DocumentAry: trAumA AnD
An ethics of Knowing
mArtin LucAs
interplay, one where an accepted historical
narrative itself potentially resides in denial.
Examining the role of archival images as
another pillar of documentary storytelling
suggests that rather than buttressing the
legitimation of witness testimony, archival
material holding an ethical demand for the
maker to explore the cracks and crevices revealed in the facade of historical narratives
to prod out points hidden by mutal denial
and sheltered pain.
AbstrAct
This essay re-evaluates the ethics of
subject relations in documentary ilm in
the context of ilms dealing with traumatic
memory and disaster. Using a mix of personal insights developed in the context of
making a ilm about the atomic bombings
of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and an examination of notions of representation in the
literature of documentary ilm studies,
trauma studies and social science, the essay
suggests that the case of disaster testimony
and its witnesses, the keystone location of
the witness to the disaster in the story arc
is a position that needs to be re-examined.
From a narrative angle, the disaster story
is a representational limit situation, where
meaning and language break down. From a
social point of view the notion of the “use”
of testimony as part of a narrative raises
complex ethical questions as witnesses are
deployed in ilm and literature. Looking
at recent work in anthropology and trauma studies, I document how survivors of
traumatic situations have tried to acquire
agency in relation to their own stories and
their use. The paper notes that such stories are now part of a growing set of discourses in juridical contexts (reparations)
and political ones (truth and reconciliation
commissions) and looks at how problems
of social and personal trauma elide in the
construction of larger narratives. It suggests that the urgencies of such contexts
are themselves implicated in a traumatized
Volume 36, Nos. 2 & 3
In this paper, I seek to extend a discussion
of documentary ilmmaking that involves
the ethics of subject relations and of historical representation to incorporate the idea
of an “ethics of knowing,” an ethical duty
to the construction of knowledge and structures of feeling in relation to personal and
collective traumas that lie at the heart of
historical memory.
My quest and the impetus for my research derive from the making of a personal, essay-style documentary, Hiroshima
Bound (2015), which attempts to unpack
America’s collective memory of the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in
1945. The pillars of historical documentary,
particularly the histories of war and mass
death, are a triad that includes the archival
image, survivor testimony and the return to
the site of the disaster. How can these elements be used ethically? Rather than being
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gitimacy of the point of view set out, particularly in an era where there is great value
placed on the authority imbued by the accretion of individual experience in the form
of “history-from-below.” Following this,
the subjects’ description of events and their
eyewitness accounts have an immediacy as
well. The events are past, but the witness
is now, bearing the unavoidable weight of
the present moment. Add to this the emotional and dramatic weight of accounts of
witnessing terrible events. Many historical
documentaries will weave a tapestry of
larger events out of such stories. One typical approach to “historical documentary”
intertwines sections of interviews with archival material in a way that embeds the
historical in personal accounts. Although
the ilmmaker can question the accounts of
witnesses and even counter them, a common approach is to buttress a story, and
hence authenticate an account of history.
In Crafting Truth, Spence and Navarro look
carefully at the way diferent elements of
evidence, including archival material and
testimony, are presented in documentary
and suggest that, while there are ilms—
such as Su Friedrich’s The Ties that Bind—
that “presume that history can contain
irreconcilable perspectives . . . Given the
choice between presenting straightforward
testimonies and questioning their motivations on the screen, most ilmmakers would
probably opt for the former” (45).
As a storyteller, the idea of ilming
survivors of the atomic bomb, speciically
ilming them speaking about their memories and experiences, is part of a tradition
that goes back to John Hersey’s original
article in the New Yorker, the irst generally
available account of the experiences of survivors of the atomic bombing, later published as Hiroshima (1946), which wove the
stories of half-a-dozen Hiroshima citizens
into a searing account of the speciicity and
long-lasting nature of the sufering that
accompanied the irst use of a radioactive
weapon. This text was key in undercutting
the discourse that emerged from oicial
and mainstream media sources, a mix of
deployed to mutually buttress a ixed idea
about history, can they help us to unpack
the traumatic heart of historical events?
And can that unpacking be done without
creating new traumas or victims?
A typical strategy for a ilm that focuses on a disaster such as this one is to make a
humanitarian appeal based on survivor testimony. We as viewers can empathize with
the horrible experience of the survivors in
a way that will remind us of the even more
terrible fate of those who did not survive.
The use of a strategy of survivor testimony ofers several advantages in raising
awareness of the horrors of war and crimes
against humanity. One is the authenticity
of witness accounts. The other is empathy,
the fellow feeling that is one of the desired
responses to a documentary ilm. But what
are the implications of deploying survivors
in a story when the story is one of disaster? As Maurice Blanchot suggests, “I call
disaster that which does not have the ultimate for a limit: it bears the ultimate away
in the disaster” (28). One could say that the
disaster destroys everything, including the
language necessary to talk about it.1 How,
then, should witnesses be treated? What is
our duty, as documentarians, to them and
their testimony, and to the way we use or
deploy them in our ilms? How can we be
true to an experience that is inexpressible
but demands to be told?
My irst experience with survivors
of Hiroshima and Nagasaki was with a
group organized under the name “Hibakusha Stories” who made it their business to
come to New York City to speak with students in middle and high schools. As soon
as I heard of them, I contacted the group
and arranged to ilm with them. Survivor
testimony is a pillar of documentary ilm,
used to bear much of the weight of storytelling, notably in documentaries with a
revisionist historical agenda, from Marcel
Ophuls’ The Sorrow and the Pity (1969) to
Claude Lanzmann’s Shoah (1985), because
it serves multiple purposes. On the one
hand, the subjects are witnesses, so their
mere presence ofers conirmation of the leVolume 36, Nos. 2 & 3
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soning from a Japanese mercury mine,
he states: “Eugene Smith in his Minamata
Project ofered more of a representation of
his compassion for mercury poisoned Japanese isher folk than one of their struggles
for retribution against the corporate polluter . . . the subjective aspect of liberal esthetics is compassion rather than collective
struggle” (864). He goes on to note a visual reference to the Pietà in Smith’s famous
shot of a isherwoman and her child.
Although this critique was articulated
in the context of documentary still photography, it is related to similar trends in moving image documentary. In his discussion,
Sekula singles out Barbara Kopple’s Harlan
County USA (1976) as a story that emerges
from “the ilmmaker’s partisan commitment to long-term work from within particular struggles” (877). This “within” position stands in contrast to the ideology
of the observational “ly-on-the-wall”
approach developed by Direct Cinema
documentarians in the 1960s that was
being challenged at the time. A prototypical example of a new approach to
subjects, and the ethics of subject relations, was the CBC program Challenge
for Change, (premiered in 1967), where
cameras, editing equipment and training were ofered to local groups (as
In Harlan County, USA (1976) ilmmaker Barin Bonnie Sher Klein’s 1969 VTR Stbara Kopple emphasizes the role of miners'
Jacques), and the subjects were extendfamilies in a union organizing efort based on
ed an invitation to be involved in the
a position “inside” the mining community.
editing process. This was a strong gesture ethically, but it leaves the question
of the role of the ilmmaker dangling.
