TheTyrannyofRent
VARIANT37|SPRING/SUMMER2010|37
NeilGray
ArecentShelteradvert1lucidlyexposedthe
obsceneriseinhousepricesbycomparinghow
muchdomestichouseholdcommoditygoodswould
nowcostifmatchedtohousepricerises.Ajointof
meatwouldcost£95.62;achicken,£47.51;aboxof
washingpowder,£28.53;ajarofcoffee,£20.22;a
dozeneggs,£9.30,andabunchofbananas,£7.86.
AsShelterargue:wewouldn’taccepttheseprice
riseswithanythingelse,sowhyacceptthemin
housing?EliotM.Trettter’sarticle‘TheCulturesof
Capitalism:GlasgowandtheMonopolyofCulture’
(Antipode:2009)goessomewaytoanswering
howwegottothisabjectposition.Tretter’swork
canbeseenasacontinuationofthecriticalvein
ofhistoricalgeographicalmaterialism,whichhas
developedsincethe1970s.Deeplyinfluencedby
theresearchofurbantheoristDavidHarvey(in
turninfluencedbythecriticalwritingsofMarx,
Benjamin,andLefebvre),thisschoolofcritical
geographyhasproducedacorpusofmaterially
groundedanalysesofthewaysinwhichcapital,
cultureandsocialrelationsarebothconstituted
in,andconstitutetheurbanrealm.Tretter’sarticle
takesasitsstartingpointHarvey’sanalysisof
monopoly–relatingtorents,competitionandfixed
capital–inordertodrawoutthelinksbetween
culture,gentrification,andeconomicvalorisation
in1980sGlasgow.WhileGlasgowisroutinelyheld
upasasalutarysuccessstoryintheboosterist
literatureof‘post-industrial’,culture-ledurban
renewal2,Tretterarguesthatthisnarrativemasks
aninsidiousanddestructiveraidonthecommons:
“Glasgowisaprimaryexampleofanindustrial
citythathasre-inventeditselfthroughthe
exploitationofitsculturalinfrastructure”(p.113).
FollowingHarvey,Trettercontendsthata
preconditionforlootingtheculturalinfrastructure
ofacityisthetransformationofelementsof
culturaldistinctivenessinto‘fixedcapital’
(physicalinfrastructuresuchasland,machinery,
transportetc,whichisnotimmediatelyspentin
theprocessofproducingproductsorcommodities)
viaoutright,ordefacto,formsofprivatisation.
Followingatime-linethatbeginsintheearly’80s
andconcludesaroundtheperiodoftheEuropean
CityofCultureFestivalin1990–anevent
intenselycontestedbytheoppositionalWorkers
Citygroup–Tretter’sanalysisprovidesauseful
heuristicwithwhichtounderstandcontemporary
raidsonthecommonsinGlasgow.While
acknowledgingthevalueinTretter’saccount,
thefullmagnitudeofthisongoingdispossession
remainsuntouchedbyhiscuriousdecisionto
endhisenquiryatahistoricaljuncturelying
nearly20yearsinthepast.Moreover,hisnarrow
emphasisonthemonopolyaspectsofculture
andrepresentationalissuesomitsotherformsof
monopolyandunderplaysthestillcentralquestion
oflabourinthevalorisationofcapital3.However,
hisre-appraisaloftheWorkersCitygroup,andhis
appealfortheirenduringrelevance,providesa
platformfromwhichtoanalyseacontinuumof
dispossessionthathasneverstoppedandtobring
importantlessonsfromthecontestedpastinto
aproductiveandcriticalrelationshipwiththis
presenteraofrecessionandfinancialcrisis.
ExtractingValueFromTheCity:Basic
Banalities
“Thereisapoliticsofspace,becausespaceispolitical.”
HenriLefebvre4
“Withthedisappearanceoflocalmanufacturing
industriesandperiodiccrisesingovernmentand
finance,cultureismoreandmorethebusinessofcities
–thebasisoftheirtouristattractionsandtheirunique,
competitiveedge”.
SharonZukin5,1995
Despitealltheevidencetothecontrary6,culture
isstillpresumedtoplayapositiveeconomic
roleinthefortuneofcitiesglobally.Acommon
assumptionisthateachcitycontainsastock
ofphysical,socialandculturalassetsthatare
economicallyexploitable.Thewidespreaderosion
oftheeconomicandfiscalbaseofmanylarge
citiesintheadvancedcapitalistworldsincethe
1970shasseenare-orientationofgovernance
fromamanagerialtoanentrepreneurialmode7
withanemphasisonexploitingacity’scultural
infrastructureconcomitantwiththeturnfrom
manufacturing,andwaningcentralbudgets.
AsTretterargues,therevaluationofculture
isdirectlycontemporaneouswiththebroader
entrepreneurialturningovernance:theappraisal
ofcultureasaneconomicasset,andtheincreasing
exchangevalueofculture,hasledgovernments
andprivatecapitaltoundertakeaseriesof
programmesandstrategiestorealiseandvalidate
theseresources.Whilemanycitygovernments
ofaKeynesianpersuasionwereonceengaged
inmanagingtheurbaneconomywithatleasta
nominalagendaofalleviatinginequalitythrough
planningandadministrationofservices,urban
governmentsnowattempttofollowanexplicit
growthagendainpartnershipwithprivate
agenciesandnon-governmentalorganisations.
Suchmarket-oriented,market-dependent,‘growth
coalitions’reflecteliteinterestsandtypically
“showasignificantdeficitwithrespectto
accountability,representation,andthepresenceof
formalrulesofinclusionorparticipation”.8
Amajorcharacteristicofthis‘entrepreneurial
turn’isgeographicallyunevendevelopmentand
inter-citycompetition.Localgrowthcoalitions
routinelystressafiercestrugglewithother
citiestocompeteforinvestmentcapital.Thus
increasinglyopaqueconstellationsofpower
havejustifiedstrategiestostimulateeconomic
growth–byprovidingsubsidies,taxbreaks,and
othereconomicincentives–asameanstolure
andleveragecapital.Intheracetoenhancethe
competitivepositionofthecityinrelationtoother
competingcities,theuseoflocalizingstrategies
(theexploitationofacity’speculiar‘marksof
distinction’)isnowubiquitous.Citieshavesought,
withhighlyunevenresults,toincreasetheir
marketabilityandbrandidentitythroughthe
promotionofthecityanditsassetsascommodities
toinvestorsandprivatecapital(including
itslabourforce,infrastructureandcultural
amenities).Aspartofthisgeneralisedprocess,
Tretteremphasisestheexploitationoftheshared
culturalassetsofacity(‘thecommons’9)asa
meanstopromotetherevaluationofprimeurban
land,andtransformcultureintoaneconomic
resource.Inordertounpackthispropositionin
historicallyandgeographicallyconcreteterms,
heassessesthe“primaryexample”ofGlasgow
throughtheprismofHarvey’stheoreticalinsights
onthepoliticaleconomyofmonopolyrent.
MonopolyRent
“…capitalismcannotdowithoutmonopoliesandcraves
themeanstoassemblethem.Sothequestionupon
theagendaishowtoassemblemonopolypowersina
situationwheretheprotectionsaffordedbyso-called
‘naturalmonopolies’ofspaceandlocation,andthe
politicalprotectionsofnationalboundariesandtariffs,
havebeenseriouslydiminishedifnoteliminated”.
DavidHarvey10
Harveybeginstoanswerthisquestionbynoting
thatallformsoflandownershipthatarethebasis
forthewealthandpoweroflandownersexist
asmonopolies:theyinvolveexclusiveclaimsto
definiteportionsofthesurfaceoftheearththat
arenotreproducible.However,transformations
intime-spacecompression(“theannihilationof
spacethroughtime”11)haveacceleratedsince
theshiftfrom‘fordist’to‘post-fordist’12modesof
accumulationviaadvancedtelecommunications
andtransportationinnovations.Theseinnovations
havedestroyedpreviouslyexistingspatial
barriersandloosenedtheindividuallandowners’
monopolypowerbyputtingthemincompetition
withincreasinglymobileglobalcompetitors.For
Harvey,thedrivetoobtainprofitfromthecultural
capitalofcitiescanbeseenasanattemptby
landownersandtheirpoliticalalliestore-assert
andreclaimmonopolypowersinacontextof
acceleratedglobalisation.
Whilethesourceoflandrentisderivedfroma
monopolyonland,monopolyrentisdistinguished
bytheabilityofalandownertoearnahigher
thanaveragerentbecauseofanotherpre-existing
monopolythatexistsindependentlyoftheir
monopolyontheland.Harveyspecifieslocation
andscarcityasthetwochiefsourcesofmonopoly
rent.
•Location:Thelocationalsourceisrelatedtothe
centralityofthelandtoahighlyconcentratedactivityof
economiccapturesuchasatransportorcommunication
network,orafinancialcenterorshoppingprecinct.This
isanindirectformofmonopolyrent.Apremiumforthe
landwillbepaidinthiscaseforitsaccessibilityandfor
thecommoditiesandservicesproducedtherefrom.
•Scarcity:Inthecaseofscarcitytheinimitablequalities
ofaresourcearedirectlytradedupon(forinstancea
vineyard,primereal-estatelocationorworkofart).Here
theuniquenessandspecificityoftheassetformsthe
basisformonopolyprices.Investinginacity’scultural
infrastructureissodesirable,Harveyargues,because
culturedistinctivenessisalwaysembeddedinaplace
andthereforeprovidesthepotentialforlandowners
togarnerextrarentalincomeontopofanaverage
differentialrent.Adistinctculturalinfrastructureisthus
thesourceofadditionalmonopolyrentsifimaginatively
marketedinthecommodityrealm.
