To be published in: Variation and Change in the Syntax and Morphology of Medieval Celtic Languages. Proceedings of the Chronologicon Hibernicum Workshop, Maynooth, 13. - 14. October 2017. Ed. Elliott Lash. The functions and semantics of MW X hun(an) – a quantitative study In Modern Welsh, the intensifier X hun(an) is also used as a reflexive pronoun. However, this functional expansion is recent and becomes productive only after the Middle Welsh period. The present quantitative study based on the corpora Rhyddiaith y 13eg Ganrif and Rhyddiaith Gymraeg / Welsh Prose 1300-1425 reveals that in Middle Welsh X hun(an) is used almost exclusively as an intensifier, while reflexivity is coded by the verbal prefix ym- or by plain pronouns. Verbs coded with either strategy have very similar semantics, denoting positive or negative self-directed actions. It is however difficult to find a feature that connects the fourteen, partly controversial instances of reflexive X hun(an) contained in the corpora. 1 INTRODUCTION The different types of reflexive markers are a much discussed areal feature of the languages of Western Europe.* While the markers of most European languages, like e.g. German sich, French se or Italian si are based on the PIE reflexive pronoun *s(w)e1, English and the neighbouring Insular Celtic languages Welsh and Irish2 employ different markers originating from intensifers. As a result, reflexive markers and intensifiers are different in the former group, but not in the latter. German expresses reflexivity with the pronouns mich, dich, sich, etc. (ex. 1a, 1b), while uninflected selbst ‘self’ is used as an intensifer (ex. 1c adnominal, 1c adverbal), English uses my-, your-, himself, etc. in both cases. (1) (a) German English Ich sehe mich im Spiegel. I see myself in the mirror. reflexive (b) German English Er spricht ständig mit sich. He keeps talking to himself. reflexive (c) Der Präsident selbst wird der Feier beiwohnen. The President himself will attend the ceremony. intensifier Der Präsident schrieb seine Rede selbst. The President wrote his speech himself. intensifier German English (d) German English A formal similarity of intensifiers / reflexives is to be observed especially between English and Welsh. Both languages have complex markers consisting of a pronoun inflected according to person, number and gender coupled with a second element, which is self in English, hun in North Welsh and hunan in South Welsh (table 1). In addition, both markers originate from intensifiers and are in use with such function. * This study was carried out within the project “Detransitivity in the Brittonic Languages: Reflexivity, Reciprocity and Middle Voice Constructions” funded by the German Research Council. 1 Haspelmath (2001:1501), König & Siemund (2000:44-51). 2 See Irslinger (2014:164-164) on Modern Irish and (ibid.:179-182) on Old Irish. 2 Britta Irslinger Modern Welsh Sg Pl 1 2 3m 3f 1 2 3 North South fy hun dy hun ei hun ei hun ein hun eich hun eu hun fy hunan dy hunan ei hunan ei hunan ein hunain eich hunain eu hunain Modern English myself yourself himself herself ourselves yourselves themselves Table (1): Paradigms of intensifiers/reflexives in Modern Welsh and English Because English differs from the other Germanic languages, which have reflexives based on PIE *se-,3 and displays a marker structurally similar to the Welsh one, the hypothesis of a Celticism in English or at least of convergent developments has widely been discussed as a possible explanation.4 For both languages the double function of intensifier / reflexive is not yet to be found in the earliest documents, i.e. in Old English or Old Welsh.5 Both English X-self and Welsh X hun(an) were first employed as intensifiers and only much later as reflexive anaphors. This means that whatever conclusion can be reached with regard to contact influence in the case of the intensifiers cannot be relevant for the reflexives, as separate processes brought about their emergence in the two languages. In