongue and foreign languages. The various languages
are just different.
This has by now become obvious. German or French can be foreign
languages in India, but in a polyglot city like Delhi the relationship
between the Indian languages Hindi, Urdu, English, Punjabi, Tamil,
Malayalam, Bengali and so on is not that between separate foreign
languages. This plurilingual landscape is a historical consequence in
India and is related to the shared history of colonialism. In Europe the
historical model, which could have been compared to India, namely
the Habsburg Monarchy, lost out against the romantic model which
preferred the unity of language, Volk and nation. Recovery of the
hidden traditions of polyglossia in Europe (especially in Central
Europe and the former parts of the Habsburg Monarchy) is part of the
comparative study across borders and boundaries in culture studies.
IV
How does this affect the humanities in general and our perspectives in
German Studies in particular? The renewal of German Studies in India
is based on interdisciplinary perspectives through which new
disciplinary affiliations are established.
The significant point is that there was little need in a pluricultural
country like India to be dominated by the western paradigm of
monolingual national philology. A purely National philology long ago
lost much of its legitimation as a result of being placed in contexts of
globalization, migration, performative plurilingualism and
pluriculturalism.
But, it is not surprising that our various streams of philology suffered
from an inability to be naturally comparatist and plurilingual. There is
little support within the disciplines for crossing borders and
boundaries. The European nation state survives as an analytic category
in foreign language departments for transparently selfish reasons.
Scholarships and fellowships are channeled by nationalist agencies.
A critical comparative literature which overcomes its origins in
nationalist and colonial approaches becomes possible only
through greater contact with other philological disciplines and the
social sciences and also an openness towards precisely those new
technologies (including to Digital media) which were seen as threats
to passive Bildung and which we know are now the source of
revolutionary change, aesthetic innovations and the transformations in
the public spheres (Öffentlichkeit).
The overall contradictions in the world have also led to a reorientation
in the methodological perspectives of philology. The humanities have
to rethink their function in society and they have to find ways of
changing their roles. Instead of being suppliers to the system they
have to find new ways of providing the critical base for interventions
out of the discipline itself.
A critical program of German Studies has the potential to become
almost naturally an inseparable part of the defense of humanities
against the technocratic attack on critical humanities. The theoretical
discussion in this field has opened up new comparative spaces
between India and Europe in which the aporia of enlightenment and
the German philosophical tradition from Kant and Hegel via Marx and
thinkers like Ernst Bloch to the Frankfurt School are involved. This
constitutes the invaluable dimension of what, appropriating a term
from Bourdieu, we could call the symbolic capital of the German and
Central European traditions.
A few examples may illustrate this. In a seminar on Schillers „Briefe
über die ästhetische Erziehung des Menschengeschlechts“ organized
by the Goethe Society of India a situational relevance could be
established between German and Indian perspectives on the
marginalization of the humanities. Based on the demand that we have
to „reinvent” liberal education in order to challenge the state
supported drive towards the commodification of education the
opposition to the results of globalization can be articulated as
resistance which captures the unease over the results of globalization.
Scholars from other disciplines formulated this as the need to develop
an aesthetics of resistance along the lines of the perspective opened up
by Peter Weiss in his novel Die Ästhetik des Widerstands.
New juxtapositions and configurations emerge out of comparative
constellations. We remember that the significance of Goethe’s Westöstlicher Divan lies in the attempt to establish connections between
Europe and the Orient at a time when colonialism was blocking these
connections by erecting essentialised boundaries and borders. The
Divan is a radical piece of work, created in an age in which
colonialism constructed differences and borders.
Reading the Divan in this way becomes important. It marks the
beginning of the possibility to take seriously a form of literature that
brings aesthetic production across borders and speaks about this
movement aesthetically. This has been a perspective of migration
literature everywhere, not only in Europe, also in India and other parts
of the world — everywhere, where there were writers with a
corresponding background, they tried to express and order their topics
through the figure of migration, contributing thus to the emergence of
'world literature', which Goethe, among others, introduced as an idea.
Goethe’s concept of World literature as a vison bases itself on
solidarity directed against the order of colonialism and it is not
surprising that Marx and Engels could imagine a development where
world literature would arise out of the increasing interconnectedness
of the world.
World Literature, it must be emphasized, never meant a collection of
‘great books’. The idea refers to the emergence of a new quality of
literary production which is liberated from national bondage. It
challenges the assumed inevitability of the fusion of language, myth,
territory in a nationalist configuration and thus makes us see the
possibility of a utopian universal emancipation. This makes it possible
to read past literatures against the grain, realize the force of translation
and grasp the inherent interconnectedness wholeness of the creative
enterprise of literary and artistic production. This also makes it
possible to resist the fundamentalist drive towards rewriting history to
suit ideological purposes.
The dialectical understanding of colonialism is again a possibility
through which critiques of orientalism can be developed and
Universalist positions can be formulated. Colonialism created borders
and boundaries and functioned through essentialism. However the
process of colonialism also uncovered overlapping lines of
communication and contact which pointed to the new networks of
world history.
V
These preliminary remarks belong to the general debate on the
necessity of breaking out of the nationalist paradigm in order to seek
fluid overlapping possibilities of new affiliations for relevant critical
reflections in the humanities. We remember that job oriented programs
require no legitimation or justification. But critical positions in the
humanities have to achieve a legitimacy through such arguments in an
atmosphere of technocratic dominance. The surprising topicality of the
perspective on world literature as a process, or the chord which is
struck by a discussion on questions of aesthetic education reinforces
the insight that economic and technological rationality does not
exhaust the potential of the human imagination. This is the source of a
critical utopian perspective.
Critical studies in the humanities then means thinking in analogies,
comparison, seeking affiliations, commonalities and looking upon
cultures as interwoven, shared, ‘entangled’. This also means that we
attempt to recover a political-ethical dimension in our argument
against the reduction of the meaning of a university to a technocratic
structure which exhausts its function by training programs serving the
interests of an anonymous market and leaving out the extraordinary
adventure of exploring ideas and visions.