Moreover,inHarvey’sschema,freeamenities
heldincommoncometobevaluedfortheirability
tofetchmonopolyrents.Whilemanyoftheassets
thathediscussesfetchamonopolyprice;many,
suchasparks,museums,monumentsandscenic
areasdonot.Yettheseostensibly‘free’resources
stillprovideapotentialsourceofmonopoly
rentforadjacentlandandpropertyowners
38|VARIANT37|SPRING/SUMMER2010
duetoco-determinantfactorssuchasprestige
andstatuslinkedtospecial,localised‘marksof
distinction’(e.g.ablockofapartmentsoverlooking
amunicipalpark,orashoppingcentreclosetoa
museum,monumentorgallery).
AsTretternotes,theculturalresourcesand
institutionsofacityalmostalwaysfunctionatthe
locallevelasmonopolies(eachcitycanhostonly
somanyconcerthalls,museums,theatres,etc),
andthemonopolisticpotentialofacity’scultural
assetsareroutinelytradedupontoboostacity’s
competitiveedge:“Citiestradeontheircultural
resourcesinattemptstoattractinvestment,and
corporationsprofitbyeffectivelysiphoningoff
revenuefromtheexploitationofthepopularity
ofthecity’sinfrastructureortheuniquenessofa
particularculturaltradition”(p.116).Butitisnot
justculturalinstitutionsthathavemonopolistic
potential;thecultureofanycityisperceived
asamonopolyassetbecauseitisnoteasily
exchangeablewiththecultureofanothercity.In
thisvastlyreductivesense,anycitycanbesaid
tohaveamonopolyoverits“culturalheritage”
or“wayoflife”becausetheyarespecifictoone
location(p.116).Citycultureitself,asabstract
andunstableasthisconceptmaybe13,isopento
monopolizationbecauseofitsuniqueandnonexchangeableproperties;citybranding,endemic
totheneoliberalcity(e.g.‘Glasgow:ScotlandWith
Style’),isperhapsthemostblatantexampleofthe
cityreducedtothestatusofaproductunderthe
marketcalculus.
SmilesBetter?
Glasgow,asTretternotes,isa“primaryexample”
ofmonopolisticsubsumption.Intheearly1980s,
Glasgow’selitestartedtoridthecityofimages
ofitsindustrialpast,andbeganinearnestthe
plunderofitsculturalinfrastructureinthepursuit
ofurbanrevalorisation.The‘S/MilesBetter’
campaignlaunchedin198314andtheGarden
Festivalof1988wereinitialattemptsinthis
direction,followedbyGlasgow’snominationto
hosttheEuropeanCityofCulturefestivalin1990.
AkeyadvocateforGlasgow’snominationbidwas
‘GlasgowAction’–the“firstclearlydefinedpublicprivatepartnershipinScotland”15.Formedin
1985bytheScottishDevelopmentAgency(SDA),
GlasgowActionformedastrategicpartnership
withGlasgowDistrictCouncil(GDC)toensure
thatpublicfundsweremobilisedonbehalfof
privatepartners.Typicaloflaterentrepreneurial
private/publicgrowthcoalitions,GlasgowAction
wasalmostexclusivelycomposedoflocalbusiness
personalities16withdirecttiestolocalbanks
andotherpropertyrelatedinstitutions17.Their
agendaunsurprisinglyreflectedthebiasofthat
constituency.ThepurposeofGlasgowActionwas
“tobeavehicletoinjectprivatesectorleadership
intothegrowthprocess”(p.120),statedChief
Executive,DavidMacdonald.Theagencywas
designedto“recreateGlasgow’sentrepreneurial
spirit”andtoco-ordinateandlinkGlasgow’surban
renewaleffortswithaseriesofprivatepartners.
Privatesponsorshipwassupposedtosupport
communitydevelopment,butasRobinBoylenoted
atthetime,thissoonturnedintoanarrowfocuson
propertydevelopment:“Profitbecomesthegoal;
theoriginal,muchwider,objectivescoveringthe
economicandsocialconditionofthecitybeginto
fade”18.
IntheleaduptotheCityofCulturefestival
Glasgowsawamajorsubsidy-drivenproperty
bubble:conservationandrefurbishmentworkin
thenewly-branded‘MerchantCity’accompanied
newofficebuildingsandrefurbishmentsinother
citycentrelocationssuchastheBroomielaw(now
hometotheInternationalFinancialServices
District,IFSD),theScottishExhibitionand
ConferenceCentre,andthesiteofthe1988
NationalGardenFestival,“alldevelopments
heavilyunderwrittenbytheSDAandother
governmentagencies”19.Theflipsideofthe
‘boom’inconstructionandrenovationcame
intheformofasharpincreaseinrents,with
citycentrerentsnearlydoublingbetween1987
and1989alone(p.120).Thishighlyuneven
andambivalent‘successstory’wasattributed
totheentrepreneurialvisionoftheGlasgow
Citycouncillorsandbusinessleaderswhose
place-marketingtechniques(ratherthanpublic
subsidy)weresaidtohaveprovidedthenecessary
stimulusforeconomicgrowth.Inparticular,
accordingtoTretter,themarketingofGlasgow’s
Victorianarchitecturalgrid,helpedlandowners
andpropertydeveloperstradeonGlasgow’s
uniqueanddistinctiveculturalqualitiesandits
“newimageasaculturalcentre”(cited,p.121).
Privateinvestment,Tretterargues,wasthus
primarilystimulatedonthebackofthepre-existing
monopolyarisingfromthespecialqualitiesand
‘marksofdistinction’associatedwithlocational
factors(place)–amonopolyheldoverand
aboveindividualmonopoliesinpropertyand
infrastructure.
Trettermaintainsthatthedrivetowards
monopolyrentsinGlasgowwasbuiltonthe
valorizationofGlasgow’suniqueanddistinctive
culturalassetsas“atooltopromoteeconomic
growth”(p.122).Hecitesakeyreportbythe
MuseumandGalleriesCommissionin1986,which
assessedGlasgow’sculturalinfrastructureasone
ofthelargestintheUK(p.122).WhenScottish
localgovernmentreorganisationin1973made
artinfrastructuretheexclusivedomainofdistrict
councils–includingallcapitalandrevenue
expendituresrelatedtothe“fineandperforming
arts”–theGDCwerelegallysanctionedtoexploit
Glasgow’sculturalinfrastructureforeconomic
growth(p.122).IntherunuptotheCityofCulture
year,GDCroutinelyemphasisedthecomparative
advantagetheseassetsaffordedthecityinterms
ofpromotingsuchagoal.
Inorderto‘releasethevalue’ofthelocal
authority’sheritableartsandculturalassets,and
transformtheculturalcommonsintofixedcapital,
theGDCintroducedprivatisationmeasuresinat
leasttwowaysintheleaduptoandduringthe
CityofCulturefestival.First,theGDC(hiring
Thatcher’sfavouritePRcompany,Saatchiand
Saatchi)beganto“packageandselltheculture
ofthecityasabrandandsourceofrevenueto
privateinvestors”(p.123).TheCityCouncilgave
itsprivatesponsorsexclusiveusufructonthe
EuropeanCityofCulturebrand,featuringthem
inallbrochuresandadvertisingmaterials.This
acceptanceofprivatesponsorshipofthearts
markedadecisiveshiftinCouncilpolicytowhat
isnowabanalitydespiteitsrelativelyrecentand
highlycontestedprovenanceintheUK.Second,
Glasgow’slongtraditionofnotchargingpeople
foradmissiontomuseumsandgalleriesended
whentwomuseumsspecificallydesignedforthe
CityofCulturefestivalintroducedadmission
fees.TheMclellanArtGalleries(nowclosedas
galleries),entirelyfundedfromthepublicfunds,
startedchargingafeeatthedoorin1990.More
pertinentlyforTretter’sdiscussion,‘Glasgow’s
Glasgow’,presentedbytheCityCouncilasthe
‘leadingexhibition’oftheYearofCulturefestival
chargedastandardadmissionfeeof£3.40.But
thiswaslaterreducedto£1whenprojected
attendancesfelltolessthanhalfthenumbers
expected.‘Glasgow’sGlasgow’endedasa“critical
andfinancialdisaster”20,withtheCityCouncil
eventuallylosing£4.5milliononthehugely
unpopularexhibition(p.124).
The‘Glasgow’sGlasgow’exhibitionwasroundly
slatedbycuratorsandactivistsforitseffortsto
transferartalreadyondisplayforfreeinGlasgow
museumstoaprivate‘for-profit’corporation.
ElspethKing,thenthecuratorofthePeople’s
Palacemuseum,wasanespeciallyvocalcritic.For
King,theprivilegingoftheexhibitionignored
thealreadyestablishedworthofthePeople’s
PalaceanditsresonantlocationonGlasgow
Green(anareahistoricallyassociatedwith
working-classgatherings).Shealsocriticized
theexhibitionforreceiving–unlikethePeople’s
Palace–aseeminglyendlesssupplyofpublic
funding;failingtorepresentthefulldiversityof
Glasgow’shistory;andomittingawell-detailed
planforthehandlingoftheobjectscollectedfor
theexhibition(p.124/125).WhenKingwaspassed
overfor‘promotion’tothepostof‘Keeperofthe
City’sSocialHistory’(anewlyinventedpostwhich
stoodabovecuratorinmuseumhierarchy,thusby
defaultdemotingKing21)intenselocalreaction,
galvanisedbytheWorkersCitygroup,soon
developedtheElspethKingmatterintoanational
issue;partofawidercritiqueoftheYearof
Cultureperse.ForTretter,‘Glasgow’sGlasgow’and
the‘ElspethKingAffair’symbolizekeymoments
inthebattleovertherepresentationofGlasgow
duringtheYearofCulture.