Old English, co-reference was expressed by the ordinary personal pronouns, which were ambiguous in the 3rd persons, cf. ex. (2, 3). Disambiguation could be obtained by adding an intensifier like in (4) (König & Siemund 2000:44-46). (2) Ælfric, Grammar 96.11-12; late 10th - early 11th c. (ed. Zupitza 1966) hine he bewerað mid wæpnum PRONACC.3SG.M PRONNOM.3SG.M defendPRET.3SG with weapons ‘he defended himself with weapons’ (3) Ælfric, Genesis 3.8; late 10th - early 11th c. (ed. Crawford 1922) ða behydde Adam hine & his wif eac swa dyde and hidePRET.3SG Adam PRONACC.3SG.M and his wife also so doPRET.3SG ‘and Adam hid himself and his wife did the same’ (4) Orosius IV.11; late 9th c. (ed. Sweet 1883) Hannibal ... hine selfne mid atre acwealde. Hannibal ... PRONACC.3SG.M selfACC.SG.M with poison killPRET.3SG ‘Hannibal killed himself with poison.’ 3 Cf. Gothic dat. sis, acc. sik, Old Norse ser, sik, Old Saxon sik, Old High German sih < Proto-Germanic *siz, *sike ‘himself, herself’ (Kroonen 2013:437). 4 See the different treatments e.g. in Preusler (1938:187), Tristram (1999:24), Vezzosi (2005:228-240), Filppula et.al. (2008:95-97), Miller (2012:37) and Vennemann (2013:122). According to Poppe (2009:253-258) the hypothesis remains unproven, albeit attractive. Lange (2007:186) is skeptical and suggests conducting further research first. Contrary to this, Van Gelderen (forthcoming) rejects any influence from Irish or Welsh on the OE Lindisfarne Glosses. 5 Old Welsh is fragmentarily attested in onomastics, glosses and a few short texts, some of which are difficult to understand. This material contains two clear examples of intensifying X hun(an). In addition, there is one reflexive construction, containing a verb with the prefix im- (OW for MW ym-) and possibly an infixed pronoun. Although the analysis of the latter is controversial (see the discussion in Irslinger 2014:183, 191-193), its analysis as a plain pronoun expressing co-reference is probable in view of Middle Welsh (see below, section 4.2). Overall, there is not enough evidence to draw any firm conclusions regarding the expression of reflexivity in Old Welsh. 3 Britta Irslinger For English the expansion of the functional scope of the intensifier and its use as a reflexive marker can be dated precisely. While the earliest examples can be found around 1150, the replacement of the simple pronoun strategy by X-self was complete as late as the 17th century. Nevertheless, X-self was used as a reflexive in the majority of cases already by the end of the 15th century. Examples (5) and (6) illustrate the old and new strategies respectively in different editions of the Bible (Peitsara 1997:288, König & Siemund 2000:49, Keenan 2002:333-350, Lange 2007:173-177). (5) Wycliffe, The Old Testament, Genesis 3.8, 1380 (Peitsara 1997, 321) Adam and his wijf hidden hem fro the face of the Lord God ‘Adam and his wife hid themselves from the face of the Lord God’ (6) Tyndale, Five Books of Moses Genesis 3.8, 1530-34 (Peitsara 1997, 322) And Adam hyd hymselfe and his wyfe also from the face of the LORDe God Unfortunately, such detailed information is not available for Middle Welsh X hun(an), making it challenging to compare the development of the two languages. The present paper makes a first attempt to carry out such a comparison with the help of a quantitative study. The paper is organized as follows: section 2 summarizes the relevant typologic and diachronic research on intensifiers developing into reflexive markers. Section 3 examines the number of occurrences of X hun(an) in the corpus of Rhyddiaith Gymraeg / Welsh Prose 1300–1425, their function and their distribution according to text types. Section 4 will then analyse the function of X hun(an) as a part of constructions coding reflexive events as well as the semantics and syntax of the verbs with which it occurs considering also the material contained in the corpus Rhyddiaith y 13eg Ganrif. Finally, the instances of X hun(an) as a reflexive marker will be discussed in detail with regard to date, distribution and possible triggers of the change. 