The core of the present study is a comprehensive corpus of “Corinthian” Roman Relief Ware. The do¬cu¬mentation assembled for this purpose has allowed the author to conduct an exhaustive and systematic evaluation of the potential and problems associated with this particular class of Roman red-slipped pottery, which has hitherto attracted little scholarly attention. There was a clear need for a new and comprehensive study of the material which would consider all the relevant aspects, including chronology and typology, production, distribution, iconography and iconology. “Corinthian” Roman Relief Ware was produced during a relatively short period, from the mid (if not late) 2nd century AD until the late 3rd or early 4th. Previously, the emergence of the ware was dated to the early 3rd century AD. However, it can now be placed at some point in the second half of the 2nd century, on the basis of new finds from stratified contexts (in particular from Patras, Emona and Paestum), in which the associated material, no¬tably Corinthian lamps of Broneer type XXVII (especially his groups A, C and D), is in¬di¬ca¬tive of a 2nd-century date, in particular within the Hadrianic-Antonine and Severan periods. The 3rd century AD was apparently the main period of production (in parallel with the production of lamps), since a large number of specimens were found in stratified contexts of this period (mainly at Corinth, Ostia, Olympia and the wreck off Milazzo in Sicily). The vessels in question were generally associated with Corinthian lamps, African Red Slip Ware, transport amphorae from the Central Mediterranean, and in some cases also anchors and glass. The end-date is suggested by a destruction deposit of the second half of the 3rd cen¬tury/early 4th century AD, recently excavated at Corinth, and by unpublished contexts from Corinth and Argos. One such deposit contained an ample number of Attic and Corinthian lamps, pottery and coins from the second half or late 3rd century and the early decades of the 4th. Two other deposits contained material which was mainly from the second half of the 3rd century and the beginning of the 4th. Despite the absence of evidence for actual workshops (which might become available with the publica¬tion of the rich finds from Patras), the problem of determining the geographical source of the ware may be said to have been more or less resolved. Laboratory analyses, which were undertaken for the first time on this type of ware, showed a substantial homogeneity of fabric, which suggests a single place of production through time. The strong similarity between the chemical composition of the relief ware and that of other classes of pottery known to have been produced at Corinth, leaves little doubt that the “Corinthian” Roman Relief Ware was actually made at Corinth. Further evidence is provided by the finding in that city of the only known mould for making such bowls. Moreover, certain cups/pyxides bear incised names which correspond to examples found beneath the bases of Corinthian lamps. The corpus at my disposal – comprising 630 examples – in con¬junc¬tion with the availability of rich photographic documentation was helpful in establishing a detailed typology of the ware, based on the correlation of a range of features (shape and profile of the rim, body and base, the angle of the carination, the rendering of a profile-band below the rim and, finally, the dimensions). The typology is designed as an open system, so that it can be expanded where necessary. The repertoire of shapes of “Corinthian” Roman Relief Ware is for all practical purposes limited to three forms. Form 1 is a cup/pyxis with a more or less cylindrical body. This form was the most frequently produced and had the widest distribution. A number of sub-types were identified, marked by a ring base of variable height, straight vertical sides (in some cases oblique and curving), a plain thickened rim, more or less everted, and with one or more mouldings on the exterior. This form was never provided with handles, except perhaps for a rare variant, until now only known from a fragmentary find from Pergamon: a small clay lug decorated with four faint grooves on its outer face was perhaps an attachment for the insertion of a vertical handle. D. C. Spitzer reported another example from Pergamon with faint traces of a handle attachment on the body of the vessel, but this was recently re-assigned to Pergamene Sigillata of the Middle to Late Imperial period. Form 2 is a shallow open bowl/plate with a ring base. So far, this form is known only from Corinth, which may be another indication for the provenance of the ware. Finally, Form 3 is a hemispherical trulla, with a very low base and a flat handle decorated on the upper side with a kantharos. As for vessel dimensions, it proved possible to define three typical sizes for the cups/pyxides of Form 1, with rim-diameters of 14–15 cm, 9–10 cm and a few miniature examples of about 6 cm. With regard to function, use as drinking vessels at symposia and other such occasions, is suggested, from the analysis of the find contexts. This was confirmed by the vessels found in an important deposit recently excavated at Corinth, even though the excavator inferred that they were intended for solid food or sauces. However, the intriguing hypothesis remains that these vessels could have been used as containers for an unguent, in powdered or – more probably – a more solid form (the diapasmata or perhaps the spissa mentioned by Pliny the Elder). Until now, no lids have been found which can be associated with this class of vessels, though it is possible to imagine the existence of covers made of perishable materials, such as cork, which would not have been preserved. The decorative repertoire comprises