OppositionalSpaces?‘Merchant
City’,or,WorkersCity
ForTretter,theabilityofcitygovernmentsand
privatepartnerstocapturemonopolyrentsis
predicatedonthefactthat“theimagesand
symbolsassociatedwithacity,andparticularly
itsculturalinfrastructure,haveaclearlydefined
andstablemeaning”(p.118).Bycreatingamarket
brand,citygovernmentshopetoharnessthe
collectivesymboliccapitalofthecityinorder
tocompetewithotherglobalcitiesforinward
investment.Thus,heargues,bymobilising
aroundthe‘ElspethKingAffair’theWorkersCity
groupchallengedthestabilityofthismeaning
andoffered“analternativenarrativeaboutthe
properuseofGlasgow’shistoryandculturethat
wasimportanttoquestioningwhoownedthe
culturalheritageandlegacyofthecity”(p.128).
Butthissumaryofevents,whilesustaininga
usefulcorrectivetocityboosterism,conformstoa
somewhatrigidadherencetoHarvey’shypothesis.
ForTretter,themonopolizationofGlasgow’s
culturein1990increasedthe“sentimental
investment”thatpeoplemadeintheirlocale,
enhancing“people’sconsciousattachmentto
Glasgow,theirsenseofbelonging,andtheir
VARIANT37|SPRING/SUMMER2010|39
awarenessoftheirplaceinalongerhistorical
continuum”(p.127).Butthisapparentlysudden
transformationofconsciousnesswouldsurelycome
asasurprisetotheWorkersCitygroup,manyof
whomhadbeenengagedinpoliticalstrugglein
Glasgowfordecades.Byconcentratingspecifically
ontheculturalandrepresentationalissuesthrown
upbytheYearofCulture,andbyneglecting
thewidersocialandeconomiccontradictionsin
GlasgowthathadlongmotivatedWorkersCity
activity,heleavestheirargumentsadriftonanahistorical,symbolicplane,ratherthanembedding
theiractivitywithinacontinuumofresistance
whichcarriesimportantprecedentsforthe
present.TheWorkersCitycampaignwaslessabout
“belonging”andmoreaboutbecoming;change
throughcollectivepraxis.
ThecampaigntosafeguardthejobsofElspeth
KingandMichaelDonnelly(hercolleagueat
People’sPalace)wasinitiatedbytheWorkers
Citygroupprimarilythroughthecommitmentof
HughSavage.Savagehadforsometimebeena
memberof‘FriendsofthePeoplesPalace’,agroup
dedicatedtosupportingandfundraisingactivities
forthePalace,andagroupsupremelyawareof
their“placeinalongerhistoricalcontinuum”,
longbeforetheCityofCultureyear.According
toWorkersCity,itwaspreciselyKing’sefforts
inresuscitatingGlasgow’sradical,working-class
historythathadseenherpassedoverforthepost
ofKeeperoftheMuseum.Thisdespitethefact
thatKingwasmorequalifiedthanMarkO’Neil
(whowaseventuallyappointed),anddespitethe
factthatshehadtransformeda“semi-derelict
buildingintooneofthefinestsocialhistory
museumsinEurope”,winningtheEuropean
Museumoftheyearaward(1981)andtheBritish
Museumoftheyearaward(1983)intheprocess22.
ThatSavagewasinterestedinKing’sarchival
andhistoricalworkshouldcomeasnosurprise.
ApersonalfriendoflegendaryClydesideradical
HarryMcshane23;veteranoftheApprentices
Strikein1941;shopstewardinJohnBrown’s
shipyard(blacklistedforunionactivity);and
longtimecommunityactivistinthepermanently
deprivedeastofGlasgow,Savage,alongwith
otherWorkersCitymembersLeslieForster
andNedDonaldson,werepartoftheGlasgow
LabourHistoryWorkshopresearchgroup.They
publishedbooksintheirownrightsuchasAllfor
theCause:WillieNairn,1856-1902,‘Stonebreaker,
Philosopher,Marxist’,andSellandBeDamned,
TheGlasgowMerryleeHousingScandalof1951
(ForsterandDonaldson).Theyalsocontributed
toseveralcriticalbooksonGlasgow’sradical
history,includingTheSingerStrikeClydebank,
1911;MiltantWorkers:LabourandClassConflict
ontheClyde1900-1950,andRootsofRedClydeside
1910-1914.JamesKelmanrecentlypaidtributeto
theirresearchworkinanintroductiontoSavage’s
autobiography:“Reclaiminghistory,exhibitingthe
radicaltradition;theworktheyaccomplishedis
inspirational,packedfullofinformation:toread
themistocomeintocontact
witharoll-callofoutstanding
menandwomen”24.AsWilliam
Clark,anothermemberof
WorkersCity,recentlysaidofthe
group:“WithinWorkersCitywe
couldseethatthecityofficials
thoughtofcultureassomething
tobebroughtintothecity.They
couldnotcountenancethefact
thatculturealreadyexisted,was
indeedindigenous”25.Anidea
ofthis‘indigenous’culturecan
befoundinJames.DYoung’s
accountoftheprogressive
impactofsocialistideasfrom
therefugeesoftheParis
Commune–whogainedpolitical
asylumfromtheworking-class
communitiesofGlasgow–orthe
linksofsolidaritybetweenthe
GlaswegianandDublinworkingclass26.
WhiletheYearofCulturemayhaveinstigated
aresponsefromtheWorkersCitygroup,itwas
farfrom“sentimental”,andfarfrompivotalin
shapingtheconsciousnessofthegroup.Indeed,
historicalconsciousnesswaswhatpromptedthe
WorkersCityname,specificallychosentochallenge
thenewlyinvented‘MerchantCity’branding27
thathadbeenappliedtothegentrifyingareain
theeastofthecitycentreaspartoftheattempt
to“recreateGlasgow’sentrepreneurialspirit”.
Thegrouppointedoutthatthebrandingofthe
‘MerchantCity’wasacravenattempttolink
modernentrepreneurswiththoseofGlasgow’s
past–therebyhonouringtheroleofthe‘tobacco
lords’(whooncelivedinthearea),despitetheir
“deepinvolvement”inacolonialeconomy“which
couldnothavefunctionedwithoutanentrenched
andexpandingsystemofslavelabour”28.AsJames
Kelmannotedatthetime,Glasgow’stobacco
traderstraffickedindegradation,andgenerated
wealth“bythesimpleexpedienceofnotpaying
thepriceoflabour”29.Thiscriticalhistorical
approach(forwhichtheywerelambasted30)
cannowbeseenasacentrallegacy,thoughnot
thesolemerit,oftheWorkersCitygroup.While
cityeliteshavecontinuallyattemptedtoerase
Glasgow’shistory–radicalandotherwise–the
WorkersCitygroup,attheminimum,created“a
recordofopposition,someotherhistory”31.
Tretterisrighttoemphasisthiscritique,
butitwasmorethanjust“vocalopposition”
or“analysis”(p.128).Hesuggeststhat“the
moreprofound”contradictionbetweenthe
Council’sattemptstomonopolisetheYearof
Cultureandthe“perceivedinjustice”ofthis
endeavourledtoWorkersCityopposition.But
cultural‘regeneration’istypicallyonlyasmall,
ifimportant,mainlysymbolicpartofwider
strategiesofdispossession32andtheWorkersCity
groupwerewellawareofthat.Acentralcampaign
thatthegroupinitiated(whichTretterbarely
acknowledges)wasthebattletosaveGlasgow
Greenfromprivatisationand‘development’.
TheGreenhaslongbeenassociatedwithradical
working-classgatherings33,andremainstothis
dayapartofthecity’s‘commongood’assets.The
group’svictoryagainsttheGreen’sprivatisation
(alongsidenumeroussupportersandcollaborators)
canbeseenasoneofitscentralachievements.
Thegroupalsopracticallysupportedcampaigns
againstpollutioninCarmyleandRutherglenand
ActiononAsbestos,crucialsolidarityworkina
cityriddledwithindustrialpollution.Moreover,
lookingthroughbackissuesofTheKeelie,“a
scandalmongeringorgan”34distributedfreelyand
anonymouslybytheWorkersCitygroup,therange
ofcriticalworkdrawsattention
toanti-polltaxcampaigns,antimilitarism,housingcampaigns,
gentrification(“yuppiefication”),
councilcorruption,therouting
ofthesteelandoilindustries,
privatizationofcommongood
assets,governance,andthe
deplorablehealthandwealth
disparitiesofacitynotoriousfor
themtothisday.35
Tretter’saporiasobscure
thefactthattheWorkersCity
analysiswasrootedinthesocial
andeconomiccontradictionsof
Glasgowinacity-widecontext
duringtheYearofCulture,but
bynomeansconfinedtoit:
“Themoneyhadtocomefrom
somewhere.Majorcutshave
alreadytakenplaceintheareas
preciselyconcernedwithartand
culture.Thepublicfundingof
libraries,artgalleriesandmuseums;swimming
baths,publicparksandpublichalls;allarebeing
cutdrastically…Primeassetsnottomention
servicestothecommunityarebeingcloseddown
andsoldoffaltogether,toprivatedevelopers,to
bigbusiness.Whathasbeencelebratedasartin
allitsdiversityistheretobehold,aquiteruthless
assaultonthecultureofthecity”36Thestruggle
wasneithermerelyevent-based,norlimitedto
thesymbolicplane,butcontestedoveraseries
ofclass-basedeconomicprocessesandtheir
underlyingcontradictions;andthisstrugglewas
workedoutatthelevelofpraxisaswellasin
thefieldofrepresentationastheGlasgowGreen
campaignclearlyshows.