In Kopple’s ilm, it is the miners’ famiducing empathy or compassion for victims
lies, particularly the wives, who are shown
was clearly indicted both in their art, in
to be integral to the struggle. These are
works such as Rosler’s The Bowery in Two
not just workers, but families struggling
Inadequate Descriptive Systems (1975) and
together against the coal companies, and
Sekula’s Aerospace Folktales (1973) and their
with each other within families as well.
writing, which testiied to the representaKopple’s approach can be understood only
tional failure of social-issue documentary
in the context of the then-evolving politics
photography that went back to the 1930s.
of second-wave feminism, and involve a
“How do we avoid a sort of aesthetimore complex contract—one that requires
cized political nostalgia viewing the work
her not only to do no harm, as Utilitarian
of the Thirties?” asks Sekula (864). In his
ethics suggest, but to portray this strugcritique of Eugene Smith’s famous 1975
gle, in this case for union representation
photos of the devastation caused by poicensorship and public relations spin that
relegated the discussion of the bomb to
geo-political and scientiic considerations,
at the expense of acknowledging the lingering human cost of using atomic weapons.
The strategy of luring an audience—
whether viewers, listeners or readers—by
ofering an empathetic relationship with
a suferer is as old as storytelling itself.
The relationship created is notably not an
equal one. Casting interview subjects as
“survivors” is very near to turning them
into victims. This approach to documentary subjects has been criticized since at
least the 1970s. While the critiques of artists
such as Martha Rosler and Alan Sekula focused more on documentary photography
than ilm-making, the inadequacy inherent
in documentary strategies that rely on in-
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. . . in our current understanding any
person anywhere can be expected to
sufer traumas of essentially the same
kind in the face of certain kinds of violence and deprivation. And because
of the universal qualities of trauma,
we as observers and witnesses are secure in our abilities to know it when
we see it and to feel empathy with
those who sufer it in “a sort of communion in trauma.” (454)
against a mining company determined to
thwart unionization, in a sympathetic and
thoughtful way that provides a complex
sense of the reality of their lives. Here, the
maker will represent the struggle and the
people involved in a knowing way—a way
that represents them as they might want to
represent themselves.
Readers may ind a relationship between this rethinking and the kind of paradigm shift famously described by Thomas Kuhn. This parallel is reinforced by the
description by Joel Robbins of a series of
paradigm shifts for anthropology exactly
in the area of the subject, where the object
of study moves from the Other to the Suffering Other, which he suggests occurred
in the 1990s. For Robbins, this shift solves
a kind of epistemological problem because
the suferer from trauma can be seen (unlike the members of a traditional or even
“primitive” society who constituted the
subjects of study for anthropologists historically) as a universal subject. The sufering
itself ofers a way past the conundrum of
the unknowability of the other, and more
crucially a route around the problem of
making claims about otherness that can be
interpreted as supporting exploitation or
domination of those so denominated:
It is fascinating to contemplate the complex links between this shift in social science and shifts in the artistic practice that
is documentary ilmmaking, but diicult to
characterize easily. I suggest elsewhere that
both are related to a larger group of practices, institutions and discourses that have
sprung up around the victims of trauma.
What diferentiates art from science here?
Clearly, science, even social science, can’t
live inside afect, or subjectivity. Anthropologists will look at the creation of groups
producing culture, and try to derive significance. For artists, the sense abides in the
work, whose very independence from both
the documentarian and the subject ofers
both freedom, and responsibility, (sort of
like responsibility for one’s children, both
total and useless).
More importantly for
this paper, the content of
science exists in relationship to its methodology,
that of art, in relation to
form. Documentary ilmmaking as an art will raise
aesthetic questions, questions of representation.
But how can we guarantee the validity of representation, even when
it comes from “inside” a
situation? One diiculty
is that as soon as the idea
of representation emerges
as an articulated political
Shigeko Sasemori relates her witness experience of the
goal, as it did in the 1970s,
bombing of Hiroshima to a small group of American stuit is a concept that inds itdents in Hiroshima Bound (2015).
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self in a bind, subjecting the represented to
a depressing imperative, one articulated at
the time by Isaac Julien and Kobena Mercer. For Julien and Mercer, it is a serious
problem that if you are Black you have to
speak to race, and if you are gay, you have
to speak to gender identity. In their essay
“De Margin and De Centre” (1988), they
quote a subject in Word Is Out (1978). The
ilm, which was trying to represent a broad
spectrum of gay and lesbian identities, ran
into a problem. He quotes one of the subjects:
lems (1935).2 In this way I hoped to position viewers slightly outside her historical
narrative and to motivate viewers to think
about her task, about why she has chosen
it. On a larger scale, I wished to encourage
viewers to think about a meta-narrative, as
well as about how history is transmitted,
or even constructed. On a formal level,
Shegeko’s discussions, in which gesture is
the only visual aid, also ofered a counter-proposition to the visual imagery most
often linked to the use of the atomic bomb
in World War II. On a personal level, I was
aiming to create the rhetorical efect of her
ofering herself, qua pro-ilmic event, as an
active witness, rather than a passive victim
or a stigmatized survivor per se.
As Leshu Torchin notes, groups of victims of war atrocities have a history of organizing and using media in campaigns of
global witnessing. These go back at least to
World War I and its aftermath, where Armenians organized a variety of campaigns
to have the crimes of the Ottoman Empire
acknowledged. Torchin details how the
campaign used a variety of sophisticated
media approaches that included political
cartoons, testimonial forums, the making
of a ilm, and more (21). This work is signiicant in that it deines the structures of a
developing discourse around human rights
and witnessing. While there are many players, including governments and NGOs, it is
important to identify the role of witnesses
in the creation of a public sphere—and, of
course, the role of documentarians who
both intervene in the public sphere on behalf of the discussion of social issues, and
create a set of relationships between themselves, the issues dealt with and the social
actors, beneiciaries, victims and perpetrators within a larger set of discussions.
One of the most useful areas of research for me while making my ilm about
Hiroshima was in the ield of trauma studies. Trauma studies emerged as an interdisciplinary ield in the 1990s in part in
response to poststructuralist critiques of
representation. As Guerin and Hallas note,
“Trauma studies have sought to redeem the
What I was trying to say when I
asked you if I would be the only
Black lesbian in the ilm is: do you
know we come in all shapes and colors and directions to our lives? Are
you capturing that on the ilm? As a
Black lesbian feminist involved in the
movement, so often people try to put
me in the position of speaking for all
Black lesbians. (455)
As framed here, the critique is one of tokenism; a gesture is made toward representing
all gay and lesbian people. The actual subject rejects her role as metonymy. In that
“all,” which is constructed from categories,
lies a failure to account usefully or accurately for real diferences.