2 TYPOLOGIC AND DIACHRONIC ASPECTS An intensifier can be adjoined to each constituent of a clause, referring to the entity expressed by this very constituent. Ex. (7a, b) from König (2001:748) illustrate this use for two different constituents. In (7a) the intensifier is adjoined to the NP coding the agent and refers to it (adnominal use). In (7b), the intensifier is adjoined to the VP (adverbial use). Because a verbal action presupposes the presence of an agent, the intensifier refers not only to the action itself, but also, and even predominantly, to the agent who performs it intentionally. Gast & Siemund (2006:366) thus propose the term “actor-oriented” instead of “adverbial” for the type in (6b), which will be adopted here.6 (7) 6 König (2001:748), Gast & Siemund (2006:349) (a) The President himself will attend the ceremony. (adnominal use) (b) The President wrote his speech himself. (adverbial / actor-oriented use) Gast & Siemund (2006:366, 371) describe the function of an “actor-oriented” intensifier as “role disambiguation”. The intensifier blocks middle readings of polyfunctional verbal or pronominal middle markers, stating who is the intentional agent. 4 Britta Irslinger The basic function of intensifiers is to evoke alternatives to the referent of their focus. In doing so, they structure the set of referents belonging to a certain situation into a centre expressed by the intensified constituent and a periphery (König 2001:749). Intensifiers thus express coreference with their head like reflexives, but their function is pragmatic instead of syntactic. In combination with reflexives they have a disambiguating function, i.e. adnominal intensifiers are used for referential disambiguation and actor-oriented intensifiers are used for role disambiguation (Gast & Siemund 2006:363, 370). Intensifiers are thus often adjoined to “full reflexives”, i.e. transitive events in which the agent performs an action on him- or herself (ex. 8b), which he or she normally performs on a patient (ex. 8a). The self-direction of the action is unexpected and thus semantically marked, especially in the case of negative actions. The optional intensifier in (8c) from German is actororiented and emphasizes that the actor intentionally performed this act. English does not allow an equivalent differentiation, because the reflexive and the intensifier are identical and the sequence *himself himself is ungrammatical (Kemmer 1993:52, König 2001:758, Gast & Siemund 2006:366). (8) (a) English (b) English (c) German He kills his neighbour. He kills himself. Er tötet sich selbst. Because of this functional and semantic overlap, intensifiers have the potential to develop into reflexives, and, undergoing grammaticalization, intensifiers share a first functional expansion as markers of “full reflexives”. Figure (1) illustrates the grammaticalization path for PIE *s(w)e-, which probably was originally an intensifier. In the Romance, Germanic, Baltic and Slavic languages, it is the root of reflexive pronouns and of reflexive verbal endings, which prototypically express coreference of the agent and the patient of a transitive verb. From there, their scope spread to further domains of detransitive voice, such as middle voice, reciprocal, anticausative, impersonal or passive. Although the individual languages have reached different stages of grammaticalization, the development of their functional extensions follow the same unidirectional grammaticalization path (Haspelmath 2003:235 with figure 8.18).7 intensifier → full reflexive → grooming/ body motion → anti→ potential → passive causative passive Late PIE *s(u̯)eClassical Latin se Late Latin se French se Italian si Surselvan se- Figure (1): The functional development of of PIE *s(w)e from PIE to Romance 7 See Irslinger (2014:166-168) with an overview of recent studies on PIE *s(w)e and its developments in different languages. See also Harbert (2007:327) on Germanic, Stéfanini (1962:114ff.) on Romance. 