TheRentDevoursAll…
AmajorflawinTretter’sargumentisthechronic
lackofevidenceheusestosupporthisotherwise
helpfulcritiqueofmonopolyrentseeking.By
curtailinghisexamplesuptotheyear1990
(thoughhisarticlewaspublishedin2009),and
byrestrictinghisoutlooktotheroleofculturein
monopoly,hefailstoupdatethewiderprocessesof
monopolythathavemadethecitysuchaparagon
ofneoliberalurbanism.Evenabriefsummary
suggeststhescaleofthecity’scapitulation
tomarketforces.MostpertinenttoTretter’s
positionisthetransferofthemanagementof
Glasgow’sentireculturalandleisureservices
toCultureandSportGlasgow(CSG),anarm’s
lengthbodycomposedoftwocompanies;one
limitedbyguaranteewithcharitablestatus,and
a‘tradingarm’tocarryoutfunctionsnotdeemed
charitable.ForRebeccaGordonNesbittthis
transferrepresents“thewholesaletakeoverof
culturebybusinessinterests”37.Thetotallistof
assetstransferred,includingallcommunityand
leisureservicesinpublicownership,encompasses
aremarkablediversityofserviceslostfromthe
publicsector38.Controversialproposalstoallow
privatecompaniestodevelopbusinessesinthe
BotanicGardensandPollokPark–successfully
resisted39–suggestthedirectionahead;asdoes
aprojectedwaveofindustrialactionintheface
ofclosuresandpaycuts40.Further,CSG’srecent
VenuesReviewfurtherproposestocloseovera
dozencommunityfacilities,includingalibraryand
aswimmingpool,andtoreduceopeninghoursfor
museumsandsportsfacilities.Amongotherdeeply
controversialarmslengthexternalorganisations
(ALEO’s)thatGlasgowCityCouncilhascalved
outofformercitydepartmentsareCityBuilding41,
offeringbuildingservices(2,200stafftransferred),
andCordia42whichoperatesout-sourcedservices
contractsforIT,cateringandcleaning(8,792staff
transferred).
Glasgow’scommongood43assets,heldinthe
commongoodfund,havelongcomeunderthreat
from‘mismanagement’andlackofaccountability
duetoalackofacomprehensiveregisterofassets
–othersmightsaythelootingofthecommongood
fundisfarfromaccidental.Thelatestthreatto
thefundcomesfromanewALEO–CityProperty
(Glasgow)LLP–asubsidiarytowhichthecouncil
willbetransferringtherightsto1,400incomegeneratingcommercialpropertiesinexchangefor
aloanof£120mfromBarclaysBank,ostensiblyin
ordertofillafundingblackhole44.Takingtherole
ofpropertyservices,whichwasformerlypartof
theCityCouncil’sdevelopmentandregeneration
services,CityProperty(Glasgow)LLPwill
workat‘armslength’fromtheCityCouncilin
orderto“delivertothemarket”awiderangeof
properties45.TheALEOwillnowberesponsible
forthemanagementandsaleofallGlasgowCity
Council’s‘non-operational’propertyassetsandthe
managementoftheCouncil’smajorgroundleases.
40|VARIANT37|SPRING/SUMMER2010
Theloanwillhavetobepaidbackatanexpected
averagerateof£10mayearfor20years,costing
theCityCouncil£80million(whichrepresentsa
66%interestrateovertheperiod).Astheinterest
rateswillberesetfiveyearsintothedeal,thereis
aconsiderableriskthatthefinaldealmightcost
“significantlymorethanexpected”;ifso,therisk
ispartguaranteedbythecouncilandthecostswill
bebornebyfurthersalesofcitycouncilproperties
totheprivatesectororanextensionoftheloan46.
Butit’snotonlytheALEO’swhoprofit:arecent
scathingreportrevealsan“elaboratesystemof
politicalpatronage”atworkintheALEO’s,with
councillorssharing‘top-up’paymentsof£400,000
–overandabovetheirpublicsalaries–forlanding
aroleotheboardontheseeverproliferating
quangos’47.
Trettercanbeforgivenformissingtheserecent
developments,butnotforfailingtoadequately
accountforpreviousactsofenclosureinGlasgow.
Thatcher’sUK-wide‘righttobuy’policyinthe
HousingActof1980encouragedcouncilhousing
tenantstobuytheirhomeswithenormous
discounts,effectivelysubsidisingthemasssell-off
ofsocialassetswaybelowtheirmarketvalueand
instigatingawaveofspeculation,rentseeking,and
thedebt-financedhousingbubbleintheprocess.
By2003,afterthemostdesirablepropertieshad
beenboughtup,Glasgowtransferreditsentire
remainingpublicsectorhousingsupply(81,000
councilhomes,thesecondlargeststockinBritain)
toa‘registeredsociallandlord’,GlasgowHousing
Association(GHA).GHAhavesincebeen“crisishit”byaslewofmanagementresignations
andcontroversiesoverproposed‘second-stage’
transferstoLocalHousingOrganisations(LHO’s)
whichhavefailedtomaterialiseonanything
likethescalepromised48.Moreover,aspateof
demolitionshasseenthetotalamountofsocial
housingreducedfrom81,000tounder62,000
by200949,withcreepingmarketisationthrough
‘mixed-housing’tenureprovidinganeoliberalalibi
forfurtherprivatisationofthecity’s‘social’(no
longerpublic)housing.Thisinacontextwherethe
numberofCouncilandHousingAssociationhomes
isnowatitslowestforfiftyyearsinScotland50.
Ineducation,a£1.2billioncontractfornew
buildconstructionandthemanagementofthe
city’sentiresecondaryschoolsystemover30years
wasgivento3EDconsortiumin2002aspartof
aPFIschemewith£451millionpublicsubsidy
fromtheScottishGovernment(raidingpublic
budgetsfromotherlocalauthorities),andwith
alltheriskunderwrittenbytheCityCouncil51.
AccordingtoUnison,thebillfortheCouncilwill
be£36.4mmorethaniftheschoolswerefunded
byconventionalfinance,andtheyestimate
thatGlasgowlostsevenschoolswimmingpools,
alongwithstaffcommonroomsandclassroom
reductions,inthedeal52.Moreover,25primary
school’sandnurserieshaverecentlybeensubject
toclosureinthecity,despitefuriousresistance
–includingschooloccupations53–fromparents,
andlocalcommunitygroupsintheaffected
areas.Meanwhile,intransport,aftertheUKwidederegulationandprivatisationofstaterunPassengerTransportExecutives(PTE’s)in
1986,StrathclydeTransportbecameStrathclyde
Buses,an“armslength”buscompany,andby
1993wassoldtoitsemployees.Competition,and
theinevitableprocessofmonopolisationwhich
accompaniesit,ensuredthatby1996Strathclyde
BuseswassoldofftoFirstBus,(nowFirstGroup),
whonowmonopolisemostofthebusroutes
inGlasgowinaninadequateandincreasingly
expensiveservice54.Whilethesubway,currently
runbyscandal-riven55StrathclydePartnershipfor
Transport(SPT),hasbeenstarvedofinvestment
andnowrequiresa£400millionmodernisation
plan–with“closureanoption”iffinanceisnot
forthcomingaccordingtoarecentHeraldreport56.
Thosewitheyestoseewillnotethatdisinvestment
isoftenadeliberatestrategytolowerassetvalues,
makingitmoreprofitableforasset-stripping
privateinvestors.Privatisation,orapublicprivate
partnership,issuretobeontheagendasooneror
later57,andwemightexpectthatthiswillbeanew
battlegroundforbasicservicesinthenearfuture.
SubsidyJunkiesandFlexible
Friends…
TheMerchantCity–theso-called‘stylemile’–is
themostheavilypromotedexampleofGlasgow’s
allegedurbanrenaissance.The‘ArtsLedProperty
Strategy’58theCityCouncilarepursuinginthe
areahasrootsintheearly’80swhenpublic
subsidiesweredirectedintotheareatore-brand
thecitycentreandpump-primeprivateproperty
development.Inthe’60s,theareawashometo
warehousestorage,clothingmanufacture,and
theregionalfruitandvegetablemarket.These
useswerethreatenedbytheproposedsouthwards
expansionofTheUniversityofStrathclyde,and,
aspartofGlasgow’scomprehensiveurbanrenewal
policies,theeastflankofaproposedinnerring
road.Therelocationofthefruitandvegetable
markettoBlochairnin1968precipitateda“crisis”
thatcaused“arippleordominoeffectonarange
ofrelatedusesandcausedupto80businesses
toceasetradinginthearea”59.Moreover,the
Universityplansfailedtomaterialise,andthe
ringroadplanwasabandonedinthatform.The
planninguncertaintiesledtoblightandeventually
demolitionorders,andtheMerchantCitywent
intofurtherdeclineoverthefollowingdecade.60
By1980,athirdofthepropertywasinGlasgow
DistrictCouncil(GDC)ownershipandathird
ofpropertywasvacant(withthemajorityof
thisvacantpropertyownedbyGDC).Overall,
thephysicalfabricwasneglected,andthearea
wasdesignateda‘SpecialProjectArea’where
“activeparticipationbythepublicsectorwas
consideredanecessaryfactortowardsattractinga
renewedmarketinterest”61.Realisingitsproperty
interestsinthearea,GDCbegantooffersubsidy
packagestostimulatemarketinterest–including
conversiongrants,‘positive’planningcontrols,
andthereleaseofbuildingstodevelopers.Amore
promotionalandentrepreneurialapproachwas
beingsignalled;and,asJonesandPatrickhave
noted,forhesitantinvestors,“publicsubsidywould
bridgethegapbetweenadesirableobjective
andaprofitableopportunity”.62From1982–with
AlbionBuilding,MerchantCourtandBlackfriars
Court–conversions,rehabilitationsandnew-build
graduallybegantotakeshapeinthearea.These
developmentswereassistedwithnewplanning
criteriawhose“underlyingprinciplewasthat
offlexibility”.63In1984,withmajorGDCand
ScottishDevelopmentAgency(SDA)assistance,
theIngramSquareprojectconstructed239
housingunitsaspartofitscomprehensivestreet
blockrenewalscheme.