But how to avoid the problem? I am
making a ilm about the collective memory
of the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. I need to ilm with a survivor. How
can I do this without situating that person
in my ilm as a victim of a bombing? Fitting individuals into the category of bomb
survivor is a complex, nuanced and historically dynamic activity. In my own ilm, I
started out—without thinking it through
very carefully—by addressing the problem
in terms of the actual context of discourse.
I ilmed a survivor, Shigeko Sasemori, who
has decided to spend her life speaking
with young Americans. Since I ilmed her
in situ, in a classroom with kids, she is not
speaking to my ilm’s audience directly in
the typical interview format, inaugurated
in Anstay and Elton’s classic Housing ProbVolume 36, Nos. 2 & 3
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idea of the developing discourse of reconciliation as a site of struggle. One researcher, Kimberly Theidon, while working with
women in Bolivia who sufered during
the Shining Path uprising and subsequent
counter-insurgency program under President Fujimori, noted key diiculties in the
construction of shared narratives on a community level.
Theidon (458) talks about what women
are asked to remember, and what men are
asked. While men typically remember speciic incidents, for example, of a massacre,
women more often recall and recount the
“rich narrative” of daily struggles for survival under conditions of repression and
social unrest. Theidon also notes that in the
context of truth commissions, notably in
South Africa and Guatemala, women’s narratives are “essentialized,” that is, reduced
from a broad experience of oppression, racism, injustice, sexism and more, to the fact
of rape (458).
Another key area is that of war reparations, where testimony is part of developing legal cases against governments or other major actors. Here, notes anthropologist
Yukiko Koga, even the body of the victim is
enlisted into a larger narrative structure, as
in the case of a group of Chinese victims of
Japanese poison gas:
category of the real by connecting to the
traumatic historical event, which presents
itself precisely as a representational limit,
and even a challenge to the imagination
itself” (2007). As detailed in the work of
scholars such as Lisa Yoneyama (1999), the
complexities of the use of survivors' stories,
often deployed by diferent groups including NGOs, political parties and governments for their own agendas, but also deining the survivors' own roles and helping
them create their own forms of storytelling,
ofer a useful way of seeing the developing politics of narratives of disaster at least
since the end of World War II.
Importantly for me, many of these narratives develop outside the space of ilm or
literature—for example, in the context of
peace forums, city memorial ceremonies,
UN events and more. One very signiicant
development in this regard is the creation
of Truth Commissions to indict or ofer alternative historical accounts of government
misdeeds, typically the extra-judicial incarceration, torture and murder of citizens.
Beginning with Argentina in 1983, Chile in
1990 and South Africa in 1995, these commissions have become important forums
for testimony in countries from Rwanda to
Sri Lanka. It is in the context of these sorts
of forums that a critique of what I might
call, following John Tagg, a “burden of representation” emerges. Tagg made a strong
case for the idea that representational practices, particularly documentary photography, are only comprehensible in terms
of the ideological stakes and the players
employing them. He suggests that the evidentiary aura of the photographic process
masks the power relations of image making
and the contexts that images are inserted
into. “This is not just something which goes
on around the images. The photographs are
not just a stake in but also a site of that struggle: the point where powers converge but
are also produced” (148).
While it may seem a leap to take a discussion of the image qua image to one of
testimony or survivor narrative, it is fruitful to look at the similarities in terms of the
Volume 36, Nos. 2 & 3
During a preparatory meeting for a
lawsuit against the Japanese government, Japanese lawyers urged Chinese survivors of the mustard gas
exposure in Qiqihar to display their
scarred bodies to illustrate their victim narratives.… In this process of
turning survivors into victims, their
injured bodies were transformed into
iconic bodies representing national sufering within the economy of
debt. (501)
This research suggested to me some of the
ways in which narrativization—the turning of human experience, particularly the
experience of sufering, into stories—carries with it real risks. The analogy is not
perfect between these other forums, par103
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Lifton’s Death in Life: Survivors of Hiroshima
made clear, one of the costs was a lifetime
of complex trauma and marginalization for
the tens of thousands of survivors. Nonetheless, their instrumental use as speaking subjects by anti-war and anti-nuclear
groups, by governments and others ofered
these survivors a route to examining their
situation collectively.
ticularly ones with a juridical bent, and
ilmmaking. But very often the testimony
of sufering in a documentary is part of the
creation of a counter-narrative to an oicial history.3 How, then, can we balance the
compelling need to ight injustice with the
very real possibility of reducing the subject
to an icon, a symbol of a crime, rather than
a human being for whom the heart of injustice is already characterized by the silencing of his or her story?
One important aspect of this question
is that it does not emerge in an abstract time
or space. As Yoneyama suggests, Hiroshima survivors themselves have rethought
their position and ofered new strategies
of storytelling. In my ilm, I turned my
camera on two women who had survived
the bombing of Hiroshima. One woman,
Shigeko Sasemori, mentioned above, was
at Ground Zero; her exposure to the ignorance and indiference of Americans after
the war led her to begin speaking with U.S.
schoolchildren regularly throughout her
life. Shigeko had made a choice at that time
to frame her life in terms of her experiences as a survivor of the bombing, dubbed
in Japanese hibakusha.4 In the case of these
survivors, Shigeko represents a shifting
dynamic: she is someone who tries to go
beyond essentialization to ofer a richer version of the lived reality of war. This
approach—speaking to groups of eight or
ten children at a time—also inserts itself
into a larger narrative of struggles around
the geopolitics of the meaning of historical
events. Following Tagg, one might say that
not only Shigeko embraces a status as witness rather than victim, but by taking on
the job she does, she makes the memory of
the bombing a place for the production of
meaning, rather than a void.
It is worth recalling that, in the postwar period, the role of being an atomic
bomb victim was complex. Like those at
the receiving end of many of the depredations of war, the hibakusha were creatures
of shame, shunned both for their exposure
to radioactivity and their role in reminding Japan of its abject defeat. As Robert J.
Volume 36, Nos. 2 & 3
The identity of the hibakusha as a
one-dimensional speaking subject
was constituted by prioritizing the
speaker’s ontological relationship to
the bomb of his or her numerous other social relationships and positions.
In contrast, the “testimonial practices” (shōgen katsudō) of the 1980s provided these survivors of Hiroshima
with the means with which to intervene in the institutional processes
that had usually interpellated them
singularly as hibakusha. (85)
Yoneyama notes that the groups of Hiroshima survivors that sprang up in the 1980s
reexamined the idea of being storytellers:
“They did so with a great deal of self-awareness about the act of telling the past.” She
goes on to detail their eforts to rescue their
experiences from “regimes of national and
legal-bureaucratic procedures . . . [and] . . . the
discursive paradigm of the peace and antinuclear movement” (86).
