African
Economic
Outlook
2018
The opinions expressed and arguments employed herein do not necessarily reflect the official views of
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as well as any data and maps included, are without prejudice to the status of or sovereignty over any
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or area.
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© African Development Bank 2018
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FOREWORD
African economies have been resilient and
gaining momentum. Real output growth is
estimated to have increased 3.6 percent in
2017 and to accelerate to 4.1 percent in 2018
and 2019. Overall, the recovery of growth
has been faster than envisaged, especially
among non-resource–intensive economies.
The world economy is also in better
shape, with faster growth and buoyant capital markets. And with more than $100 trillion
in assets managed by institutional investors and commercial banks globally and
searching for good returns, African countries
have an array of options, beyond domestic
resources and foreign aid, to support their
investments.
But challenges remain, especially for the
structural transformations that would create
more jobs and reduce poverty by deepening
investment in agriculture and developing agricultural value chains to spur modern manufacturing and services.
Economic diversification is thus key to
solving the continent’s problems, especially in the context of a challenging demographic structure. A first priority for African
governments is to encourage a shift toward
labor-absorbing growth paths. A second is
to invest in human capital, particularly in the
entrepreneurial skills of youth, to facilitate
the transition to higher-productivity modern
sectors.
Continued prudent macroeconomic
efforts are needed to create the incentives
and business environment for the private
sector to play its role. Macroeconomic policy
should aim at ensuring external competitiveness to avoid real exchange rate overvaluations and get the full benefits of trade,
improve fiscal revenue, and rationalize public
expenditure. To achieve these goals, the
macroeconomic framework must blend
real exchange rate flexibility, domestic revenue mobilization, and judicious demand
management.
Also needed are massive investments
in infrastructure, this year’s special theme.
To take advantage of the great potential for
infrastructure development, governments
will have to put in place effective institutional
arrangements to manage the complex tasks
of project planning, design, coordination,
implementation, and regulation. They should
also focus on the soft side of infrastructure
development
—
o n tackling the big policy
and regulatory issues, on training the teams
assembling the financing packages, and on
conducting constant research to keep up
with the knowledge frontier.
New work by the Bank reveals that Africa’s infrastructure requirements run to $130–
170 billion a year. That’s far higher than the
long-accepted figure of $93 billion a year.
But African countries do not need to solve all
their infrastructure problems before they can
sustain inclusive growth. They should focus
on how best to use their scarce infrastructure
budgets to achieve the highest economic
and social returns.
As the Outlook concludes, infrastructure projects are among the most profitable
investments any society can make. When
productive, they contribute to and sustain a
country’s economic growth. They thus provide the financial resources to do everything
else.
Akinwumi A. Adesina, President
African Development Bank Group
iii
CONTENTS
Forewordiii
Acknowledgementsix
About this year’s Economic Outlook
xi
Highlightsxiii
Part I
Macroeconomic developments and structural change
1
Chapter 1
Africa’s macroeconomic performance and prospects
3
African economies have been resilient to negative shocks
4
External shocks have exacerbated macroeconomic imbalances
13
Domestic savings, tax revenues, and debt dynamics
19
Conclusions and policy implications
27
Annex 1.1
30
Notes32
References32
Chapter 2
Growth, jobs, and poverty in Africa
33
Growth dynamics: Accelerations, spikes, recoveries and failed take-offs
34
The growth–jobs–poverty nexus
40
Lessons from the growth-jobs-poverty nexus
50
Recommended policy measures
53
Notes57
References58
v
Part II
Financing infrastructure: strategies and instruments
61
Chapter 3
Africa’s infrastructure: Great potential but little impact on inclusive growth
63
Infrastructure is critical for sustainable growth and inclusive development
65
The low infrastructure stock in Africa reflects the low development of many countries on the
continent66
Factors explaining the low infrastructure provision in Africa
76
Infrastructure finance in Africa declined in recent years
82
National governments remain the main sources of infrastructure finance in Africa
84
Falling commitments in 2016 are substantially due to a large reduction of $14.5 billion in reported
Chinese funding and a $4.9 billion reduction in private sector investment
85
Greater financing of high-quality infrastructure would contribute to global public goods and
address some of the world’s biggest challenges
87
Annex 3.1 Africa’s investment needs: A Note on methodology
90
Notes92
References93
Chapter 4
Financing Africa’s infrastructure: New strategies, mechanisms, and
instruments95
A global pact to finance infrastructure in Africa and stimulate industrialization would generate
major global dividends
96
A new approach for infrastructure finance in Africa: From “infrastructure deficits” to
strategic targeting
97
Attracting infrastructure finance to Africa: Reducing risks
99
Potential new funding sources for African infrastructure
102
Attracting institutional investors
103
Private participation in infrastructure financing in Africa
103
Possible new financing mechanisms to support African infrastructure
106
Financial institutions
109
Policy recommendations
110
Annex 4.1 Joint MDB Statement of Ambitions for Crowding in Private Finance
120
Notes122
References123
Country notes
125
Boxes
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
2.1
2.2
Effects of commodity prices on Africa’s growth
The costs and benefits of monetary unions
Increasing tax revenue in Lagos through sensible reforms
Financing Africa’s current account balance
Preparing African workers for the Fourth Industrial Revolution
Does poverty hamper growth—or boost it?