5 Britta Irslinger On the other hand, English X-self and Welsh X hun(an) cover mainly the first stages of the grammaticalization path. Both markers originate from intensifiers and are still used for this function (figure 2). intensifier → full reflexive →grooming/ → other middle → spontaneous situation types body motion events Modern English X-self Modern Welsh X hun(an) Middle Welsh X hun(an) Middle Welsh ym-verbs Figure (2): The functional scope of Engl. X-self and Welsh X hun(an) The Modern English and Modern Welsh markers are used as full reflexives. In addition, they can also be found with verbs belonging to various middle situation types, but on the whole marking is much rarer than with corresponding verbs in languages like German or French. In figure (2), this expansion is therefore represented by broken lines. The fact that the same expression is employed for intensifiers and reflexive anaphors prevents their use as markers of derived intransitivity to a certain extent (König & Siemund 2000:65), e.g. in verb pairs belonging to the inchoative / causative alternation.8 In German or French, an unmarked transitive can be clearly distinguished from its intransitive counterpart, which is marked by sich or se respectively (9a, b). On the other hand, English and Welsh possess a considerable number of “labile” verbs that can be constructed transitively or intransitively, whereas no additional marker is needed in the second case (9c, d) (Poppe 2009:262-64). (9) (a) (b) (c) (d) German French English Welsh Sie öffnet die Tür. Elle ouvre la porte. She opens the door. Mae hi'n agor y drws. vs. vs. vs. vs. Die Tür öffnet sich. La porte s’ouvre. The door opens. Mae’r drws yn agor. However, this parallelism between English and Welsh can be found only in the modern period. In Middle Welsh, the verbal prefix ym- is productively employed to transform transitive verbs into intransitive ones, expressing a broad range of middle functions. The marker, which originates from the Proto-Celtic preposition *ambi- ‘about, at all sides’ is predominantly used as a marker of reciprocity. However, it occurs also with verbs denoting the other middle situation types established by Kemmer (1993:16-20), such as body care, body motion, change of body position, benefactive middle, cognition middle and spontaneous events (anticausatives) (Irslinger 2017:116-123). Occasionally, ym-verbs can also act as full reflexives. Given that a full reflexive function is the first step an intensifier goes through when expanding its scope by grammaticalization, an analysis of such function is crucial to understanding when and how the intensifier X hun(an) developed into a reflexive marker. 8 Nevertheless, such verbs are not absent from English and the number of lexicalized reflexive verbs, motion middles and anticausatives has been increasing since the Middle English period, cf. Siemund (2010, 2014). 6 Britta Irslinger 2.2 MW X hun(an) in previous research D. Simon Evans (1964:89, § 98) introduces X hun(an) as the MW “reflexive pronoun” in the standard handbook A Grammar of Middle Welsh, adducing a great number of examples that illustrate its use. However, he does not make a distinction between the functions of reflexive marker and intensifier, and most of the examples actually contain intensifying X hun, like in ex. (10-13). When translating Middle Welsh into Modern English, Evans renders MW X hun(an) in most cases as Engl. X-self. The difference becomes apparent only in languages in which reflexives and intensifiers are not identical, like e.g. German.9 For the sake of clarity, German translations have been added to Evans’ English ones. (10) Gwyrtheu Mair (ed. Jones 1939:336.33) e ’r amherauder e hun to the emperor INT3SG.M ‘to the emperor himself’ / ‘zum Kaiser selbst’ (11) Pedeir Keinc y Mabinogi (ed. Williams 1930:20.29) neu ’r diffetheist du hun PT PT destroyPRET.2SG INT2SG ‘thou thyself hast destroyed’ / ‘du selbst hast zerstört’ (12) Pedeir Keinc y Mabinogi (ed. Williams 1930:46.27) yr a gewssynt e hun ART REL getPRET.3PL INT3PL ‘what they themselves had got’ / ‘was sie selbst bekommen hatten’ (13) Pedeir Keinc y Mabinogi (ed. Williams 1930:2.12-13) dy anwybot dy hun POSS2SG ignorance INT2SG ‘thy own ignorance’ / ‘dein eigenes Unwissen’ Only in three examples (14, 15 and perhaps in 57 below), X hun(an) functions as a reflexive marker. In German, this is rendered as the reflexive pronoun dich10 followed by the intensifier selbst. (14) Cynghorau Catwn (ed. Lewis 1925:23.28) na chapla dy hun NEG reproveIMPV.2SG REFL2SG ‘do not reprove thyself’ / ‘tadle dich nicht selbst’ (15) Gwyrtheu Mair (ed. Jones 1941:24.25) ony ledy dy hun unless killPRES.2SG REFL2SG ‘unless thou dost kill thyself’ / ‘außer wenn du dich (selbst) tötest’ This construction co-occurs with the one in (16), in which the verb hoffi ‘to praise’ is turned into the prefixed ym·hoffi ‘praise oneself’. Here X hun functions as an intensifier. 9 König (2001:751-752), Haspelmath (2001:1501). The special reflexive pronoun sich only figures in the 3rd person. In all other persons, the respective personal pronoun in dative or accusative case is used, cf. Irslinger (2014:171-172). 10 7 Britta Irslinger (16) Cynghorau Catwn (ed. Lewis 1925:29.37) nac ym·hoffa vyth dy hun NEG PV·praiseIMPV.2SG ever INT2SG ‘do not ever praise thyself’ / ‘lobe dich niemals selbst’ Parina 2007 criticizes this analysis, arguing that the instances of X hun contained in the Middle Welsh text Pedeir Keinc y Mabinogi (PKM, ca. 26000 words) are to be considered as intensifiers corresponding to the different types established by typologic research (by König 2001 and others). Parina also maintains that said text contains no instances of full reflexives coded with X hun(an). The examination of the ym-verbs contained in PKM by Irslinger (2017) yielded no examples of full reflexives like in ex. (16) either. Instead, all ym-verbs in said text were found to belong to the group of middle situation types. This clearly shows that the corpus of PKM is too small to contain all possible expressions of reflexivity in Middle Welsh. 3 3.1 THE CORPUS-BASED STUDY The Corpora: Rhyddiaith y 13eg Ganrif and Rhyddiaith Gymraeg 1300–1425 The following study is based on the corpora Rhyddiaith y 13eg Ganrif: Fersiwn 2.011 and Rhyddiaith Gymraeg / Welsh Prose 1300–142512 covering together the whole period of Middle Welsh. Rhyddiaith y 13eg Ganrif contains nearly half a million words from 27 texts preserved in 17 manuscripts. The dominating textual genres are history and law, which in approximately equal parts make up about 90 percent of the corpus.13 The remaining 10 percent contain mostly short or fragmentary texts belonging to the Mabinogion, natural history, religion, romance and wisdom literature. Rhyddiaith Gymraeg 1300–1425 contains some 2.8 million words from over 100 texts belonging to different genres and preserved in 54 manuscripts. The corpus contains texts belonging to all medieval genres, namely genealogy, geography, grammar, history, law, Mabinogion, medicine, natural history, religion, romance and wisdom literature.14 11 Isaac et al. (eds.) 2013, http://cadair.aber.ac.uk/dspace/handle/ 2160/11163. Luft et al. (eds.) 2013, http://www.rhyddiaithganoloesol.caerdydd. ac.uk/cy/. Texts, titles and manuscripts are cited according to Rhyddiaith y 13eg Ganrif and Rhyddiaith Gymraeg / Welsh Prose 1300–1425 unless stated otherwise. Translations are my own, unless another author is indicated. 13 The history section consists of three versions of Brut y Brenhinoedd from Peniarth 44, Llanstephan 1 and the Dingestow Court manuscript (NLW MS 5266). Although these texts are independent translations from Latin, they are nevertheless very similar. Occasional passages with identical wordings are due to coincidence (Sims-Williams 2016:55). The law texts from BL Cotton Caligula A.iii, Peniarth 29, Peniarth 30, BL Cotton Titus D.ii and BL Add. 14931 all belong to the Iorwerth redaction. Due to the special character of this textual genre, they contain many passages with identical wordings, which are preserved also in the later versions of Rhyddiaith Gymraeg 1300–1425. 