Yoneyama speaks about the new storytelling tactics that developed in the 1980s
among the hibakusha as part of a need to
generate what she calls “critical knowledge,” her term for “knowledge that works
to denaturalize the taken-for-granted realities of society and culture” (115). She links
this “critical knowledge” to Foucault’s
discussion of “subjugated knowledge.” In
Power/Knowledge, he had this to say: “By
subjugated knowledges I mean two things:
on the one hand I am referring to the historical contents that have been buried or
disguised in a functionalist coherence or
formal systematization.” He then goes on
to suggest that it is only “the immediate
emergence of historical contents that allow
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hard for me to look again and again,
you know, about the same thing. So I
just ask them to look at [the exhibition
about the atomic bombing] by themselves. [laughs]5
us to rediscover the ruptural efects of conlict or struggle that the systematization imposed . . . was designed to mask (81–82).
For me, tracking the history of the masking and unmasking, and their links to power
and the trauma associated with its “ruptural
efects,” ofer a route to rethinking subject
relations in documentary. Foucault’s “emergence of historical contents” suggests to me
both the discovery of new archival material,
or perhaps better put, the re-categorization,
or acceptance of new kinds of materials into
an archive, as well as the counter-propositions to the oicial history ofered by voices
such as those of the hibakusha. Here I would
borrow from Jefrey Skoller, who looks at
avant-garde strategies including multiple
temporalities and what he calls “side-shadowing” that reveal multiple perspectives
on, and ellipses in, conventional historical
narratives. For me it is important that the
voices of the hibakusha not be understood
as ofering the truth to oicial lies or cover-up, an efort that I would understand as
attempting to incorporate the subject into a
new totalizing narrative of my construction,
so much as changing our thinking about the
relationship between personal experience
and historical narrative.
This tension between, on the one hand,
a desire for a kind of “narrative autonomy”
on the part of the hibakusha, and, on the
other, the ilmmaker’s desire to construct a
story authenticated by witness was brought
home to me when I actually went to Hiroshima to ilm. I arranged to meet Ms. Yoshida, a
woman who had lived through the bombing
of Hiroshima, at Ground Zero. Ms. Yoshida
was the friend of a colleague’s mother and
had never before agreed to be in a ilm. As
I interviewed her, it was clear that she was
troubled, and I asked her whether this visit
to Ground Zero was something she did on
her own:
Ms. Yoshida was basically declining to play
the role of the hibakusha. Her very polite refusal forced me to re-examine my own goals
and strategies. What kind of experience,
what kind of knowledge was I seeking to
generate in my ilm? Is this just a situation
where the need to enlighten the general public about the horrible efects of the bombing
outweigh the qualms of individuals? Or, is
there an ethical necessity to support the subject’s autonomy and a duty to avoid re-traumatizing her that can outweigh these larger
goals? And in what ways do these duties
difer from the classic documentarian’s social and political duty of “giving voice to the
voiceless?”
In making Shoah (1985), Claude Lanzmann famously testiied that he felt that a
determined approach to eliciting victim
memories was key to fulilling the innate
goals of the documentary work. There are
several versions of a story he tells about his
experiences with subjects. Here is one from
an interview in The Guardian:
[He] toured the world interviewing Holocaust survivors for his ilm,
pushing them hard to recall their experiences. Interviewees such as Abraham Bomba, whom Lanzmann ilmed
cutting hair in his Tel Aviv salon. As
Bomba worked, he told Lanzmann
how he was forced to cut women’s
hair at Treblinka just before they were
gassed.
At one point in the interview, Bomba recalled how a fellow barber was
working when his wife and sister
came into the gas chamber. Bomba broke down and pleaded with
Lanzmann that he be allowed to stop
telling the story. Lanzmann said: “You
have to do it. I know it’s very hard.”
This was his principal method on
Shoah: to incarnate the truth of what
Yes. Once in a while, people from foreign countries, I just take them to the
Peace Memorial Exhibition. But I just
ask them, “Just try to see.” But I just
wait outside. I don’t want . . . It’s very
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apart from the obvious ethical challenge the
ilm itself raises. Lanzmann’s determined
approach exists along several axes. He is
showing irmness in the face of representing
horrors beyond belief; to do so he needs to
transcend squeamishness. He then needs
this information to impact the audience
with ethical gravity equal if possible to the
dimensions of radical evil, emanating from
the “naked story” of his screen protagonist.
Recall this dialogue in Shoah:
happened through survivors’ testimonies, even at the cost of reopening
old wounds.6
But what about the wounds? Is Lanzmann like a tough physical trainer, working us through the pain to get the rewards
of a stronger historical understanding? Or
is he the epitome of the committed documentarian, knowing that the essence of his
duty extends and transcends the “here and
now” of his testifying subject’s momentary
emotional state? How about the barber?
Was this a cathartic experience for him? A
redemptive one? How can we evaluate the
ethical dimension of the conlict between
the documentarian’s sense of historical
duty and the well being of a troubled victim of past events? What is suggestive is that
Lanzmann’s story about the ilming with
the barber is a documentary legend, a key
moment in the development of documentary practice.
The prominence that Lanzmann gives
to the story makes it part of his stance as a
documentary ilmmaker, forcing us to look
the author straight in the eyes, and understand her as protagonist of the ethical realm,
Podchlebnik: For me its not good to
talk about it.
Lanzmann: (to translator) So why is
he talking about it?
Podchlebnik: Because you’re insisting
on it.
(00:11min)
This insistence is underlined by the daughter who says, “I had to tear the details out
of him.”7 For the daughter, who has had to
grow up with her father’s silence this desire
to know is palpable. It also underlines the
role of the documentarian as the facilitator of
her desire. But the documentary ilm-maker is in a very diferent position ethically
from a daughter. And that
diference derives in part
from the complex nature
of the subject’s consent in a
context of unequal power
relations. In a discussion
of the subjects of Salesman
(1969), Calvin Pryluck
states categorically:
Mordechai Podchlebnik explains to Claude Lanzmann that
he does not wish to speak of his experiences in the Chełmno Extermination Camp. Shoah (1985).
Volume 36, Nos. 2 & 3
106
The right to privacy is the
right to decide how much,
to whom, and when disclosures about one’s self
are to be made . . . When
we break down the defenses of a Paul Brennan
or an Eddie Sachs [two of
the subjects of the ilm]
and force them to disclose
feelings they might prefer
to keep hidden, we are
tampering with a fundaPost Script
its pictures, in the present. Rather
than a simple view about the past,
the ilm ofers a disorienting vision
of the present, a compellingly profound and surprising insight into the
complexity of the relation between
history and witnessing. (104)
mental human right. And making
the disclosures widely public only
compounds the diiculty. (26)
For Pryluck the harm done to the subjects
of a documentary ilm lie in the violation of
their privacy, a harm that occurs when the
ilm is shown. One could argue that Shoah
was not made in the observational mode of
direct cinema works such as Salesman, but
the extensive intervention in the lives of his
subjects suggests the potential for similar
violations to occur. However, in the case of
Lanzmann’s subjects, at least some of them,
it is possible to raise the issue of a more direct harm, that his insistence on disclosure
of traumatic memory crosses a border into
re-traumatizing his subjects, not just exposing old wounds, but wounding them anew.