12
18
23
26
49
51
vi C ontents
2.3
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8
4.9
4.10
4.11
China’s three lessons for Africa
The challenging empirics of infrastructure and growth
Infrastructure stocks, needs, and gaps: A practical lexicon
Infrastructure needs: From $93 billion a year to $130–$170 billion
Presidential Infrastructure Coordinating Committee terms of reference
Employment, industrialization, and the Sustainable Development Goals
A Global Structural Transformation Fund
Project development funds for African infrastructure
African countries have borrowed at rates below those in eurozone economies
African institutional investors
Increased local and international partnerships in Africa
Public-private partnerships in African infrastructure
Mozambique: Using subsidies to strengthen bankability
PPP—do’s and don’ts
The Africa50 Infrastructure Fund: A one-stop shop for infrastructure development
Attracting private sector financing for infrastructure in India
The N4 Maputo Corridor Toll Road
52
68
69
70
78
88
97
101
102
104
105
105
108
114
115
116
118
Figures
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
1.7
1.8
1.9
1.10
1.11
1.12
1.13
1.14
1.15
1.16
Real GDP growth in Africa, 2009–19
Real per capita GDP growth in Africa, 2009–19
Components of GDP in Africa, 2009–16
Sectoral composition of GDP in Africa, 2000–16
Sectoral employment shares in Africa and other world regions
GDP growth in selected countries in Africa, 2017
Real GDP growth in selected subregions of Africa, 2009–19
Median inflation rates in Africa and selected country groups, 2009–19
Median and average inflation rates in CFA franc countries, 2009–19
Median inflation rates in Africa and other regions, 2009–19
Fiscal and current account balances in Africa, 2009–19
Terms of trade of oil exporters and nonexporters in Africa, 2000–16
Percent change in nominal exchange rates in selected countries, 2015–16 and 2016–17
Tax and nontax revenue in Africa as a percent of GDP, 2006–14
Relationship between tax revenues/domestic savings and per capita income
Government revenue, government expenditure, and concessional debt in Africa, as a
percent of GDP, 2008–15
1.17 Total, external, and domestic debt in Africa
1.18 External debt as a percent of GDP in African countries before and after the Heavily
Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative
2.1 Growth rates in African countries with and without accelerations, 1960–2014
2.2 Growth dynamics in African countries that experienced growth accelerations
2.3 Elasticity of employment with respect to GDP in selected African countries, 2000–14
2.4 Employment and GDP growth in selected African countries
2.5 Sectoral productivity and employment growth in Africa, 2000–10
2.6 Selected labor market indicators for African countries, 2016
2.7 Structure of employment in selected African countries
3.1 Inequality of opportunity and infrastructure development in selected African countries
3.2 Africa Infrastructure Index 2018
C ontents
5
5
6
7
8
10
11
14
14
15
15
16
17
20
22
23
25
28
35
36
42
43
44
45
46
67
72
vii
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.7
3.8
Gross fixed capital formation per capita in selected global regions, 1960–2015
Electricity and water access in African countries compared with that in China and India
Access to electricity and GDP per capita, 2014
Internet penetration in selected regions of the world
Infrastructure financing gaps to 2040 and investment needs to 2030 in selected regions
How much should the world invest in infrastructure?
73
74
75
75
80
81
Infographics
3.1
3.2
Overall commitments to Africa’s infrastructure from all reported sources fell to $62.5 billion
in 2016, the lowest in five years
Funding for infrastructure relies heavily on external funding, which roughly matches the
funding by national governments
85
86
Tables
1.1
1.2
1.3
A1.1
A1.2
Decomposition of annual growth in labor productivity in selected countries in Africa
Elasticity of government revenues to tax rates in Africa
Intended use of selected sovereign bond issues in selected African countries
Macroeconomic developments in Africa, 2013–19
Decision and completion points for African countries under the Heavily Indebted Poor
Countries (HIPC) Initiative
2.1 Growth accelerations and crisis episodes in selected African countries
2.2 Average annual growth of GDP per capita during growth spikes
2.3 Contribution to growth of sectoral reallocation of labor
2.4 Conditions of employment in Egypt, Mali, South Africa, and Zambia
2.5 Projected population trends, 2013–63
2.6 Effect of growth accelerations on poverty
2.7 Effect of growth accelerations on inequality
3.1 Selected evidence on the growth benefits of infrastructure development
3.2 Preliminary figures on investment needs ($ billions)
3.3 Infrastructure access data for selected global regions
3.4 Impact of unreliable infrastructure services on the productive sector
3.5 Trends in infrastructure finance in Africa, by source ($ billion)
3.6 Infrastructure disbursements of $62.5 billion by sector in Africa, 2016
3.7 Infrastructure disbursements in Africa by region, 2016
3.8 Projected increase in production and employment in G20 countries due to industrialization
in Africa and least developed countries ($ millions)
A3.1 Three high-end scenarios
4.1 Project examples in Africa
4.2 Assets and appetites of potentially investing in African infrastructure
4.3 PPP risks and risk allocation by infrastructure type
A4.1 Private finance mobilization by MDBs: All countries of operation
A4.2 Private finance mobilization by MDBs: Low- and middle-income countries
9
21
26
30
31
37
38
40
47
48
50
51
67
70
76
76
82
83
83
89
91
107
109
117
120
121
viii C ontents
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The African Economic Outlook (AEO) 2018
was prepared under the supervision of Celestin Monga (Vice President, Economic Governance and Knowledge Management, ECVP).
Front office staff of the ECVP Complex, Amah
Ezanin Marie-Aude Koffi, Vivianus Ngong,
and Davina Osei, provided critical support.