Graduallythedemographyoftheareabeganto
shiftasbuildingswereconvertedtoapartments
andculturalamenitiesviapublicsubsidy.
Fashionandretailoutletsemerged:Theexclusive
ItalianCentre,incorporatingshops,flats,offices,
restaurant,andcafébar,wasopenedarounda
courtyardanda‘fashiontheme’.By1991,flats
withgymnasiums,poolandporterageservices
werebeingmarketedfrom£120,000andabove.
Theareanowfosteredformsofshoppingwith
specialistandleisurethemesinordertoattract
touristrevenuetothecitycentre,andbythe
early’90sthecitycentre‘lifestyle’opportunities
affordedbytheMerchantCitywereattracting
“therelativelymodestnumbersofpeoplewho
seekthelifestylethatsuchanarrangement
offers”64.GlasgowDistrictCouncilfiguresshow,
forinstance,thatpurchasesofhousesinIngram
SquareintheMerchantCitywereoverwhelmingly
byprofessionalsandmanagers,withothernonmanualworkerstakingmuchoftherest–as
JonesandPatrickcomment:“theoverriding
impressionthesesurveysimbueisthatthedemand
predominantlystemsfromyoungprofessionals
onrelativelyhighincomes”65.Theseaffluent
youngprofessionalswereofcourseoftentermed
‘yuppies’:atermthatwascorrectlyassociated
withgentrificationandloadedwithnegative
connotations.66
By1991,£12millionofpublicmoneyhad
beeninvestedintheMerchantCity.Thelogic
ofthisfinancialassistancewaspartlythatof
‘pumppriming’amarketfromwhichthepublicsectorwouldeventuallybewithdrawn,but,
unsurprisingly,theprivatesectordevelopeda
tasteforsuchpubliclargesse:“theavailabilityof
publicfinancehasperhapsinevitablyinfluenced
landvalues.Potentialassistancehasbeenbuilt
intomanysitevaluationswiththeresultthatthe
landvalueshavebeenbidup”.67JonesandPatrick,
summarisingtheiranalysisoftheMerchantCity
redevelopmentin1992,statedthattheMerchant
City–despitesuchsustainedpublicsupport–was,
“stilldependentonpublicfundsandtherefore
itsfuturereliesonthesemoniescontinuing”;
moreover:“Itwouldbeverydifficultforthepublic
sectortowithdrawitssupportwithoutthepainful
acceptancethatthecurrentmomentumwould
fallbythewayside.Theconundrumofrisingland
valuesandtheongoingneedforpublicassistance
isthereforelikelytocontinue”.68Andindeedit
has.PropertyownersintheMerchantCityarea
continuetoseetheirrentsprotectedandenhanced
bypublicsubsidy.GlasgowCityCouncilhave
madeimprovementsto‘urbanrealm’worksworth
£10million69–includingthelayingofItalian
porphyrystone“whichsparkleswhenwetand
comesinavarietyofcolourvariations[sic]”,at
acostof£500,000inJohnStreet70.TheMerchant
CityTownscapeHeritageInitiative,fundedby
theHeritageLotteryFund,GlasgowCityCouncil
andScottishEnterprisehascontributedanother
£4.5millionbetween2000andthepresent;while
theMerchantCityTourismandMarketingCooperativeLimited(MCTMC)receivespublic
fundingfromScottishEnterpriseandVisit
Scotlandtocarryonacampaignofunadulterated
propagandaforbusinessesinthearea.MCTMC,
viapublicagencies,alsosupportsthe‘Merchants
Market’,amarketforexpensivehigh-quality
producewhichopenedthreemonthsafterthe
brutalclosureofworking-classPaddy’sMarket
nearby,despiteasustainedcampaign71.Inatypical
actofhistoricalerasurethenew‘merchants’
marketstandsoverthesiteoftheformerfruitand
vegetablemarketrelocatedtoBlochairn.
VARIANT37|SPRING/SUMMER2010|41
Rentneithergrowsfromthesoilnoremanates
frombrickwork.Theenclosuresofpublichousing,
andthegentrificationoftheMerchantCity,
depended,andstilldepend,onnewlegaland
policyframeworks,andnewformsofeconomic
andsocialrelations(nottodiscountcorruption
andcronyism).Despitethemythologyofrisktakingmarket-ledandentrepreneurialactivity,
neoliberalurbandevelopmentisalmostwithout
exceptionstate-ledandheavilystate-financed.This
factisnowabanality.Inanexemplaryaccount,
Swyngedouwetal’scomprehensivesurveyoflargescaleneoliberalurbanizationinNorthAmerica
andWesternEuropenotes:“Traditionalandwelldocumentedprocessesofsocializationofcostand
riskandprivatizationofthepossiblebenefitsare
centralcharacteristicsofmostUDP’s”72.In2008,
attheStateoftheCityEconomyconference,
disgracedformerCityCouncilleaderSteven
Purcell73onlyreiteratedneoliberalconvention
whenhepromisedthat‘TeamGlasgow’74(anunelectedcabalofbusinessleaderspurportingto
representthewiderinterestsof‘Glasgow’)would
doeverythingtheycouldtohelpbusinesses
‘copewiththedownturn’:“Thefirstthingthatall
publicbodies,includingmyownCouncil,must
do,istoexaminewherewecanhelpbusiness
bybeingmoreflexibleandwillingtodothings
differently.Thisisnotimeforunnecessaryrules
andprocesses;thisisatimetodoeverythingwe
cantohelp”.75The“relaxation”ofdevelopment
rules;“flexibileloans”forbusiness;payment
deferralsondevelopmentsites;more“flexibility”
on“landdisposal”;a£36million‘BetterGlasgow’
fundtosupportdevelopers;“flexible”grantsfor
socialhousingproviders,anda“buildnow,pay
later”policythatamountstofreelanddealsfor
developerswithnoclearandtransparentplan
onfuturepaymentdetails76–nowonderPurcell
wassolionisedbythebusinesscommunityforhis
‘vision’!
Incasetherewasanydoubtoverhis,and
theCityCouncil’s,affiliations,Purcelltoldthe
Conference’sassembledbusinessleaders:“Weare
onyourside;wewanttoworkwithyoutoensure
thatbusinessesandjobsstayinGlasgow.Andwe
willdoeverythingwithinourpowerstoensurethat
happens”.77Tretterisrighttosaythatmonopoly
rentscanbederivedfrompre-existingmonopolies
arisingfromspecialqualitiesand‘marksof
distinction’relatingtoplace:theMerchantCity
isaprimeexampleofanareawhoseimagehas
beenconstructedinordertoattracttouristrevenue
andinvestmentinpropertyportfolios.Butby
concentratingontheeconomicaspectsofthe
monopolyofculture,hemakesthemistakeof
politicaleconomybyassumingtheeternalityof
pre-existingsetsofeconomicrelations.Hethus
failstoadequatelyaccountfortheeconomic
andpoliticalprocessesbywhichanarealikethe
MerchantCitycanbeturnedfromaworking-class
warehousingandmarketdistrictintoa‘cultural
quarter’witha“cohesiveVictorianarchitectural
grid”.Rentdoesnotgrowfromthesoil,and
privatepropertydevelopmentandtherentier
economyinGlasgow,aselsewhere,havebeen
dependentonainterdictoryformsofsecurityand
surveillance78,andaformoflootingandenclosure
indeliblymarkedbyasocialisationofriskand
privatisationofprofit.
HistoryAgainsttheGrain
“TheWorkersCitygrouppointstowardsthefuture.It
isofgroupslikeoursthefutureshallbemade.Wehave
nothingtoapologisefor”.
FarquharMcLay,199079.