Lanzmann’s ilm is famous, in part, for
its obsessive quality, one that emerges in
its unusual aesthetic choices, including its
extreme length, its refusal to use archival
material, and its adherence to images of the
sites of the Holocaust and witness testimony, all of which underline the notion of the
Holocaust as a limit situation, unrepresentable except through heroic efort. Lanzmann
is wrestling with the question, “What does it
mean to be a witness?” and, equally, “What
is the ethical as well as historical role of the
documentarian?” As Agamben suggests in
Remnants of Auschwitz, there is a core contradiction in that the events that should be recalled are exactly the ones with no witnesses
but the dead. Lanzmann can be understood
as solving this dilemma by realizing that the
event is created now, and that paradoxically,
it exists only in retrospect. There is no other place that this history can occupy except
the space of the ilm itself and its viewing.
Shoshana Felman characterizes this in her
essay on Shoah:
For me the question of re-traumatized experience is key; to present us with a spectacle of
someone being traumatized on screen may
be an important way of reminding us of the
indelible imprint of the horrors of genocide,
but it is asking viewers to occupy an ethically problematic space where causing pain to
subjects is a viable approach. One possible
explanation for Lanzmann’s willingness to
push Bomba to recall his memories is that
it is almost universally taken as a given that
this kind of recounting is beneicial for the
teller, allowing both a release, a kind of freedom, but also a vindication, a conirmation
of the meaning of the teller’s life. There are
several origins to this notion. One of them
is undoubtedly the Christian tradition of the
confession, which going back to Saint Augustine, who ofered confessional testimony
as a route to understanding one’s life as part
of God’s plan, or as part of history understood as the working out of that plan.8 More
generally in the Catholic Church of course,
confession of sin ofers a route to absolution.
In modern times the psychoanalytic model
of testimony suggests that speaking about
disallowed or painful experience has therapeutic value, allowing the teller to move toward a freedom from neurosis.9 And inally,
there is a socio-political value for speaking
out, one that suggests that testimony can
be seen as part of a struggle for recognition
of wrongs and the promotion of social justice. All of these motivations can add up
to a compelling argument for the idea that
the framing of testimony in the context of a
documentary ilm is an un-alloyed beneit.
However, as Winston suggests in an essay
on documentary strategies for representing
the Holocaust: “The justiication for documenting trauma for an audience is to preserve memory and gain the experience of
But the ilm is not simply, nor is it primarily, a historical document on the
Holocaust. That is why, in contrast
to its cinematic predecessors on the
subject, it refuses systematically to
use any historical, archival footage.
It conducts its interviews, and takes
Volume 36, Nos. 2 & 3
107
Post Script
testiies to a kind of disaster, what she calls
“The Accident,” a traumatic event, the effects of which can be marked in the very
language and syntax of the poet. “As the
testimony to an accident which is materially embodied in an accidenting of the verse,
poetry henceforth speaks with the very
power . . . of its own explosion of its medium” (19). For me, this understanding that
not only the subject, but the maker are dealing with traumatic material is essential to
any ethical project.
history; but this can only be done if the bearing of witness is therapeutic for the traumatized” (109). Although the ethics of “do no
harm” stand on their own, it is worth thinking about the kind of bargain made with the
audience in the context of asking viewers to
watch someone like Abraham Bomba. My
sense is that the goal is a kind of monumentalization of an unrepresentable subject. To
accomplish this via a re-traumatized subject
puts us in a shared space with the maker
that is a kind of “space of exception,” where
behavior outside of the normal realm is allowable. This seems contradictory; as a ilm,
Shoah works as an event in the present moment, and yet the ilm also acts to take that
moment outside of time.
In her essay “Education and Crisis,”
Shoshona Felman, then a professor of Comparative Literature at Yale, tells the story of
an experimental graduate seminar on literature and testimony. In her class, Felman
has her students view stories from the Yale
Video Archive for Holocaust Testimonies
and inds that the students, as well as she
herself, end up in a kind of traumatized
mind space, “suddenly deprived of their
bonding to the world and to one another”
(48). It is as if they were the recipients of
the terrible experiences recounted by the
holocaust survivors, now handed on to
them in a kind of historical legacy. This
is important in several ways; if I follow a
ilm-making analogy, Felman is the documentarian, the provider of the experience
of the texts. And according to her account,
she also enters into a space of trauma with
her students after viewing the survivor testimonies. After some time, she decides the
shared trauma can only be assuaged by a
class project of writing to the trauma and
a sharing of reactions and experiences. To
follow on the documentary ilm-maker
analogy, this suggests an open approach
to the audience, one that creates space for
viewer experience.
In the same class, before viewing the
testimonial videos, Felman’s students
study several literary igures, including
Mallarmé. For Felman, Mallarmé’s poetry
Volume 36, Nos. 2 & 3
imAge AnD testimony
In an essay that has focused up to this
point on subject relations, I will now contemplate the role of the archival image. The
testimony is speech, and yet the witness is
also an eyewitness, a translator of things
seen into things said. When working with
a survivor group that has a speciic strategy of meeting with students in middle
and high schools in small groups to ofer
a historical account with no visual accompaniment but hand gestures, I need to acknowledge that their actions set up a kind
of dialectic, a counter-proposition to a historical “regime of the visual” that includes
government propaganda, mainstream media programming, and an image economy
that is more and more one of abundance
rather than scarcity, but is ironically still a
space of exclusion as well as inclusion.
In my work I have come to understand
the relationship between sound and image in documentary as one where neither
should be dominated by the other. If I believe in a “narrative autonomy” for the survivor-subject, I also believe in a sound track
that is neither subsumed to explaining how
to read the imagery nor in a picture track
consigned to illustrating a historical narrative.10 On the other hand, if I believe in an
ethics based on an understanding of testimony as a kind of subjugated, and hence
traumatized knowledge, I believe no less
strongly that this implies a similar ethical
regard for the use of archival imagery.
108
Post Script
signiicance of that object, which in fact
stands for more than its vapor? In the triadic semiotics of Peirce it is the interpretant,
the site of the human subject where the sign
(representamen) and its signiication (referent) meet to create meaning that is central.
But what if that reading is obscured to the
interpreter? What if the sign hides meaning
at the same time that it ofers it?
In Marita Sturken’s reworking of
Freud’s idea of a “screen memory,” the
camera image representing a moment—in
this case a moment a few minutes after the
detonation of an atomic bomb—can often
screen out other, often un-photographed
memories, and ofer itself as the “real”
memory, replacing realities too diicult,
complex or painful to confront directly (1).
This idea suggested that the “meaning” of
the image is exactly the trauma it masks:
messy, difuse and used as exchange value
in a problematic politics.15
As Akira Lippman notes in speaking
of the citizens of Hiroshima who were vaporized, leaving only ghostly images imprinted on the city streets: “There can be
no authentic photography of atomic war
because the bombings were themselves a
form of total photography that exceeded
the economies of representation, testing the
visibility of the visual” (95). Here again is a
strange contradiction. An image that is an
erasure, an obliteration, a non-image.16
Yet there are images. They are the work
of the Strategic Bombing Survey. Initiated a
few months after the dropping of the atomic bombs, the survey, which also looked at
the bombing of Europe and other regions,
was tasked with developing a scientiic
understanding of the efects of the Bomb.