Abebe Shimeles (Acting Director, Macroeconomic Policy, Forecasting and Research
department, ECMR) coordinated the preparation of the report with a team consisting of
Amadou Boly (Task Manager), John Anyanwu,
Zorobabel T. Bicaba, El-Hadj M. Bah, Jacob
Oduor, Anthony Simpasa, Audrey Chouchane, Charlotte Karagueuzian, Andinet Woldemichael, and Thouraya Triki. AfDB Statistics
Department provided the underlying data on
the outlook and projections under the guidance of Charles Lufumpa, Director of Statistics Department. Louis Kouakou led the Statistics team, which included Anouar Chaouch,
Mbiya H.K. Kadisha, Soumaila Karambiri,
Stephane Regis Hauhouot, Slaheddine Saidi,
Nirina Letsara, and Guy Desire Lakpa on
infrastructure data issues. Several internal
consultants (Adams Adama, Betty Y. Camara,
Chuku Chucku, Charlotte Karagueuzian,
Linguere M. Mbaye, Tiguene Nabassaga, and
Zackary Seogo) and interns (Amandine Nakumuryango and Kebba Jammeh) provided key
inputs. Administrative assistance was provided by Veronique Aka, Patience Gogo, Eve
A. Kra, and Abiana Nelson.
The following external consultants and
researchers contributed to different chapters: Ahmadou Aly Mbaye and Ameth Saloum
Ndiaye (University Cheikh Anta Diop); Stevan
Lee (Oxford Policy Management) on Chapter 1; Jean-Claude Berthelemy (University
Paris 1 Panthéon Sorbonne) on Chapter 2;
Haroon Borat (University of Cape Town) and
Morne Oosthuizen (University of Cape Town)
on Chapter 2; and David Stiggers (Consultant) and Cledan Mandri-Perrott (World Bank
Group) on Chapter 3.
Very constructive comments and reviews
on Chapter 1 were provided by the late
Calestous Juma (Harvard University), Christopher Adams (University of Oxford), David L.
Bevan (University of Oxford), and Willi Leibfritz on Chapter 1; Calestous Juma (Harvard
University) and Augustin Fosu (University of
Ghana) on Chapter 2; and Shem Simuyemba
(African Development Bank), Jean Kizito
Kabanguka (African Development Bank), and
Lufeyo Banda (African Development Bank) on
Chapter 3.
Ferdinand Bakoup, Acting Director, Country Economics Department, worked with the
Lead Economists (Assitan Diarra-Thioune,
Stefan Muller, Abraham Mwenda, and James
Wahomé) and AfDB Country Economists (see
table) to prepare the country notes. Amadou
Boly ensured overall coordination. This work
benefited from contributions by consultants
in selected countries (Gerard Adonis, Pascual
Afugu, Efrem Tesfai Biedemariam, Benjamin
Camara, Prosper Chitambara, Mohamed
El Dahshan, Salome Kimani, Michel Matamona, Cassandro Mendes, Dickson Malunda,
Jean Pascal Nkou, Jorge Retana De La Peza,
Alieu Saho, Engy Salah, Klaus Schade,
Mohamed Djounaid Soilihi, Kabbashi M. Suliman, A
lmadjir Tassiou); and were reviewed
ix
by an internal team consisting of Amandine
Nakumuryango, Eric Kéré, Thouraya Triki, Kebba
Jammeh, Linguere M. Mbaye, Adams Adama,
Chuku Chuku, Mark Eghan, Audrey Chouchane,
Tiguene Nabassaga, Betty Camara, and El Hadj
Bah. The authors of country notes are listed in the
table below.
Laetitia Yattien-
A miguet and Justin Kaba
sele contributed to the design of the cover.
Country
Country economists/
authors
Algeria
Hervé LOHOUES
Tarik BENBAHMED
Angola
Joel MUZIMA
Benin
Linguere M’BAYE
Botswana
Burkina Faso
Editing, translation, and layout were by a team
from Communications Development Incorporated
led by Bruce Ross-Larson, and including Jonathan Aspin, Joe Brinley, Joe Caponio, Meta de
Coquereaumont, Mike Crumplar, Mary Fisk, Susan
Graham, Christopher Trott, and Elaine Wilson,
with design support from Debra Naylor and translation support from Jean-Paul Dailly and a team at
JPD Systems.
Country
Country economists/
authors
Madagascar
Tankien DAYO
Malawi
Peter Engbo RASMUSSEN
Mali
Abdoulaye KONATE
Hamaciré DICKO
George J. HONDE
Mauritania
Marcellin NDONG NTAH
Facinet SYLLA
Mauritius
Ndoli KALUMIYA
Burundi
Thierry KANGOYE
Morocco
Cabo Verde
Adalbert NSHIMYUMUREMYI
Kaouther
ABDERRAHIM-BEN SALAH
Vincent CASTEL
Cameroon
Richard Antonin DOFFONSOU
Mozambique
Andre ALMEIDA SANTOS
Central African
Republic
Kalidou DIALLO
Namibia
Andre ALMEIDA SANTOS
Chad
Claude N’KODIA
Niger
Facinet SYLLA
Comoros
Alassane DIABATE
Nigeria
Jacob ODUOR
Audrey CHOUCHANE-VERDIER
Congo Republic
Adamon Mukasa NDUNGU
Rwanda
Edward Batte SENNOGA
Côte d’Ivoire
Zorobabel BICABA
Dem. Rep. of Congo
Jean Marie Vianney DABIRE
São Tomé and
Príncipe
Flavio SOARES DA GAMA
Djibouti
Guy Blaise NKAMLEU
Senegal
Toussaint HOUENINVO
Khadidiatou GASSAMA
Egypt
Hervé LOHOUES
Seychelles
Tilahun TEMESGEN
Equatorial Guinea
Dominique PUTHOD
Sierra Leone
Jamal ZAYID
Eritrea
Nyende MAGIDU
Somalia
Ethiopia
Admit Wondifraw ZERIHUN
Edward Batte SENNOGA
Richard WALKER
Salome KIMANI
South Africa
Wolassa Lawisso KUMO
Gabon
Dominique PUTHOD
South Sudan
Guy Blaise NKAMLEU
Gambia
Adalbert NSHIMYUMUREMYI
Sudan
Suwareh DARBO
Ghana
Eline OKUDZETO
Swaziland
Guinea
Olivier MANLAN
George J. HONDE
Guinea-Bissau
Toussaint HOUENINVO
Khadidiatou GASSAMA
Tanzania
Prosper CHARLE
Chidodzie EMENUGA
Kenya
Walter ODERO
Zerihun ALEMU
Togo
Carpophore NTAGUNGURIA
Tunisia
Philippe TRAPE
Uganda
Alexis RWABIZAMBUGA
Vera Kintu OLING
Zambia
Peter Engbo RASMUSSEN
Zimbabwe
Joel MUZIMA
Lesotho
Edirisa NSEERA
Liberia
Patrick HETTINGER
Libya
Kaouther ABDERRAHIM-BEN
SALAH
x A cknowledgements
ABOUT THIS YEAR’S
ECONOMIC OUTLOOK
T
he African Economic Outlook bridges a critical knowledge gap on the diverse socioeconomic realities of African economies through regular, rigorous, and comparative
analysis. It provides short-to-medium term forecasts on the evolution of key macroeconomic
indicators for all 54 regional member countries, as well as analysis on the state of socioeconomic challenges and progress made in each country. It represents African Development
Bank staff economists’ analyses of African economic development during the previous year
and near term. It has become the main flagship report for the African Development Bank, as
well as reference material for those interested in Africa’s development, including researchers,
investors, civil society organizations, and development partners.