14 Lange (2007:81-82) states that in Old English the occurence of intensifiers is genre-sensitive. They are found more frequently in texts closer to oral registers and directly addressing the reader, while they are rarer in scientific and formal registers. This seems to be the case in Middle Welsh as well, but it is not possible to test this hypothesis at the time being. Rhyddiaith Gymraeg gives separate word counts only for the manuscripts, which mostly contain texts belonging to different genres, but not for the texts themselves. 12 8 Britta Irslinger 3.2 Quantitative and functional analysis of X hun(an) The analysis in the following section is based on Rhyddiaith Gymraeg 1300–1425 alone, which is more representative and balanced because of its size and textual variation. The results will thus describe the language of the second half of the Middle Welsh period. Nevertheless, they are also valid for the earlier period covered by Rhyddiaith y 13eg Ganrif, as all functional types are found there in roughly similar proportions. In addition, the Bruts und especially the law texts contain passages, which have identical or very similar counterparts in the later versions. With the help of the wordlist, the Rhyddiaith Gymraeg 1300–1425 has been searched for all occurences of hun, hunan and hunein in different spellings, including miss-spellings. The following homographs have then been sorted out: hun, hvn ‘sleep’, hun, hvn ‘one, only’ (including hun used attributively and yr hun introducing a relative clause), hvn as an unusual spelling of the demonstratives hwn, hynn and a handful of unclear instances. The corpus yielded 4091 instances of X hun15 (table 2). instances different – – 21 18 24 18 1548 546 677 316 228 128 34 26 4 4 792 328 631 408 132 116 4091 1908 all Genealogy Geography Grammar History Law Mabinogion Medicine Natural History Religion Romance Wisdom Total Table (2): Instances of X hun in Rhyddiaith Gymraeg 1300–1425 sorted by genre In medieval corpora, popular texts are typically preserved in multiple copies that are more or less identical. The Brut y Brenhinoedd or the Ystoria Carolo Magno: Chronicl Turpin for example occur in fifteen manuscripts. While similar, albeit different, wordings show the range of possible expressions for a certain concept, identical passages are duplicates that would distort the results of a quantitative analysis. These duplicates have thus been eliminated from the corpus, reducing the data by more than half. Duplicates were identified according to the following criteria: table (3) lists all constructions with X hun in the corpus. If the same construction is involved or if the same constituent is intensified, passages are considered as duplicates even if they were lexically different. In ex. (16) and (17), e hun follows a personal pronoun as an adnominal intensifier. Although different pronouns are involved, i.e. ynteu and efo, the passage was counted only once. In the cases where the constructions were different or X hun occurred with another constituent, the passages were considered as different, even when the rest was identical. In contrast to ex. (17, 18), e hun following the verb aeth is an actor-oriented intensifier in (19). This passage was thus counted as a separate instance. 15 In the rest of the paper, X hun will be used in place of all graphic and grammatical variants, i.e. X hun(an), X hvn(an) and plural X hunein, X hvnein, X huneyn, X hvneyn. 