The bombing of Hiroshima was one such
event, and the bomber dropped its payload
more or less exactly where it was supposed
to, in the center of the city. This meant that
the survey team could work with speciic
knowledge of the direction of the blast and
the distance in relation to any point it surveyed. Both still and motion-picture photography were central to their work. When
a set of 750 of those images came into the
For Lanzmann, archival stills and
moving images related to the Holocaust
are always taking us away from the direct
encounter with the demands of testimony
and witness; images are generic11 in his
world view, and unable to do anything but
get in the way of the true lived experience
of the survivor. And in fact, images from
the gas chambers are rare.12 In contrast,
the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki
were the object of extensive coverage, both
journalistic and scientiic. The Enola Gay
that carried the “Little Boy” bomb was accompanied by two other planes with still
and motion picture cameras generating
images for public consumption. The American government, dealing with a free press
and ickle public opinion, was very careful
to create an atmosphere of grave scientific doings and wondrous experimentation
around its atomic weapons program. The
New York Times reporter who covered the
Manhattan Project, William L. Laurence,
was at the same time the public relations
director for the Project. While Laurence’s
reportage was distributed with alacrity,
George Weller, the irst Allied reporter actually on the ground in Nagasaki saw his
extensive coverage completely censored
(2006). All footage taken by Japanese
sources was seized.13 Although there was
one Japanese journalist who took some half
a dozen picture in Hiroshima on August
6th, 1945, and one Japanese Army photographer who took very eloquent photos in
Nagasaki, it is the shots from above that
predominate, at least in America’s collective imagination.14
Hence, for any discussion of the visual legacy of the atomic bombings of World
War II, the archetypal image is the mushroom cloud as seen from the cabin of a B-29
bomber. The cloud image is indexical, taken at the moment of mass death, referencing the event of the bombing; but also covering those events in a fog. While the cloud
denotes a disaster, it conceals the human
factor. How are we to unpack this complex
sign? The power of obliteration suggests a
brutal simplicity. How do we “read” the
Volume 36, Nos. 2 & 3
109
Post Script
that divide discourses, and take a stand as
an artist, and more speciically, as a documentary ilmmaker. As Winston suggests
in his “The Documentary Film as a Scientific Inscription,” documentary ilm, if it leans
on unexamined scientiic notions of the
image as evidence or proof, can never be
truly autonomous. Images can be seen as
evidence, but for a ilmmaker that evidence
is of a complex and historically contingent
set of layered interpretations and resonances between the viewer, the image, and the
moment of representation.
One possible route to thinking of archival images in a way that acknowledges
their complex links to an ethics of human
memory and human history can be found
in Chris Marker’s Level 5 (1997); this docu-iction essay explores the historical legacy of the Battle of Okinawa, one of the
bloodiest of the Paciic War. The ilm is
structured around a computer game metaphor, which as Jon Kear suggests, “refers to
a mode of engagement with the representation of the past that contests the ground
rules of oicial history, one that is purposely eccentric, heterogenous, subjective,
discontinuous, relexive, and digressional”
(133). Kear believes that the archival material itself be understood as a form of testimony, although a tricky one that bears both
the authenticity of original witness, but
also a palimpsest of the readings from the
time of its making until now. Marker’s ilm
looks at a few of the iconic images from the
Okinawa campaign, particularly the image of a woman throwing herself of a clif,
and another of the U.S. Marines raising the
lag on Iwo Jima. Marker decodes them,
thinking through the taking of the image,
the motivations, the readings, to suggest
how all readings of history through images
must be seen as layered and subject to mythologizing.
In my own work I tried to reinforce
the resonance, de-anonymizing the archival material by quoting from the photographers who took the pictures, as well as
looking at their pictorial strategies, attempting to link the images back to eforts
archives of the International Center of Photography, I was able to view them. What
struck me was how eerily instrumental the
images were. Particularly striking was the
presence of citizens of the cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in the frame, a presence that was incidental from the point of
view of the photographers. The result was
a kind of a brutal ignoring of humanity. In
these archival images, which document the
destruction of an entire city and its inhabitants, humans are an irrelevance. The scientiic discourse allowed the survey cameramen to see the destruction of the city as a
large physics experiment. This is a displacement, or verscheibung, a concept that Freud
developed irst in his work on dreams.17 As
Laplanche suggests, “displacement has a
clearly defensive function . . . in a phobia for
instance, displacement onto the phobic object permits the objectivation, localization
and containment of anxiety” (123). That
traumatic gesture became embedded in a
post-war evidentiary trail. The bomb may
be terrible, or awe-inspiring, but the amazing scientiic efort in making it leads to a
discussion of the documenting scientists
and their moral qualms, and not to one of
our own traumatized understanding.
Here, a strategy of re-presenting the
images in a new context, potentially reveals not only the amount of destruction,
the direction of the blast, the extent of the
destruction, but also the psychological
maneuvers of the photographers, and the
cooptation of their eforts in the name of a
discourse of objectivity and scientiic evidence. If my goal is to ofer an ethical route
past trauma, I have to ofer documentary
as an independent art form, independent
in particular from the common sense notion of referential transparency ascribed to
the documentary image. Although it may
at irst seem contradictory to claim formal
autonomy in order to cross the boundaries
of science and art, I would have to say it is
exactly that in claiming autonomy from the
quasi-scientiic (and even quasi-juridical)
evidentiary claims of the image-making
process that I can see across the boundaries
Volume 36, Nos. 2 & 3
110
Post Script
If I make ilms based on a theory of society as a space of traumatized knowledge, it
becomes imperative to ask: “How do I treat
subjects diferently in terms of my practice
and my approach to ethics?” I reference in
the title of this essay an “Ethics of Knowing.”
What is that a knowledge of? As a social-issue documentarian I want to “give voice to
the voiceless,” but who can hear that voice,
who can understand it? And what is my desire? Am I a do-gooder, another privileged
liberal ilmmaker? Why don’t I just shut
up, in fact? Aren’t those afected—the ones
in the Zone—the ones with the problem?
Aren’t they entitled to speak on their own
without my framing?” Every ilmmaker has
to operate in a lurry of doubts, which in
fact constitute the core of the ethical nature
of one’s practice. And those doubts aren’t
(at least from a pedagogical point of view) a
negative constituent. They are essential and
intrinsic to the system.
The word “trauma” comes from the
Greek for wound. Laplanche describes it
as: “An event in the subject’s life deined
by its intensity, but the subject’s inability
to respond adequately to it, and by the upheaval and long lasting efects it brings to
the psychic organization” (465). It is worth
thinking that a physical wound, and a psychological trauma difer in an important
way. “Scarred for life,” we say, or “totally
back to normal.” The result of a physical
injury will be either a healing, a return to
standard functioning, or an impairment of
longer or shorter duration. Psychological
trauma, on the other hand, can be seen as
being central to the construction of human
identity and personality. The psychic pain
we face threatens our very sense of self,
but also deines the self. The knowledge
that is trauma can be seen as what gives
our lives its temporal dimension, since
when we experience a traumatizing event
we split; we have knowledge, the memory
or experience of what happened, but that
knowledge is not available to us directly.