Given a rapidly changing Africa and international economic order, we have revamped the
Outlook to enhance its policy relevance while ensuring that it serves the Bank’s operations
well. Three main changes are evident.
First, to increase the AEO’s timeliness, we are moving to an earlier release date so that the
Bank, as a leading African institution, would be among the first to provide headline numbers
on Africa’s macroeconomic performance and outlook. We plan to launch the AEO in midJanuary of every year.
Second, to facilitate advocacy and policy dialogue, the 2018 AEO is being shortened to a
maximum of four chapters and 54 Country Notes, totaling about 175 pages, down from more
than 300 pages in previous years.
Third, we are producing Regional Economic Outlooks for Africa’s five subregions. These
self-contained, independent reports focus on priority areas of concern for each subregion
and provide analysis of the economic and social landscape. They also highlight issues of
pressing current interest.
xi
THEMATIC COVERAGE OF PREVIOUS EDITIONS
xii
Edition
Thematic title
2003
Privatization
2004
Energy Supply and Demand
2005
Financing of Small and Medium-sized Enterprise (SME) Development
2006
Promoting and Financing Transport Infrastructure
2007
Access to Drinking Water and Sanitation in Africa
2008
Technical and Vocational Training
2009
Information and Communication Technology across Africa
2010
Public Resource Mobilization and Aid
2011
Africa and its Emerging Partners
2012
Promoting Youth Employment
2013
Structural Transformation and Natural Resources
2014
Global Value Chains and Africa’s Industrialization
2015
Regional Development and Spatial Inclusion
2016
Sustainable Cities and Structural Transformation
2017
Entrepreneurship and Industrial Development
A bout this year ’ s E conomic O utlook
HIGHLIGHTS
T
his year’s African Economic Outlook examines recent macroeconomic development and
structural changes in Africa, and outlines the 2018 prospects (Part I). It then focuses on
the need to develop Africa’s infrastructure, and recommends new strategies and innovative
financing instruments for countries to consider, depending on their level of development and
specific circumstances (Part II).
PART I: MACROECONOMIC DEVELOPMENTS AND
STRUCTURAL CHANGE
African economies have been resilient: Real output is up, reflecting
generally good macroeconomic policies, progress in structural reforms
(especially in infrastructure development), and generally sensible policy
frameworks
Global and domestic shocks in 2016 slowed the pace of growth in Africa, but signs of
recovery were already manifest in 2017. Real output growth is estimated to have increased
3.6 percent in 2017, up from 2.2 percent in 2016, and to accelerate to 4.1 percent in 2018 and
2019. Overall, the recovery in growth has been faster than envisaged, especially among
non-resource–intensive economies, underscoring Africa’s resilience.
The recovery in growth could mark a turning point in net commodity-exporting countries,
among which the protracted decline in export prices shrunk export revenues and
exacerbated macroeconomic imbalances.
Economic fundamentals and resilience improved in a number of African countries. In
some, domestic resource mobilization now exceeds that of some Asian and Latin America
peers. But it is still insufficient to meet the high level of financing to scale up infrastructure and
human capital.
Many African economies are more resilient and better placed to cope with harsh external
conditions than before. But the end of the commodity price super-cycle has cut earnings from
primary exports in many countries, undermining planned investments. Weaker external
conditions have exposed fiscal vulnerabilities in natural resource–dependent economies as
well as several others.
xiii
African countries
should strengthen
their economic
resilience and
dynamism to lift
their economies
to a new growth
equilibrium driven
by innovation and
productivity
Although domestic revenue mobilization improved
substantially in recent decades, tax-to-GDP ratios
are still low in most African countries. Revenue
regimes have to better capture more gains from
growth and structural change as economies formalize and become more urbanized.
With external official development assistance
sharply lower, and greater appetite for debt to
finance infrastructure and social sectors, many
African governments have turned to international
capital markets to meet their financing needs. The
result: A build-up of debt, much on commercial
terms. Despite the increase, debt levels for most
countries have not yet breached the traditional
threshold indicators. They have actually declined
in nine African countries—sometimes mechanically because of the rebasing of gross domestic
product—and remained stable in others.
Dollar interest rates are expected to edge up
and bond spreads widen, increasing the risk of
sudden halts in private capital flows. Major investments in infrastructure, financed principally by
external borrowing, have raised concerns about a
currency and maturity mismatch in debt service,
as revenue streams accrue predominantly in local
currencies and debt obligations mature before
these streams begin.