TretterisrighttovalidatetheWorkersCity
group’sabilitytooffer“analternativenarrative”
anddisclosea“differentversion”aboutthe
properuseandrepresentationofGlasgow’s
culturalandhistoricallegacy(p.128).Buthis
somewhatbloodlessaccountreststooheavilyon
representationalquestions–howevervalidthose
maybe–andfailstoexcavatetheWorkersCity
group’sdeeperquestioningoftherootsoflabour
intheextractionofvaluefromthecity.The
groupcorrectlyclaimedthatGlasgow’s‘cultural
regeneration’wasbasedalmostentirelyuponlow
paidservicesectorjobs.EvenRichardFlorida,
thechiefpurveyorofthe‘creativeclass’thesis,
acknowledgesthat,“Thereisastrongcorrelation
betweeninequalityandcreativity:themore
creativearegionis,themoreinequalityyouwill
findthere”80.AsGerryMooney,apersistentcritic
ofGlasgow’ssocialandeconomicpolicies,has
laterreiterated,withthesupportfromnumerous
studies:“theargumentsthatculturalregeneration
woulddolittleifanythingforthevastmajority
ofGlaswegiansissurelyborneoutbyevenabrief
discussionofthesocialandeconomicproblems
thathavefacedtheCityintheperiodsince
1990”81.Thelow-wage,insecureserviceeconomy
isultimatelythe“supportinfrastructure”ofthe
so-called‘creativeage’,andthegrowthofthis
burgeoningandincreasinglyprecariousservice
classmustbeunderstoodalongsidethedeeply
unevendevelopmentofthe“creativeeconomy”82.
Over40%ofhouseholdsinGlasgowlivebelow
thepovertyline,andasarecentacademicreport
states,evenbeyondendemicunemployment,“the
norm”is“becomingalow-wageandcasualised
workenvironment,oranunregulatedand
degradingtrainingsystem”83.
TheWorkersCitygroup,whileraisingsimilar
issuesaround1990,werecriticizedbythe
rightfordaringtousetheterm‘working-class’;
andlaterbytheleftforadoptinganallegedly
‘workerist’position84.‘Workerism’intheUKleft
hasbeenassociatednegativelywithaprivileging
ofindustrialandmanufacturingworkersatthe
expenseofothersocialandlaboursectors.Thus,
asJamesKelmanrelates,theWorkersCitygroup
wascaricaturedas“theghostofStalinistpastand
workeristfuture”bythemunicipalauthorities85.
Moreproductiveforthisdiscussioniscriticism
fromwithintheleft:whilebroadlysupportive
ofthegroup,somesuggestedthatbehindthe
WorkersCitycritiqueofservicesectorjobsthere
was“implicitly”almostanunreflexivenostalgia
forrealworking-classjobs(inshipbuilding,in
engineeringandinfactorywork,etc).Forcritics,
theallegedlyworkeristpositionneglectedthe
factthatservicesectorworkhasalwaysbeen
apartofGlasgow’seconomy,atthesametime
asitreifiedamasculinesubjectpositionby
privilegingcertainformsoflabour.Whilethis
typeofcritiquehasplayedanecessaryand
constructivepartindevelopingnewformsof
organisationappropriatetotemporalshiftsinclass
composition86,thecriticismseemsmisplaced,orat
leastover-emphasised,inthecaseofWorkersCity.
Thegroup’sconceptionof‘work’wasmuchmore
complexthanthatofworkerismasoutlinedabove.
Thetraditionalconceptionof‘workerism’
shouldbedistinguishedfirstofallfromthe
workerism(‘Operaismo’)oftheItalianautonomist
MarxistmovementthatemergedinItalyduring
the’60sand’70s87.Definingitselfas‘autonomous’
fromthedominantItalianCommunistParty
(PCI),themovementwasdistinguishedbyits
ambivalencetoPCI’s‘productivism’andParty
ideology,aswellasitstendencytoseekoutradical
potentialitiesinnewformsofclasscomposition
inthewider‘socialfactory’.Thislatterincluded
productionandreproductionwithinandoutside
theworkplace,andcomprised,aswellas‘workers’
inthewage-labourrelation,theunemployed
andthosedeemedoutsidethewagedwork
doinghousework,caring,familymaintenance,
etc:the‘hiddenwork’thatsupportsthewage
labourrelationandcapital.Whileitwouldbe
wrongtoattributeanautonomistperspective
retrospectivelytotheWorkersCitygroup,Farquhar
McLay’sprefacetoTheReckoning–acollection
ofWorkersCitywritingfrom1990–presentsafar
fromtraditionalworkeristhomagetothenobility
ofmanufacturingworkersandtheunions:
“Theoldjobsarevanishing.Nostalgiaforthese
outmodedformsofproduction–nowamarketable
commodityinartandtheatre–issurely
misplaced.Itwashard,miserabletoilindeplorable
conditions”88.
McLayunderstoodthatweareallalienated
undercapitalismandthewagelabourrelation:
“Workhasbeendegradedtothepointwhere
itistotallydevoidofanymeaningoutsidethe
consumervaluesofcapitalism”89.Hisantiproductivistcritiqueof“tradeunionbetrayal”
andthe“pursuitofdelusorywageclaims”reflects
manyofthesameconcernsfoundinautonomous
Marxism:“Wasitrightthatpeople’slabourshould
bejustanothercommoditytobeboughtandsold
inthemarketplace?Thataperson’schancesin
lifeshouldbedeterminedbythemarketvalueof
hislabour?Thatcertainpeople’slabourshould
haveahighervaluethanthatofothers?That
somepeople’slabourshouldhavenoentitlement
whatever…Whilethewagessystemremainsintact
alltheauthoritarianrelationshipsproceeding
therefromwillcontinuetothrivethroughoutthe
wholeofsociety,ineveryjobandprofession…”90.
McLayeditedTheReckoning,andwroteboth
theintroductionandthepreface;wecansurely
deducethathisviewsweresharedtosomeextent
bytherestofthegroup.Thesameambivalenceto
wage-labour,forinstance,isfrequentlyreflected
inJamesKelman’sfiction;thestrikinginstability
ofhisworkingclasssubjects.Fewhavefull-time
work,andwhentheydo,ittendstobelow-paid
andinsecure.Frequently,hischosensubjectsare
unemployed.Farfromreifyingafixedproletarian
embeddedinthewage-labourrelation,hisfiction
–ADisaffection,TheBusconductorHines,How
LateitWas,HowLate,forinstance–instead
explores,amongotherthings,thetensionbetween
theuncertaincomingintobeingofsocialand
imaginativelinesofflight,andthealienating
socialandeconomicrelationsthattendtorepress
them.Thesetensionsareexploredthroughout
the‘socialfactory’–inwork,inbenefitoffices,in
parkland,inpubsandbookiesandinthehome.
Socialidentityisneverrestrictedtotheworkplace.
HenriLefebvre’sinfluentialinsightin
TheProductionofSpace(1974)wasthatthe
“survivalofcapitalism”nolongerdependedon
productionthatmerelyappearsinspace,but
insteadontheproductionofspaceitself,inand
throughtheprocessofcapitalistdevelopment.
Spatialproductionisapoliticalinstrumentthat
determinesthereproductionofsocialrelationsof
productionthroughthecontrolandheirarchisation
ofpublicspaces.Thereisthen,apoliticsofspace,
becausespaceispolitical.Withthefinancialisation
oftheeconomyoverthepastfewdecades,thelink
betweenfinanceandanurbanrentiereconomy
hasbecomemoreexplicit.DavidHarveyhas
shownhowlarge-scaleurbaninfrastructural
processes(Haussman’sParis,RobertMoses’s
post-warUSsuburbanisation,modernChina,etc)
provideapotent“spatialfix”forthedumping
ofcapital’ssurplusprofit,especiallyintimesof
over-accumulationandrecession91.Meanwhile
MichaelHudsonhasshownthatmostwealthin
theUSeconomyisgeneratedbyrent-yielding
property:“realestateremainstheeconomy’s
largestasset,andfurtheranalysismakesitclear
thatlandaccountsformostofthegainsinreal
estatevaluation”92.Stock-marketspeculationis
largelyarent-seekingactivityascompaniesare
raidedfortheirlandorotherpropertyincome.The
42|VARIANT37|SPRING/SUMMER2010
speculationprocessinflatespricesfortheseassets,
makingpropertyandfinancialspeculationmore
attractivethannewformsofproductivecapital
formation:“Thebulkofthisrentierincomeisnot
beingspentonexpandingthemeansofproduction
orraisinglivingstandards.Itisplowedbackinto
thepurchaseofpropertyandfinancialsecurities
alreadyinplace–legalrightsandclaimsfor
paymentextractedfromtheeconomyatlarge”93.
Thepropertybubble,andthefinancialcrisisit
precipitated,islargelyafinancialphenomenon
bornefromthisformofsociallooting.Rental
incomesareanunproductive“freelunch”gouged
fromtheeconomyatlarge,forcinganever-higher
proportionofwagestobespentonrentandbasic
socialsubsistence,anddenyingitformoresocially
usefulmeans.
AsHarveyargues,sincetheurbanprocessis
amajorchannelofsurplususe,thenstruggles
overthe“RighttoTheCity”94cannolongerbe
dismissedas‘secondary’inrelationtotraditional
manufacturingstruggles.WhenMcLaysuggested,
in1990,thatgroupslikeWorkersCitypointed
towardsthefuture,hetalkedofthetraditional
imageoftheworkerasproducerofwealth
becomingmoreproblematiceveryday.Indeed,
themanufacturingsectornowaccountsforonly
6%oftheGlasgowlabourmarket,whilelowpaidservicesworknowaccountsfor88%ofthe
workforce95.AsHarveyandHudsonhaveshown,
wealthismorethanevernon-reproductiveand
non-wealthgeneratingforthevastmajorityof
people.ItisperhapsironicthenthattheWorkers
Citygroupcouldprovideamodelforaform
ofpoliticsthatisn’tconfinedtotheworkplace,
fightingforlimitedgainsatworkthatarestolen
awaybyinflationarypricerisesatthelevelof
socialreproduction.Urbanstrugglesoversocial
reproduction,socialspaceandeverydaylife,as
Lefebvreandtheoristsfromtheautonomist
Marxisttraditionunderstood,mustcometo
theforeifsocialgainsintheworkplaceare
tobeprotectedatthelevelofsocialtotality.