seven schemes: the labours of Hercules, a combat motif (presumably an amazonomachy), Dionysiac scenes, a theoxenia, a rural landscape, “Homeric” scenes and, finally, simple vegetal decoration. The trullae with the theoxenia motif are particularly noteworthy. The scene is set in a rural landscape and represents the majestic figure of Dionysus dressed in a pleated garment, holding a thyrsos in his left hand and supported on the right side by a young satyr. A satyr, who is unlacing his sandals, crouches in front of him, followed by another satyr with a thyrsos in his raised right hand. He rests a leather skin on his shoulder with his left hand. Further on, below thick foliage, stands a kline on which two figures are reclining: one of these is dressed on the upper part of the body and supports his left arm on a cushion, while his right is raised in a gesture of invitation. The other, a woman, is reclining towards the right, turning the upper part of her body towards Dionysus, who is just about to enter. The whole scene, which has a clear Hellenistic imprint, has precise parallels in a relief known from a long series of copies and variants: the so-called “Visit of Dionysus to Icarius”, which depicts a lively scene representing the visit of Dionysus to the poet. Interestingly, a fragment of a cup/pyxis from Gortyn displays a completely new subject: a “Homeric” scene of the blinding of Polyphemus. Odysseus to the right offers a cup filled with wine to the giant who is reclining on the rock. On the ground below may be seen the pole to be used in the blinding. Also new is a vegetal scheme made up of small cypresses placed one next to the other without leaving space for a figurative element; this is hitherto attested only on a cup/pyxis from Corinth. Unique, also, is a fragment from Argos with a representation of small figures and animals in a rural setting. A comprehensive analysis of all the examples in the corpus made it possible for the author to reject the hitherto current hypothesis concerning the placing of the individual punches in the matrix. On the one hand, this seems completely casual and without any narrative logic, yet, on the other hand, it follows an overall scheme generating fixed sequences, which are repeated consistently on an important number of examples of identical dimensions. This is certainly the case with the cups/pyxides with combat motifs, and also with those bearing Dionysiac scenes. The trullae with the theoxenia motif stand apart; they adopt a more fluid narrative style that is not sub-divided by metopes with inserted motifs and hence delimited by floral decoration. The cups/pyxides depicting the labours of Hercules are likewise distinctive, in that the existence of two decorative series with a regular disposition of the punches could be demonstrated. The first of these com¬prises cups/pyxides with seven of the hero’s labours: the Lion (I), the Hydra (II), the Boar (III), the Hind (IV), the Birds (V), the Belt (IX) and the Augean Stables (VI); the second series comprises the remaining labours: the Bull (VII), the Horses (VIII), Cerberus (XI) and the Apples (XII), and again also the Belt (IX) and the Augean Stables (VI). The existence of a literary source (a text by Antipater of Thessalonica) combined with an in-depth analysis of the social, religious and cultural context of the city of Corinth in the Middle Imperial period made it possible to explain why certain episodes are missing. Hence, the absence of the fight of Hercules with the three-bodied Geryon may be explained by the particular political situation of Corinth. The city was destroyed in 146 BC by the consul Lucius Mummius Achaicus. On his return to Rome, Mummius decided to erect a temple to Hercules on the Mons Caelius in commemoration of his campaign, in which the Hercules Victor type seems to have been associated with the Geryon episode, in particular with his presence in Rome and his encounter with the local hero Cacus, son of Vulcan. Geryon and Cacus are equated in some ancient sources, which may explain why the inhabitants of Corinth, who might have preserved a vivid memory of the destruction of their city by Mummius,...

This chapter analyses a specific type of decorated coarse ware, a ceramic production that is known in Northern Italy from the late Republican era to the early Imperial period. It is traditionally linked with the previous 'Celtic' culture or 'indigenous' tradition. Notably, 36 sherds were discovered in the 'Quartiere degli Artigiani.' Although the majority of the sherds were not diagnostically significant, it can be concluded that the most common shape identified is the olla, which is a multi-use pot in domestic contexts. The frequent blackening on the sherds suggests a more specific use for cooking or heating food and liquids. Smaller ollae were also used for storage or drinking. A single rim sherd was identified as belonging to a bowl that could have served various functions, including being used as a lid for cooking vessels. Bedriacum's 'traditional' domestic ware predominantly features a digital imprint pattern. Additionally, instrumental imprints of various shapes, such as oval, circular, triangular, and dotted, are present. The pottery also employs incising as a decorative technique, with different types of incisions, including parallel lines, wavy lines, zigzag, herringbone, and grid. In this case-study assemblage, incisions are less common than impressions, although they increased during the 1 st century AD. Plastic decorations, known as 'bugnette', were not popular in this area, as evidenced by the sole sherd found in the 'Domus del Labirinto' area and none in this quarter. The decorative patterns are compound, featuring elements realised through both impression and incision techniques.