With the notable exception of the CFA franc
used by 14 African countries, which is pegged at
a fixed exchange rate against the euro, most African currencies have lost about 20–40 percent of
their value against the dollar since the beginning
of 2015. But the resulting competitive currency
depreciation will not necessarily translate into a
strong price advantage in export markets.
Structural change is taking place but at very low
pace. Structural reforms, sound macroeconomic
conditions, and buoyant domestic demand are
sustaining the growth momentum in resource-intensive economies. Recent empirical work shows
that Africa’s recent growth and poverty reduction
has been associated with a decline in the share
of the labor force in agriculture—especially since
the early 2000s, and most pronounced for rural
females. This decline has been accompanied by
an increase in the productivity of the labor force,
as it has moved from low productivity agriculture
to higher productivity services and manufacturing.
The employment share in manufacturing is not
expanding rapidly. In most of the low-income African countries, the employment share in manufacturing has not peaked and is still expanding, albeit
from very low levels.
African countries should strengthen their economic resilience and dynamism to lift their economies to a new growth equilibrium driven by
innovation and productivity rather than by natural
resources. Macroeconomic policy strategy should
aim at ensuring external competitiveness to avoid
real exchange rate overvaluation and take the full
benefits of trade, improve fiscal revenue, and rationalize public expenditure. To achieve these goals,
the macroeconomic framework must blend real
exchange rate flexibility, domestic revenue mobilization, and judicious demand management.
In the medium term, the most important area of
fiscal policy is tax reform. Widening the tax base
(eliminating many exemptions and leakages) rather
than hiking already high marginal tax rates will be
indispensable for boosting tax revenues. None of
these fiscal policy options is straightforward. All
of them have difficult distributional and welfare
consequences—and all are intensely political.
Policy makers need to ensure that fiscal policy
does not undercut the growth-promoting effects
of public investment, reversing the inroads made
in poverty reduction, health, and education across
the continent. None of these fiscal choices is
straightforward. Intensely political, all have difficult distributional and welfare consequences.
Decisions should be made taking into account
country-specific circumstances and development
priorities. Development projects and programs in
the pipeline should thus be balanced against other
needs. Recurrent expenditures have to be kept in
check, mainly by preventing growth of the public
sector wage bill.
Real exchange rate depreciations might be
viewed as helpful tools, but given the strengthening of the U.S. dollar against many African currencies, competitive depreciations may not necessarily translate into a strong price advantage in export
markets.
Africa needs more development financing. But
the build-up of debt should be consistent with
country development needs and capacities to
service the loans without compromising fundamentals for future growth. Debt must be deployed
xiv H ighlights
in productive investments that yield income
streams for self-financing and grow the economy,
in order to build capacity for increased domestic
resource mobilization that can wean countries
from foreign debt and prevent potential debt distress. Expenditure-reducing measures will have to
bear a large share of the burden of restoring external balance.
The infrastructure–investment drive across
Africa, financed largely by external borrowing,
needs careful analysis to ensure that revenue
streams (generated in local currencies) are strong
enough to meet the debt obligations when they
fall due.
Jobless growth? Employment growth
is only half of output growth
Sustained growth should create jobs, which drive
poverty reduction and make growth more inclusive. But Africa’s recent high growth rates have
not been accompanied by high job growth rates.
Between 2000 and 2008, employment grew at
an annual average of 2.8 percent, roughly half
the rate of economic growth. Only five countries
—A lgeria, Burundi, Botswana, Cameroon, and
Morocco—experienced employment growth of
more than 4 percent.
Between 2009 and 2014, annual employment
growth increased to an average of 3.1 percent
despite slower economic growth. But this figure
was still 1.4 percentage points below average
economic growth. Slow job growth has primarily
affected women and youth (ages 15–24). Africa is
estimated to have had 226 million youth in 2015, a
figure projected to increase 42 percent, to 321 million by 2030.
The lack of job growth has retarded poverty
reduction. Although the proportion of poor people
in Africa declined from 56 percent in 1990 to
43 percent in 2012, the number of poor people
increased. Inequality also increased, with the Gini
coefficient rising from 0.52 in 1993 to 0.56 in 2008
(the latest figure available).
Africa will become the youngest and most populous continent in the next few decades. Its labor
force will rise from 620 million in 2013 to nearly
2 billion in 2063.
A “demographic dividend” might provide a
great opportunity for Africa—and the rest of the
H ighlights
world, which is expected to experience significant labor shortages. But technological advances
could reduce its value.
In the face of rapidly growing populations and
heightened risks of social unrest or discontent,
jobless growth is the most serious concern for
African policy makers. The urgency of implementing reforms for attracting foreign direct investment
in industries with strong competitive potential and
thus allowing the private sector to create enough
“good jobs” cannot be overstated.
Quite a number of the continent’s success
stories (growth spikes not followed by crises) can
serve as a source of inspiration for African policymakers and suggest ways to avoid failed takeoffs. The experiences of countries such as Mauritius, Ethiopia, and Rwanda provide useful lessons
for the entire continent.
Successful take-offs require productivity
growth. Labor force reallocations from the traditional, subsistence, low-productivity sectors to
the modern high-productivity sectors must be
a key part of African growth accelerations. They
require not only the creation of jobs in modern
agriculture, industry, and services, but also policies that empower the poor and the low-skilled
workers so that they can take advantage of
the new opportunities that arise with structural
transformation.
A first priority for African governments is to
encourage a shift toward labor-absorbing growth
paths. They should put in place programs and
policies aimed at modernizing the agricultural
sector, which employs most of the population and
is typically the main step toward industrialization.
A second priority is to invest in human capital,
particularly in the entrepreneurial skills of youth,
to facilitate the transition to higher-productivity
modern sectors.