This suggests that in a context where I as
a documentarian am dealing with traumatized subjects, and with traumatic subject
at narrativization as well as to their production as a form of witnessing and at the
same time a form of displacement, a document of their diiculties in coming to terms
with the horrors of the Bomb. As example,
I had myself ilmed in a ilm archive doing
picture research to emphasize the dual nature of archival material, which always occupies a space both then and now.
We live at a time where the rejection
of scientiic evidence and the complex and
nuanced routes to truth that science ofers
is rampant. In the US large portions of the
population, and even government policy overtly reject clear information about
global warming not just from documentary ilmmakers, but also from broad swaths
of the media, the scientiic community and
civic groups. This makes it more frightening to say that the ethics of documentary
demand standing out from under the aegis
of science, of notions of visual evidence,
and embrace a diferent route to truth, one
that acknowledges that the construction
of knowledges around historical events is
necessarily traumatized, that it is always a
human knowledge, and that as humans we
and our understandings are mortal.
In Archive Fever, Derrida suggests that
the archive is always a problematic space,
halfway between life and death, and full of
ghosts. In a rather prescient way, he understood that the vast increase in information
that emerged with the rise of the Internet
(which he imagined being accessed through
a “Magic Pad”) means that we are compelled
to re-engage with our “ghosts,”—information long buried and now returned—in a
way that is unprecedented in history. Derrida’s work suggests that archival ilmmaking
operates exactly in a space of trauma. And,
that trauma famously does not respond to
direct treatment. For me as a documentary
ilm-maker, if I don’t implicate the traumatic structure of my own understanding
and practice, I run the risk of separating
(and, perhaps, estranging) the means from
the ends, of objectifying the subjects in my
work. I also give a false sense that it is possible to stand outside history.
Volume 36, Nos. 2 & 3
111
Post Script
The French woman, played by Manuelle Riva, explains that she is acting in a “ilm about
Peace,” suggesting the symbolic representational role that the city of Hiroshima must
take on. Hiroshima Mon Amour (1959).
new lover, the Japanese man played by Eiji
Okada, and, in doing so, betrays that love.
“What the woman mourns is not only an
erotic betrayal, that is, but a betrayal precisely in the act of telling, in the very transmission that erases the speciicity of death” (26).
This notion—that it is exactly the speaking
of the speciic death that constitutes betrayal—has important ethical implications. In
this vein I am compelled to ask: What is it,
in fact, that I am asking when I ask the survivor of the disaster to speak? As Caruth goes
on to say, “The possibility of knowing history, in this ilm, is thus also raised as a deeply
ethical dilemma: the unremitting problem of
how not to betray the past” (28).
This notion of speech as potential betrayal may give a new sense of what is at
stake for someone who ofers testimony.
Is that betrayal inherent in the process of
storytelling? Will that part of individual
experience that is tied to past events, and
more critically, the speciicity of relationships with the dead, always be doomed
to be sacriiced in their revelation? For
matter, I have to act in the belief that the
encounter will change me, will derail my
own process. I, as a documentary ilmmaker, am, in fact, like Shoshana Felman and
her students, engaged with a traumatic
burden and entering a space where the
struggle to do the right duty to the subjects,
their witness and testimony, challenges my
own position “behind the camera” and renders me perhaps powerless, forcing me to
reorganize my self as a person, in the most
intimate sense of the word, and, for a brief
moment, not as a function-documentarian—a subject deined by its symbolic role. I
am not just acting as a human being instead
of a documentarian, but rebuilding my self
and my relationship with the world, generating a new relationship between the Real
and Symbolic orders, at least in my own
life, and in my own work.
In an insightful reading of Hiroshima,
Mon Amour, Cathy Caruth notes how the
female character, whose lover, a German
soldier, was killed on the day of France’s liberation from the Nazis, tells the story to her
Volume 36, Nos. 2 & 3
112
Post Script
mon images and ideas. (59)
Caruth, Marguerite Duras’ text suggests
that on one level the trauma of a survivor
is the diiculty of distinguishing one’s own
status as living from that of the loved dead.
The memory and the forgetting are both
equally problematic. And as she suggests,
there is a moral dimension at work:
How does this distinction between speech
and action matter? Basically, as a documentary ilmmaker I am constructing or
elucidating a “way of thinking,” opening
up both our relationship to history, and the
potential of our future. Following Ranciére,
the sounds and images I use to do so can either thwart or promote equality and hence
the possibility of justice. One way to understand what Ranciére (and Baumbach) are
suggesting with “what politics might mean”
comes from what Ariella Azoulay calls a political imagination, “a political state of being
that deviates signiicantly from the current
state of afairs” (3), something she sees as
emerging in the context of documentary
photography and moving images. What
could a world without, for example, atomic
weapons poised in vast numbers for instant
use around the globe look like? What kind
of political structures and social relations
could get us to that place? To construct the
picture of such a world, I would suggest that
it is necessary to re-examine the modes of
production used in documentary ilmmaking. In particular, I believe the manner in
which documentary ilms produce knowledge and experiences interact in a complex
way with the traumas that underpin notions
of national identity, citizenship, and history,
and that they do so in a way that demands
a reconsideration of what we usually, as in
a manner of everyday speech, consider to
be “documentary ethics.” If I can extend
this argument, only by acknowledging the
traumatic nature of history and our dispositional drive to overcome this trauma by
counting and recounting history again and
again, can we actually construct an ethical
documentary with a valid relationship to
our historically driven sense of reality.
He: What’s the ilm you’re playing
in?
She: A ilm about Peace. What else do
you expect to make in Hiroshima
except a picture about Peace? (34)
For me it is exactly in the shared space of
the ilm that I can explore these questions
and discard generalization for new speciicities. It is key that we are talking about
a two-way street. I am an equal possessor
of an understanding built on trauma. As
Caruth says, “History, like trauma, is never simply one’s own. . . . History is precisely
the way we are implicated in each other’s
traumas” (24). A kind of traumatized intersubjectivity is at play. If it is not acknowledged, the results will be inauthentic, too
heavily structured on mutual denial and
in some way ethically compromised. For
me this acknowledgement is at the heart of
what I term “an ethics of knowing.”