TheWorkersCitygroup,whilebynomeansa
perfectmodel96,overcamenarrowspecialisations
–‘theartist’,‘theacademic’,‘theworker’,‘the
activist’,‘theunemployed’–toformanon-party
political,horizontal,place-basedmovement
‘frombelow’whoseargumentsresonatemore
thanevertoday–despitealltheboostertalkof
urbanrenaissanceinGlasgow.Hereinliestheir
importanceforunderstandingthestrugglesof
today.JamesD.YoungcitedWalterBenjamin
whenhetalkedinTheReckoningofalowlevelof
historicalconsciousnessbeinganindispensable
partofrulingclasscontroloverworkingpeople.
RememberingWorkersCitymeansbrushing
historyagainstthegrain,andbringingthe
fractiousconstellationsofthepastintoacritical
andproductiverelationshipwiththepresent;
WorkersCityareanimageofthefuture,notofthe
past.
Notes
1.http://england.shelter.org.uk/home
2.Forinstancesof,andacritiqueofthisposition,see,
Mooney,G,CulturalPolicyasUrbanTransformation?
CriticalReflectionsonGlasgow,EuropeanCityofCulture
1990,LocalEconomy,Vol.19,No.4,327-340,November
2004.
3.ItislessGlasgow’sculturalinfrastructure,andmoreit’s
surpluslabourpoolandlow-wageeconomythatattracts
capitalinvestmenttoGlasgow.Moreover,asRichard
Florida,chiefproponentofthe‘creativeclass’thesis
admits,theculturalpilotsofregenerationareentirely
dependentona“supportinginfrastructure”oflow-wage
serviceworkerstosatisfytheirconsumptiondemands.
4.HenriLefebvre,‘ReflectionsonthePoliticsofSpace’,
in,State,Space,World:SelectedEssays(edsBrennerand
Elden),MinnesotaPress,2009.
5.Zukin,S,TheCulturesofCities,BlackwellPublishers,
2000,p.2.
6.InTheRiseoftheCreativeClasses,forinstance,Richard
Floridaacknowledgesthatbehindthehyperboleofhis
creativeclasstheoryliesinequality.Infact:“Thereisa
strongcorrelationbetweeninequalityandcreativity:the
morecreativearegionis,themoreinequalityyouwill
findthere”.
7.Foraseminalaccountofthisprocesssee,Harvey,
D,‘FromManagerialismtoEntrepreneurialism:
TheTransformationinUrbanGovernanceinLate
Capitalism’,GeografiskaAnnaler.SeriesB,Humkan
Geography,Vol.71,No.1,TheRootsofGeographicalChange:
1973tothePresent.(1989),pp.3-17.
8.Foranauthoritativeaccountofthechangingscalesof
governanceinlarge-scaleurbandevelopmentsprojects,
see,Swyngedouetal,‘NeoliberalUrbanizationin
Europe:Large-scaleUrbanDevelopmentProjectsand
theNewUrbanPolicy’,inSpacesofNeoliberalism:Urban
RestructuringinNorthAmericaandWesternEurope,
BlackwellPublishers,2002,p.209.
9.The‘commons’referstoresourcesthatarecollectively
owned.Thiscanincludeeverythingfromlandto
software.Theprocessbywhichthecommonsare
transformedintoprivatepropertyisoftentermed
enclosure.http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_commons
10.Harvey,D,‘TheArtofRent:Globalisation,Monopoly
andtheCommodificationofCulture’,SocialistRegister,
2002.
11.Ibid.
12.Cautionisrequiredhere:noteverywhereis‘post-fordist’.
ChinaandIndia,forinstance,ensurethatproduction
continuesattheexpenseofamassive(andmassively
exploited)workforce.
decisions,particularlyofacommercialnature”.http://
www.glasgow.gov.uk/en/YourCouncil/PublicRelations/
Campaigns/glasgowsmilesbetter.htm
15.ForaclearaccountofthechangingUKandScottish
policycontextatthistime,see,Boyle,R(1989)
‘Partnershipinpractice:Anassessmentofpublic-private
collaborationinurbanregeneration–acasestudyof
GlasgowAction’,LocalGovernmentStudies,15:2,p.17-28
16.“Itisnoticeable,however,thatallwerewell-connected
intheGlasgowandScottishbusinesscommunity,having
numerousinter-lockingdirectorships(particularlyin
Scottishfinancialinstitutions),membershipofthelocal
ChamberofCommerce,andtheCBI[...]leadership,
controlanddirectionwastobefirmlylocatedinthe
privatesector”.Boyle,Ibid.p.21.
17.Sir.NormanMacfarlane,forinstance,wasdirectorof
ClydesdaleBank;DirectorofEdinburghFundManagers
andChairUKDistillers,amongnumerousotherroles,
whilehewasChairofGlasgowAction.
18.Boyle,R(1989)‘Partnershipinpractice:Anassessment
ofpublic-privatecollaborationinurbanregeneration–a
casestudyofGlasgowAction’,LocalGovernmentStudies
19.Ibid.
20.Kelman,J,‘StorminthePalace’,in,Mclay,F(ed),The
Reckoning.ClydesidePress,1990,p.52.
13.GerryMooneycorrectlynotesthatcitiessuchas
Glasgowarealltoofrequentlyreifiedandpresented
as“homogeneouslocalesofcommoninterests”in
citybrandingexercises,yet:“‘Glasgow’doesnot‘do’
things,itisnotanagentanditisnot‘Glasgow’that
‘wins’or‘loses’,orthatisundergoinga‘renewal’,but
particular(andifrecentevidenceisanythingtogoby,
fewer)groupsofitscitizenslivinginparticularparts
oftheCity”.Mooney,G,‘CulturalPolicyasUrban
Transformation?CriticalReflectionsonGlasgow,
EuropeanCityofCulture1990’,LocalEconomy,Vol.19,
No.4,327-340,November2004.
26.JamesDYoung,‘TheMayDayCelebrationsinScotland’,
in,TheReckoning,ClydesidePress,1990,p.141-3.
14.ThecampaignwasrepletewithaMr.Menstyle‘Mr.
Happy’,andtheadvertisingconcentratedon,“theABC1
market-namelythosepeoplewhomakeorinfluence
27.SeanDamernoted,in1990,thatthe‘MerchantCity’
monikerwas,“...acompleteinventionofenvironmental
consultants.NobodyinGlasgowhadheardthisterm
21.Ibid.
22.Ibid.(p.50)
23.See,McShane,HandSmith,J,NoMeanFighter,Pluto
Press,1975.
24.Savage,H,BornUpaClose:MemoirsofaBrigtonboy,
ArgyllPublishing,2006,p.16.
25.Clark,W,in,Savage,H,BornUpaClose:Memoirsofa
Brigtonboy,ArgyllPublishing,2006,p.258.
VARIANT37|SPRING/SUMMER2010|43
tenyearsago”.Damer,Sean,Glasgow:GoingforaSong,
LawrenceandWishart,1990.
28.Forawidelyacceptedmainstreamhistoricalsummary,
seeforinstance,Devine,T,M,Scotland’sEmpire:16001815,Penguin,p.73-74.Seealso,StephenMullen,‘Ae
FondKiss,andThenWeSever’,Variant,Issue35:http://
www.variant.org.uk/35texts/AeFondKiss.html
29.Kelman,J,SomeRecentAttacks:EssaysCultural&
Political,AKPress,1992,p.2.
30.“Theauthoritiesrejectedcriticismandcondemnedthe
critics,especiallythosewhousedthephrase‘workingclass’.Theydescribedthemasphilistinesandkill-joys.
Itwasanoddlineofattacksinceafewofthecritics
werewell-knownwriters,artistsandmusicians”.James
Kelman,in,Savage,H,BornUpaClose:Memoirsofa
Brigtonboy,ArgyllPublishing,2006,p.10.
31.BrendamMcLaughlin,groupmember,citedbyWilliam
Clark.Savage,H,BornUpaClose:MemoirsofaBrigton
boy,ArgyllPublishing,2006,p.260.
32.TakeawalkaroundDublin’s‘TempleBarArea’,then
walkdowntotheDocklandstoseehowcultural
regenerationfostersanimageofthecitythatmasks
land-grabbingandrent-seekingpropertydevelopment
onanenormousscale.Glasgow’s‘MerchantCity’has
asimilarfunctioninrelationtowiderdevelopment
strategiesalongtheClyderivercorridorandthe
‘regeneration’oftheEastend.
33.http://libcom.org/history/battle-green-john-taylorcaldwell
34.“FordecadesinScotland,thename‘keelie’hasbeen
appliedpejorativelytoGlaswegians,denoting‘low-class
vulgarbeings’.AbsolutelyappropriatefortheWorkers
Citygroup”.JamesKelman,Introduction,Savage,
H,BornUpaClose:MemoirsofaBrigtonboy,Argyll
Publishing,2006,p.13
35.ArecentWHOhealthreportnotedthat“inequalities
arekillingpeopleoagrandscale”.Aboygrowingupin
Caltonforinstancecanexpecttolive28yearslessthan
inwealthyLenzie.CitedfromaWHOreportonhealth
andwell-being,in,Collins,C,ToBanker,FromBankies.