Quite a number
of the continent’s
success stories can
serve as a source
of inspiration for
African policymakers
and suggest
ways to avoid
failed take-offs
PART II: FINANCING
INFRASTRUCTURE:
STRATEGIES AND
INSTRUMENTS
Africa’s infrastructure needs—$130–$170 billion a year—leave a financing gap of as much as
$108 billion. But with better strategies, sustained
xv
The excess savings
in many advanced
countries could
be channeled into
financing profitable
infrastructure
projects in Africa
and inclusive growth can still be achieved in the
context of a large infrastructure gap.
Africa must industrialize to end poverty and
to generate employment for the 12 million young
people who join its labor force every year. One
of the key factors retarding industrialization has
been the insufficient stock of productive infrastructure in power, water, and transport services
that would allow firms to thrive in industries with
strong comparative advantages. New estimates
by the African Development Bank suggest that the
continent’s infrastructure needs amount to $130–
170 billion a year, with a financing gap in the range
of $68–$108 billion.
With such a large infrastructure gap, and
urgent needs in health, education, administrative capacity, and security, Africa has to attract
private capital to accelerate the building of critical infrastructure needed to unleash its potential.
But African countries do not need to wait until all
financing gaps are filled before they transform their
economic structures.
Africa now collects about $500 billion in tax
revenue every year, $50 billion in foreign aid,
$60 billion in remittances, and $60 billion in FDI
inflows. More than $100 trillion is managed by
institutional investors and commercial banks globally. African countries seeking financial resources
now have a wide variety of options, well beyond
foreign aid. Also in the picture are sovereign
wealth funds and market finance.
The global economy would benefit
enormously from Africa’s industrialization
and the building of productive
infrastructure in the continent
The excess savings in many advanced countries
could be channeled into financing profitable infrastructure projects in Africa. A small fraction of the
excess global savings and low-yield resources
would be enough to plug Africa’s financing gap
and finance productive and profitable infrastructure. Increased production of capital and consumer goods in G20 economies and in Africa
would also put into motion several multiplier
effects, generating further demand for intermediate inputs, augmenting incomes, and increasing
employment. All that would generate 7.5 million
jobs in the G20 economies.
Increasing the share of manufacturing in GDP
in Africa (and other LDCs) could boost investment
in the G20 by about $485 billion and household
consumption by about $1.4 trillion. The impact of
African (and other LDC) industrialization on G20
economies would also be large. Direct exports of
capital and consumption goods would increase
by more than $92 billion. And the indirect effects
associated with this increase in exports—given the
domestic linkages between G20 exporters and
other domestic producers—would increase G20
production by $132 billion. All that would generate 7.5 million jobs in the G20 economies. It would
boost aggregate demand, create employment in
poor and rich countries alike, and move the world
toward peace and prosperity. That this mutually
profitable global transaction is not taking place is
one of the biggest paradoxes of current times.
Under ideal political circumstances, a mutually
profitable global pact to finance Africa’s infrastructure would be established so that Africa and the
world could reap such win-win benefits. A realistic assessment of global governance and political
economy issues in advanced economies suggest
that Africa should not wait for the international
community to understand the potential global
benefits of its industrialization or to finance the
continent’s $130–170 billion infrastructure gap.
Instead, the continent should adopt a more
pragmatic approach to infrastructure financing.
Focusing primarily on new models of financing, African countries can jump directly into the
global economy by building well-targeted infrastructure to support competitive industries and
sectors in industrial parks and export-processing zones linked to global markets. By attracting
foreign investment and firms, even the poorest
African countries can improve their trade logistics, increase the knowledge and skills of local
entrepreneurs, gain the confidence of international buyers, and gradually make local firms
competitive.
Infrastructure projects are among the most
profitable investments any society can make.
When productive, they contribute to and sustain
a country’s economic growth, and therefore provide the financial resources to do everything else.
But many governments try to do too much at the
same time and end up not actually doing much.
x vi H ighlights
Or they give priority to the wrong industries and
sectors and devote their limited financial, administrative, and human resources to activities that are
not competitive and cannot generate enough payoffs to sustain development.
Universal access to high-quality infrastructure
can only be a long-term goal. Trying to achieve
it with limited resources has led governments to
spend too much on too many projects with low
economic returns and little impetus for industrial
growth and employment creation. However, African countries do not need to solve all their infrastructure problems before they can achieve sustained and inclusive growth. Instead, they should
focus on how to best use their scarce infrastructure budget to achieve the highest economic and
social returns.
Targeting sectors and locations
is therefore a key policy
recommendation
Fortunately, the current global financial conditions
are favorable and likely to remain so in the medium
term, and new instruments are being developed to
mitigate the higher risks facing investors in many
African countries.
It should be acknowledged that private financing of infrastructure will likely remain a small share
of global spending on infrastructure, estimated at
5–10 percent. Governments can optimize the use
of existing infrastructure to reduce inefficiency and
waste, and prioritize investments into projects with
the highest economic and social returns.
Effective institutional arrangements are thus
essential for effective management of the complex
tasks of project planning, design, coordination,
development, implementation, and regulation.
To improve efficiency, governments should
also focus on the soft side of infrastructure
development—on policy and regulatory issues,
on education and training of the teams involved in
infrastructure financing, and on constant research
to keep up with new knowledge.
African countries should better leverage
public funds and infrastructure investments,
while encouraging private sector participation.
But the different stages of development of African countries mean that the policy approaches
need to be country specific. Some new financing
H ighlights
mechanisms could be implemented in all African
countries, taking into account the specific economic circumstances and the productive structures of national economies.
Infrastructure debt has not yet been widely
considered a major asset class by investors in
Africa. But some countries on the continent are
using a wide range of financing mechanisms to
support investments in infrastructure, and the
successful new approaches should be scaled up.
Creating an “infrastructure asset” class to
attract institutional investors and the enhanced
use of guarantees by government or development
finance institutions can lower perceived private
sector risk and crowd in funding.