Jacques Ranciére’s writings on cultural
production suggest that even documentary,
which sometimes seeks to promote direct
action, is not causal, and rather than being
identiied as a political act should be seen
as constructing ways of thinking about
what politics might mean. As Nico Baumbach suggests in a work that attempts to
link Ranciére’s thought directly with documentary ilmmaking:
A painting, novel or ilm, he has
made clear, to many of his interlocutors’ disappointment, should not
be identiied as a political act in itself, its very identiication as art or
entertainment precludes just that,
but like a theoretical essay or philosophical treatise, it constructs ways
of thinking what politics might mean
through new arrangements of com-
Volume 36, Nos. 2 & 3
notes
“To write is to make oneself the echo
of what cannot cease speaking—and since
it cannot, in order to become its echo I have,
1
113
Post Script
Intriguing support for this approach
can be found in the work of anthropologist
Jen Heusen, whose writing seeks to develop an “aural politics” as a form of sensible or afect-based politics built out of her
research with Ojibwa women who have
sought to transform their relationship to
storytelling in the context of their situation
as tourist guides at Wounded Knee. See:
“On Hearing Together Critically: Making
Aural Politics Sensible Through Art & Ethnography” Ethnoscripts 17.1 (2015): 74-95.
11
As Winston notes, the images of the
gas chambers are almost non-existent. The
only extensive body of images (available
as of yet) are those taken after their liberation. “Cinematographic representation is
not possible simply because there is no cinematographic evidence of the processes of
mass extermination . . .” (99).
12
In an interview with Serge Toubiana,
Lanzmann states, “There are no archives,
properly speaking. There is no single photo of what goes on inside a gas chamber.
There’s not only no ilm, but not a picture,
nothing.” Shoah (“Claude Lanzmann on
Shoah” 2013). Criterion Collection, 2010.
13
Much of this information is available
in Greg Mitchell’s Atomic Coverup: Two US
Soldiers, Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and the
Greatest Movie Never Made. New York, Sinclair Books, 2011. See also Robert Jay Lifton
and Greg Mitchell’s Hiroshima in America: 50
Years of Denial. New York: Putnam’s Sons,
1995. The story of George Weller, who reported from Nagasaki in September of 1945,
can be found in Anthony Weller’s First into
Nagasaki: The Censored Eyewitness Dispatches
on Post-Atomic Japan and Its Prisoners of War.
14
The photographers are in the case of
Hiroshima, Yoshito Matsushige, and in the
case of Nagasaki, Yosuke Yamahata.
15
It is worth noting here that one of the
most important ilms to deal with atomic
weapons, Bruce Connor’s Crossroads (1976),
consists exactly of the image of an exploding hydrogen bomb, repeated over and over.
The repetition speaks both to the “return of
the repressed” and to the inability to make
meaning out of the event, as well as to the
in a way, to silence it. I make perceptible
by my silent meditation, the uninterrupted airmation, the giant murmuring upon
which language opens and thus becomes
image, becomes imaginary, becomes a
speaking depth, an indistinct plenitude
which is empty” (28).
2
Winston quotes Anstey, “Nobody had
thought of the idea which we had of letting
slum dwellers simply talk for themselves . . .”
(44), and then goes on to note that this must
be seen in the light of BBC radio documentary eforts of Felix Greene and others that
preceded Housing Problems.
3
Think of Pam Yates and Paco De Onis’s
Granito: How to Nail a Dictator, (Skylight Pictures, 2011), which is both a ilm about a
court case and a study of how documentary
is used to verify a court case of genocide.
4
Hibakusha (被爆者) is the Japanese
word for the survivors of the 1945 atomic
bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The
word translates as “explosion-afected people” and is used, often derogatorily, to refer
to people who were exposed to radiation
from the bombings.
5
Hiroshima Bound (Icarus Films, 2015).
6
https://www.theguardian.com/
ilm/2011/jun/09/claude-lanzmann-shoah-holocaust-documentary.
7
It is signiicant that in this dialog the
subject speaks to Lanzmann directly, but
Lanzmann speaks not just through an interpreter but to them, keeping the subject distanced, and giving them an oracular quality.
8
A clear explication of this idea of confession can be found in Gary Will’s forward
to Augustine’s Confessions: A Biography.
New York: Penguin, 2005.
9
In Testimony: Crises of Witnessing in Literature, Psychoanalysis, and History, Shoshana
Felman explains how she showed testimony
from the Yale Holocaust Archive to her students, “. . . two videotapes whose singular
historical narration seemed to contain the
added power of a igure, and the unfolding
of a self-discovery: the testimonies of one
woman and one man . . . The woman’s testimony is . . . a testament to how she survived
in order to give her testimony” (42-43).
Volume 36, Nos. 2 & 3
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Post Script
Claude Lanzmann’s Shoah.” Yale French
Studies 97 (2000): 103-105.
—, and Dori Laub. Testimony: Crises of Witnessing in Literature, Psychoanalysis, and
History. New York: Routledge, 1992.
Foucault, Michel. Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 19721977. Colin Gordon, ed. New York:
Pantheon, 1980.
Freud, Sigmond. The Interpretation of Dreams.
New York: Carlton House, 1931.
Guerin, Frances and Roger Hallas, eds. The
Image and the Witness: Trauma, Memory
and Visual Culture. London: Walllower
P, 2007.
Hersey, John. Hiroshima. New York: Alfred
A. Knopf, 1946.
Jefries, Stuart “Claude Lanzmann on Why
Holocaust Documentary Shoah Still
Matters” The Guardian (June 9, 2011).
(https://www.theguardian.com/ilm/2011/
jun/09/claude-lanzmann-shoah-holocaust-documentary).
Julien, Isaac and Kobena Mercer. “De Margin and De Centre.” Screen 29.4 (1988):
2–10.
Kear, Jonathan. “A Game That Must Be Lost:
Chris Marker Replays Alain Resnais’
Hiroshima Mon Amour.” Frances Guerin and Roger Hallas, eds. The Image and
the Witness: Trauma, Memory and Visual
Culture. London: Walllower P, 2007.
129-142.
Koga, Yukiko. “Accounting for Silence: Inheritance, Debt, and the Moral Economy of Legal Redress in China and Japan,” American Ethnologist 40.3 (2013):
494-507.
Laplanche, Jean and Jean Bertrande Pontalis. The Language of Psychoanalysis.
Trans. Daniel Lagache. London: Kamac
Books, 1988.
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Lifton, Robert Jay. Death in Life: Survivors of
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Lippett, Akira Mizuta. Atomic Light—Shadow Optics. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota
bizarre need to conduct thousands of such
“tests” throughout the 1950s and 60s.
16
From Wilfred Burchett’s account in
the London Daily News: “Hiroshima does
not look like a bombed city. It looks as if a
monster steam roller has passed over it and
squashed it out of existence.”
17
In this process it is as though, in the
course of the intermediate steps, a displacement occurs—let us say, of the psychic accent—until ideas of feeble potential, by taking over the charge from ideas which have
a stronger initial potential, reach a degree
of intensity which enables them to force
their way into consciousness (Freud 58).
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mArtin LucAs is a media artist and scholar whose work examines social injustice
and human trauma as they are embedded in cultural and technological systems of communications, economics and war. His latest ilm, Hiroshima Bound
(2015), meditates on America’s collective memory (or amnesia) concerning the
atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Martin is an associate professor
in the Integrated Media Arts MFA Program, Department of Film and Media
Studies, at Hunter College, City University of New York.
Volume 36, Nos. 2 & 3
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Post Script