IncapacityBenefit:MythsandRealities:Perspectiveson
WelfareReformfromtheClydebankIndependentResource
Centre.CIRC.FundedbyOxfamGB,April2009.
36.Kelman,J,‘ArtandSubsidy,andtheContinuingPolitics
ofCultureCity’,SomeRecentAttacks:EssaysCultural&
Political,AKPress,1992,p.32.
37.Gordon-Nesbitt,Rebecca,‘TheNewBohemia’,Variant,
Issue32.http://www.variant.org.uk/32texts/CSG.html
38.Seepage.71forfulllistoftransferredassets:http://
www.scottishcommons.org/docs/BusinessCase.pdf
39.‘GoApecancelsPollockParkDevelopment’:http://www.
indymediascotland.org/node/15857
‘BotanicsNightclubplansscrapped’:http://news.bbc.
co.uk/1/hi/scotland/glasgow_and_west/7352237.stm
40.http://www.heraldscotland.com/news/politics/stormlooms-as-private-revolution-in-scotland-s-councilsgathers-pace-1.1013063
41.http://www.heraldscotland.com/news/politics/purcellsaga-continues-as-further-contracts-to-labour-donorsemerge-1.1016526
42.http://www.heraldscotland.com/news/politics/revealedhow-purcell-used-council-spin-off-company-to-wine-anddine-labour-colleagues-1.1014929
43.Foragoodsummaryofcommongoodissues,see:http://
www.scottishcommons.org/commongood.htm
44.http://www.heraldscotland.com/business/corporate-sme/
mortgaging-property-will-cost-80m-but-glasgow-insists-its-a-good-deal-1.1004279
45.http://www.citypropertyglasgow.co.uk/
56.http://www.heraldscotland.com/news/transportenvironment/closure-an-option-for-glasgow-s-outdatedunderground-1.1015598
57.Seehttp://www.subway2020.com/
Glasgow%20Subway%202020.docespecially,p.17.
89.Ibid.
59.Jones,CandPatrick,J,‘TheMerchantCityAsan
ExampleofHousing-LedRegeneration’,in,Healy,P
etal(eds),RebuildingTheCity:Property-LedUrban
Regeneration,E&FNSpon,1992,p.129.
91.http://www.newleftreview.org/?view=2740
60.Giventhatdisinvestmentisoftenamotorofurban
redevelopment–astrictlylogicaloutcomeofmarket
rationality–onewondersifthisprocesswasn’tatleast
partiallyengineeredviaanincrementalprocessof
‘creativedestruction’?Muchmoreworkwouldneedto
bedoneto‘prove’suchathesis,butthequestionshould,
attheveryleast,beasked.
61.Jones,CandPatrick,J,‘TheMerchantCityAsan
ExampleofHousing-LedRegeneration’,in,Healy,P
etal(eds),RebuildingTheCity:Property-LedUrban
Regeneration,E&FNSpon,1992,p.129.
62.Ibid,p.132.
63.Ibid,p.136.
64.Ibid,p.138.
65.Ibid,p.139.
66.Foranamusingandprescienttakeon‘yuppification’in
GlasgowseeDownAmongtheBigBoys(1993),Directed
byCharlesGormley,andwrittenbyScotland’sJimAllen
-PeterMcDougall.
67.Ibid,p.143,144.
68.Ibid,p.144.
69.See19,http://www.glasgowmerchantcity.net/downloads/
devmap0609.pdf
70.http://www.glasgow.gov.uk/en/News/Archives/2006/July/
JohnStBrunswickStpublicrealm.htm
71.See,http://www.squidoo.com/paddysmarket.Fora
criticaloverview,seesection‘GoverningThroughCrime:
ManagingtheDarkSide’in:http://www.variant.org.
uk/34texts/mechantcity34.html
72.SeeSwyngedouetal,‘NeoliberalUrbanizationin
Europe:Large-ScaleUrbanDevelopmentProjectsand
theNewUrbanPolicy’,in,SpacesofNeoliberalism:Urban
RestructuringinNorthAmericaandWesternEurope,
BlackwellPublishing,2002,p.201-209.
73.Andherewearenotintheleastbitconcernedwith
StevenPurcell’sprivateorpersonallife,butrather
hisroleinfacilitatingthelootingofpublicassets
inGlasgowonanunprecedentedscale.http://www.
heraldscotland.com/revealed-cronyism-at-heart-ofpurcell-s-council-1.1017770
74.Including,SirTomHunter,WillieHaughey,JimMcColl,
AkmalKhushiandDrLesleySawyers.Interestingly,
WillieHaughey-theLabourParty’sbiggestScottish
donor-recentlyreceived£700,000fromClydeGateway
Developments,aquangorunbyIainManson,aformer
advisortoStevenPurcell:http://www.heraldscotland.
com/news/politics/company-linked-to-purcell-in-700-000land-deal-with-labour-donor-1.1014924
75.http://www.glasgow.gov.uk/en/News/Archives/2008/
November/stateofthecityeconomy2008.htm
76.http://news.scotsman.com/latestnews/SNP--casts-doubtover.4706969.jp
77.http://www.glasgow.gov.uk/en/News/Archives/2008/
November/stateofthecityeconomy2008.htm
78.MacLeod,G,‘FromUrbanEntrepreneurialismto
aRevanchistCity?OntheSpatialInjusticesofof
Glasgow’sRenaissance’,in,SpacesofNeoliberalism:
UrbanRestructuringinNorthAmericaandWestern
Europe,BlackwellPublishing,2002,p.254-276..
79.Mclay,F(ed),TheReckoning.ClydesidePress,1990,p.12.
47.http://www.heraldscotland.com/revealed-cronyism-atheart-of-purcell-s-council-1.1017770
80.See,Gray,Neil,‘Glasgow’sMerchantCity:AnArtist-led
PropertyStrategy’,Variant,Issue34,Spring2009.
48.http://www.heraldscotland.com/news/politics/
troubleshooters-called-in-at-crisis-hit-gha-1.821496
81.See,Mooney,G,‘CulturalPolicyasUrban
Transformation?CriticalReflectionsonGlasgow,
EuropeanCityofCulture1990’,LocalEconomy,Vol.19,
No.4,327-340,November2004.
50.http://scottishtenant.wordpress.com/2009/07/19/
syndicated-from-bbc-shelter-report-confirms-housingsqueeze/
51.http://www.cipfa.org.uk/thejournal/download/jour_vol1_
no1_d.pdf
52.http://www.unison-scotland.org.uk/comms/pfi.
html#pfireasons
53.Fornewsandlinks,see:http://sosglasgow.wordpress.
com/and,http://libcom.org/news/glasgow-threateanedschools-occupied-parents-03042009#comment-form
54.http://www.eveningtimes.co.uk/news/editor-spicks-ignore/kids-clubbers-hit-by-bus-fares-hike1.1015641?pollId=poll_1_1015643&questionId=0&forwar
d=http://www.eveningtimes.co.uk:80/news/editor-s-picksignore/kids-clubbers-hit-by-bus-fares-hike-1.1015641&ans
werId=1&cookieSet=true
55.http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/uk/scotland/
article7035061.ece
88.Mclay,F(ed),TheReckoning.ClydesidePress,1990,p.10.
58.Seehttp://www.variant.org.uk/34texts/mechantcity34.
html
46.http.//www.heraldscotland.com/business/corporate-sme/
mortgaging-property-will-cost-80m-but-glasgow-insists-its-a-good-deal-1.1004279
49.See,page.53:http://www.gha.org.uk/content/
mediaassets/doc/AnnualReport2009.pdf
2002,p.3.Foraninfluentialaccountofoperaismowithin
-andagainst-thecurrentsofMarxism,see,Cleaver,
H,ReadingCapitalPolitically,HarvesterPress,1979.
Especially,p.51-66.
82.Peck,Jamie,‘TheCreativityFix’,Variant,Issue34:
http://www.variant.org.uk/34texts/creativityfix.html
83.http://www.variant.org.uk/events/Doc7Poverty/
BeyondAspiration.pdf
84.See,Mooney,G,‘CulturalPolicyasUrban
Transformation?CriticalReflectionsonGlasgow,
EuropeanCityofCulture1990’,LocalEconomy,Vol.19,
No.4,327-340,November2004.
85.Kelman,J,Foreword,SomeRecentAttacks:Essays
Cultural&Political,AKPress,1992,p.1.
86.Asastartingpoint,seetheseseminalaccountsfroma
feministperspective,whichretainananalysisofclass
andcapital:http://libcom.org/library/power-womensubversion-community-della-costa-selma-james.And,
http://libcom.org/library/sex-race-class-james-selma
87.ForanexcellentsummaryofautonomistMarxism,see,
Wright,Steve,StormingHeaven:ClassCompositionand
struggleinItalianAutonomistMarxism,PlutoPress,
90.Ibid(p.9)
92.http://www.cooperativeindividualism.org/hudsonmichael_the-rentier-economy.html
93.Ibid.
94.ThephrasecomesfromaHenriLefebvreessayin
1968,anddespiteitsconnotationsofbourgeoisliberal
democracyand“equalrights”,itusefullyfocuses
attentionon,andprovidesarallyingpointfor,the
controlandmanagementofurbanprocesses.
95.http://www.variant.org.uk/events/Doc7Poverty/
BeyondAspiration.pdf
96.WilliamClark,ayoungergroupmemberatthetime,
hasalludedtohis“difficulty”withsomegenerational
attitudestowardsthesexesinthegroup.BornUpaClose:
MemoirsofaBrigtonboy,ArgyllPublishing,2006,p.259.