Project puttable bonds are designed to mobilize
pension and life insurance funds as well as sovereign funds for PPPs in emerging economies. They
would finance long-term investment funds from
the beginning to the closing of a project, avoiding refinancing risk. Several entities
—
including
MIGA, AfDB, GuarantCo, and institutions such as
Nigeria’s InfraCredit—offer risk mitigation, credit
enhancements, and guarantees to support financial arrangements, public–private partnerships, and
access to local and international capital markets.
To facilitate long-term finance, an MDB could
provide a put option after the construction and
ramp-up period and receive a guarantee premium.
The MDB would then take the construction and
early operational risk to facilitate financing, complemented by commercial loans, if appropriate.
To buy debentures or convertible bonds to
finance the initial phases of a project, an MDB
could provide short-term, flexible loans to governments. The debentures would be issued by
a privately owned special-purpose vehicle that
builds and operates the infrastructure facility and
finances the initial phase of the project.
After construction and after some of the initial
risks have subsided, the government would sell
the debentures to investors in the market and use
the proceeds to repay the MDB. Output-based
long-term PPP agreements can support the delivery of basic service where policy concerns would
justify public funding to complement or replace
user fees. They reduce the burden on development to recover all costs through just connection
and tariff costs.
Some countries
on the continent
are using a wide
range of financing
mechanisms to
support investments
in infrastructure,
and the successful
new approaches
should be scaled up
x vii
PART I
MACROECONOMIC
DEVELOPMENTS AND
STRUCTURAL CHANGE
1
AFRICA’S
MACROECONOMIC
PERFORMANCE
AND PROSPECTS
1
KEY MESSAGES
T
his chapter reviews Africa’s economic performance in 2017 and presents forecasts of GDP
growth for 2018–19. It analyzes growth outcomes and discusses some of the macroeconomic
shocks and vulnerabilities African countries face and how they have affected development financing.
Several key findings and recommendations emerge from the analysis:
•
Growth in real output recovered in 2017. Many African economies are better placed to cope with
harsh external conditions than they were in the past two decades. Global conditions have eased
slightly since mid-2016, improving the outlook for Africa, but countries in the region still face major
macroeconomic challenges. Commodity prices have recovered but not to precrisis levels, and
demand for traditional and nontraditional exports from Africa remains modest. Although current
account positions have improved, they are not sufficiently robust; dollar interest rates are expected to
edge up, bidding up the cost of capital; and external debt ratios have begun to rise across the region.
•
The infrastructure investment drive in the region, financed largely by external borrowing, needs
careful monitoring to ensure that revenue streams (generated in local currencies) are strong
enough to meet the debt obligations when they fall due. Fiscal policy should not undercut the
growth-promoting effects of the recent surge in public investment and reverse the inroads made
in poverty reduction, health, and education across the continent.
•
In the short term, macroeconomic policy must blend real exchange rate flexibility and judicious
demand management. Real exchange rate depreciations will be important, but given the
strengthening of the U.S. dollar, competitive currency depreciations may not necessarily translate
into a strong price advantage in export markets. Domestic demand management may have to
bear a larger share of the burden in restoring external balance. Ongoing infrastructure projects will
need to be completed and maintained, and projects in the pipeline balanced against other needs.
Recurrent expenditures, including the public sector wage bill, should be watched carefully.
•
In the medium to long term, the most important area of fiscal policy is tax reform. Domestic
revenue mobilization improved substantially in recent decades, but tax-to-GDP ratios are still
below the 25 percent threshold deemed sufficient to scale up infrastructure spending. There is
an urgent need for better revenue regimes—including progressive elimination of the vast array of
exemptions and leakages that pepper tax systems—to capture the gains from growth and rapid
structural change that some countries are experiencing.
•
None of these fiscal choices is straightforward. Intensely political, all have difficult distributional
and welfare consequences. Adopting and implementing a coherent and equitable fiscal policy
holds out the best prospects for sustained growth when external conditions improve.
3
Africa needs more
development
financing. But the
build-up of debt
should be consistent
with countries’
development needs
and capacities to
service the loans
4
Regional and global shocks in 2016 slowed the
pace of growth in Africa, but signs of recovery
were already manifest in 2017. Real output growth
is estimated to have increased 3.6 percent in 2017,
up from 2.2 percent in 2016, and to accelerate to
4.1 percent in 2018 and 2019.
There is significant heterogeneity across African countries. Some are performing remarkably
well while others experience tepid growth. Structural transformation and productivity improvements are evident in some non-resource-dependent countries. Expanding this process across
the continent is critical to sustain growth, create
employment, and accelerate poverty reduction.
The recovery in growth could mark a turning point in net commodity-exporting countries,
among which the protracted decline in export
prices shrunk export revenues and exacerbated
macroeconomic imbalances. Although revenues
declined and expenditures rose in these economies, inflation and current account positions
for the continent as a whole improved in 2017,
thanks to better exchange rate policies. Overall, the recovery in growth has been faster than
envisaged, especially among non-resource-intensive economies, underscoring Africa’s resilience.
Structural reforms, sound macroeconomic conditions, and buoyant domestic demand are sustaining the growth momentum in resource-intensive
economies. African countries should strengthen
this economic dynamism to lift their economies to
a new growth equilibrium driven by innovation and
productivity rather than by natural resources.
Economic fundamentals and resilience to
shocks improved in a number of African countries.
In some, domestic resource mobilization now
exceeds that of some Asian and Latin American
countries at similar levels of development. But it is
still insufficient to meet the high level of financing
to scale up infrastructure and human capital.
With external official development assistance
per capita sharply lower, and an increased appetite for debt to finance infrastructure and social
sectors, many African governments have turned
to international capital markets to meet their
financing needs. The result has been a build-up
of debt, much of it on commercial terms. Despite
the increase, levels for most countries have not yet
breached the traditional threshold indicators. Debt
levels have actually declined in nine African countries, and they have remained stable in others.
Africa needs more development financing. But
the build-up of debt should be consistent with
countries’ development needs and capacities to
service the loans without compromising fundamentals for future growth. Debt must be deployed
in productive investments that yield income
streams for self-financing and grow the economy,
in order to build capacity for increased domestic
resource mobilization that helps wean countries
from foreign debt and prevents potential debt
distress.
The chapter is organized as follows. The next
section looks at the performance of African economies. Section 2 discusses external shocks and
macroeconomic imbalances. Section 3 examines
domestic savings, tax revenues, and debt dynamics. The last section summarizes the chapter’s
policy implications.
AFRICAN ECONOMIES
HAVE BEEN RESILIENT TO
NEGATIVE SHOCKS
After tepid annual growth of 2.2 percent in 2016,
average real GDP rebounded, reaching 3.6 percent in 2017. It is projected to grow 4.1 percent a
year in 2018 and 2019 (figure 1.1).
No single factor accounts for this improvement.
It reflects better global economic conditions; the
recovery in commodity prices (mainly oil and
metals); sustained domestic demand, partly met
by import substitution; and improvements in agricultural production.
Country-level variation is significant. Indeed,
much of the downturn is linked to the recession in
Nigeria, where output shrunk 1.5 percent in 2016,
a result of low oil prices and policy challenges,
including delays in exchange rate adjustments.
The recovery in oil prices bolstered production in
2017. Coupled with strong performance in agriculture, it lifted the economy out of last year’s recession, but growth was still tepid, at 0.8 percent.
Nigeria is set for a rebound, but is projected to be
weaker than the average for the continent.
Among the continent’s other large economies, South Africa was a drag on growth in 2016
A frica’ s macroeconomic performance and prospects
FIGURE 1.1 Real GDP growth in Africa, 2009–19
Percent
12
Nigeria
10
8
Africa
6
4
2
Sub-Saharan Africa,
excluding Nigeria
North Africa,
excluding Libya
0
–2
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
2015
2016
2017
2018
(estimated) (projected)
2019
(projected)
2016
2017
2018
(estimated) (projected)
2019
(projected)
Source: AfDB statistics.
FIGURE 1.2 Real per capita GDP growth in Africa, 2009–19
Percent
Debt must
be deployed
in productive
investments that
yield income
streams for
self-financing and
grow the economy
10
Nigeria
5
0
Sub-Saharan Africa,
excluding Nigeria
North Africa,
excluding Libya
–5
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
2015
Source: AfDB statistics.
(0.3 percent), while Egypt enjoyed above-average
growth (4.3 percent).
In North Africa excluding Libya, the 2016 downturn was milder than elsewhere, with growth slowing from 4.0 percent in 2015 to 3.4 percent in 2016
(Libya is excluded because the country’s extremely
volatile growth distorts the picture, even though it
accounts for less than 5 percent of Africa’s GDP).
Growth rebounded to 3.6 percent in 2017 and is
set to accelerate to 4.1 percent in 2018 and gain
A frica’ s macroeconomic performance and prospects
5
Africa’s economic
performance has
been resilient
against the
background of a
difficult external
environment in
recent years
momentum in 2019 to 4.7 percent. Growth in Sub-
Saharan Africa excluding Nigeria slowed from
3.8 percent in 2016 to 3.2 percent 2017. It is projected to increase to more than 4 percent a year in
2018 and 2019. Growth among net oil-importing
countries grew at an average rate of 3.9 percent in
2017, up from 2.9 percent in 2016.
Africa as a whole saw growth fall behind the
global average in 2016; in 2017 it grew at about
the same rate as the global economy. But
because population growth is greater than in most
other regions, per capita growth was below the
world average. In North Africa excluding Libya, it
rose by just 1.8 percent in 2017 and is projected
to increase by just 2.3 percent and 2.9 percent
in 2018 and 2019, respectively. In Sub-Saharan
Africa excluding Nigeria, per capita income rose
by just 1.1 percent in 2017 and is projected to
increase by just 1.5 percent in 2018 and a further
1.8 percent in 2019. In Nigeria per capita income
fell 1.7 percent in 2017 but the contraction is projected to reduce to 0.6 percent in 2018 and narrow
further to just 0.1 percent the following year.
Global economic growth is estimated to rise
from 3.1 percent in 2016 to 3.6 percent in 2017
and 3.7 percent in 2018.1 This growth may lead
to higher commodity prices, which would benefit
some African countries.
Africa’s economic performance has been resilient against the background of a difficult external environment in recent years. The continent’s
main exports are commodities. Commodity prices
enjoyed a long boom, both before the 2008 crash
and for many years after it. That boom has ended.
The prices of many commodities fell to local lows
at the start of 2016, and the value of many of
Africa’s exports, including oil, gold, and coffee,
declined between 2014 and 2016. The prices of
oil and metals recovered significantly in 2016 and
2017, if well below the highs of 2010–14. The rise
in prices boosts demand for (and in many cases
production of) African commodity exports.
GDP and all of its components rose
GDP in Africa has grown in real terms every year
since 2009—despite the hit to export earnings
by the decline in commodity prices in 2013–15.
Public and private investment grew every year
between 2012 and 2016 (figure 1.3). Private investment slowed in 2015 but recovered in 2016.
The real value of exports fell in 2013–15, recovering slightly in 2016. Weaker export earnings
FIGURE 1.3 Components of GDP in Africa, 2009–16
2009 GDP = 100
150
100
50
0
–50
2009
2010
Private consumption
Government consumption
2011
2012
Private investment
Government investment
2013
2014
2015
2016
Exports
Imports
Source: AfD