9 Britta Irslinger (17) Brut y Brenhinoedd, Oxford Jesus College MS. 111, p.38r:149:29 ac ynteu e hun a aeth y gastell dimlyot and he INT3SG.M PT went to castle Dimlyot ‘and he himself went to Dimlyot Castle’ (18) Brut y Brenhinoedd, MS. 3035 (Mostyn 116), p.61v:13 ac efo e hun a aeth y gastel dimloec and he INT3SG.M PT went to castle Dimloec ‘and he himself went to Dimloec Castle’ (19) Brut y Brenhinoedd, Peniarth 46, p.254:16 ac ynteu a aeth e hun yg castell dimlot and he PT went INT3SG.M to castle Dimlot ‘and he went to Dimlot Castle himself’ There are no functional differences between the variants X hun and X hunan or between the use of singular and plural forms e hun and e(u) hunein. Accordingly, the passages containing these variants were considered as identical. 3.2 Constructions with X hun The 1908 instances of X hun contained in Rhyddiaith Gymraeg 1300–1425 were analysed according to their function. The results are listed in table (3). According to this analysis, X hun is employed mainly (i.e. in at least in 97,33 % of the cases) as an intensifier in the different constructions illustrated in 3.2.1. In 51 instances, X hun following a verb or verbal noun occurs in situations that comply with the definition of “full reflexives”. However, it would be mistaken to assume that X hun has the function of a reflexive marker in all these cases. Rather, these instances show a number of different constructions, which will be examined in detail in section 4 to determine the function of X hun. n.c.16 NP intensifier adjoined to pron. prepos. head NP pron. POSS+ verb Genealogy 0 Geography 18 1 4 2 4 4 2 Grammar 18 6 9 2 1 History 546 1 75 213 70 88 11 79 Law 316 20 121 52 39 23 61 Mabinogion 128 18 48 12 18 8 24 Medical 26 3 7 1 12 3 Natural Hist. 4 1 1 1 1 Religious 328 66 98 26 63 10 49 Romance 408 1 86 113 41 64 15 74 Wisdom 116 6 42 6 24 4 23 Total 1908 2 282 647 211 322 77 316 Percentage17 100,00 14,78 33,91 11,06 16,87 4,04 16,56 Table (3): Quantitative functional analysis of X hun in Rhyddiaith Gymraeg 1300–1425 16 “full reflexive event” 1 9 16 14 11 51 n.c. = not classified: due to corruption of the manuscript, it was impossible to determine the context and thus the function of X hun. 17 Values were rounded off to the second decimal place. 10 Britta Irslinger 3.2.1 Adnominal intensifiers Adnominal intensifiers follow a NP or proper name (ex. 20), a NP preceded by a possessive adjective (ex. 21), a pronoun (ex. 22)18 or a prepositional pronoun (ex. 23) respectively. Both the simple NP and the construction POSS+NP may or may not be preceded by a preposition, e.g. y henw e hvn ‘his own name’, o ’y henw e hvn ‘from his own name’. In most genres, the POSS+NP type is significantly more frequent than all other types. The examples are given within their contexts to illustrate the function of the intensifiers, i.e. structuring the respective situations according to the roles of the participants involved, which may be either central or peripheral. (20) Brut y Brenhinoedd, Cotton Cleopatra, p.2v:9 [Ac yny diwet hwn pymp kenedyl yssyd yny chyuanhedu nyd amgen. normanyeit. bryttannyeit. saesson. fichtieit. ac ysgottieit.] ac o hynny oll nyd oed gynt yn y medu o ’r mor and of these all NEG was before in POSS3PL possessVN from the sea pwy gilyd namyn bryttannieit eu hun. to another except Britons INT3PL [‘And today, there are five nations who inhabit it, namely the Normans, the Britons, the Saxons, the Picts, and the Scots] and of all these, in the past no one possessed it from sea to sea, but the Britons themselves.’ (21) Brut y Brenhinoedd, Cotton Cleopatra, p.11v:3 ac y dodes ynteu ar y ran kymre o ’y henw e hvn. and PT gave he on his part kymre from POSS3SG.M name INT3SG.M ‘and he called his part Cambria from his own name.’ (Parry 1937:24) (22) Brut y Brenhinoedd, Cotton Cleopatra, p.34v:23 [Sef y rodes y auarwy y nei. llundein ac yarllaeth keint. Ac a rodes y theneuan y nei y llall yarllaeth kernyw.] Ac ynteu e hun yn vrenhin ar gwbyl. and he INT3SG.M in king on whole [‘To Avarwy his nephew he gave London and the Earldom of Kent, and to Tenevan, his other nephew, he gave the Earldom of Cornwall,] and he himself was king over the whole.’ (Parry 1937:70) (23) Brut y Brenhinoedd, Cotton Cleopatra, p.24v:15 [a choffau na wnathoed y vrawd ydaw ef dim o’r cam.] namyn ef a wnathoed cam y ’v vrawd ac idaw e hvn. but he PT doPLPF.3SG wrong to POSS3SG.M brother and to3SG.M INT3SG.M [‛and to remember that his brother had done him no wrong,] but that he had done wrong to his brother and to himself’ (Parry 1937:50) The characteristic morphology of Middle Welsh prepositional objects in ex. (23) becomes clear in comparison with Old English, where this type is very frequent as well (Van Gelderen 2000:47). Most Middle Welsh prepositions possess personalized forms originating mostly from their fusion with following personal pronouns, the so-called “prepositional pronouns” or 18 The stressed possessive pronoun eidaw is used both predicatively and substantivized, cf. Evans (1964:54-44) and eGPC s.v. eiddo for the respective constructions. The 17 instances of e hun following substantivized eidaw have been counted as POSS+NP in table (3). 11 Britta Irslinger “inflected prepositions”. Thus idaw ‛to him’ is the 3sg. masc. of y ‛to’. Contrary to this, the preposition and the following pronoun are separate units in Old English (ex. 24). (24) Genesis 2629 (Van Gelderen 2000:47) heht hie bringan to him selfum ordered herACC
bring to him-DAT
self- DAT
‘ordered (them) to bring her to himself.’ 3.2.2 Intensifiers as heads Like English X-self, X hun can occur alone, without a preceding noun or pronoun, thus claiming the function of a pronoun for itself.19 This use is frequently found in comparisons after no(c) ‘than’, and after kanys ‘since’, namyn ‘but’ and onyt ‘except’, but also without any preceding word (ex. 25). In all cases, the use of a personal pronoun or a personal pronoun + intensifier would be possible as well. Almost without exception, X hun as a head codes the subject, but in a few cases it is found after uninflected prepositions. (25) Brut y Brenhinoedd, Cardiff MS. 1.362 (Hafod 1), p.63v:19 [Arglwydi heb ef pei barnewch wi oll ellwg hengyst.] Mu hunan a ’e lladwn ef. INT1SG PT PRON3SG.M killSUBJ.IMPF.1SG PRON3SG.M [‘Lords, said he, if you all would judge to release Hengist,] (I) myself would kill him.’ (lit.: ‘It’s myself, who would kill him.’) 3.2.3 Actor-oriented (adverbial) intensifiers Actor-oriented intensifiers are further subdivided into two types: exclusive and inclusive. In the exclusive type (26a), the meaning of the intensifier corresponds roughly to personally, in the inclusive type (26b) the intensifier could be replaced by too, also (König 2001:748). (26) a) I have swept this court myself. Nobody helped me. b) I have myself swept this court. I know how difficult that is. Welsh uses identical markers for both types (Parina 2007:393). Ex. (27) illustrates the actororiented exclusive use, which is the predominant one in the corpus.20 (27) Brut y Brenhinoedd, Cotton Cleopatra, p.11r:21 ac y cladpwyt ef yn y gaer a adeiliassei e hunan yn anrydedus. and PT burryPRET.IMPS he in the city REL build PLPF.3SG INT3SG.M PT honourable ‛and he was buried honourably in the city which he had built himself.’ 3.2.4 Additional resumptive pronouns An additional pronoun can stand between the intensified constituent and the intensifier, cf. ex. (28) with a prepositional pronoun and ex. (29) with a possessive construction. This pronoun refers to the intensified constituent. 19 Evans (1964:89) calls these intensifiers “heads”, while Parina (2007:394) labels the function “diskursiv”. Out of 316 instances of actor-oriented intensifiers, only about 20 appear to be inclusive. In several cases, however, it was not immediately evident which use was intended. A more detailed examination would be necessary. 20 12 Britta Irslinger However, since the presence or absence of additional pronouns can be observed frequently in otherwise identical versions, the pragmatic effect does not seem to be very significant. The author of the Cotton Cleopatra version of the Brut has a strong preference for them. Overall, resumptive pronouns are relatively rare. They occur most frequently after finite verb forms, i.e. in 8,54% of all verbs followed by intensifiers.21 (28) Brut y Brenhinoedd, Cotton Cleopatra, p.19v:1 [A gorchymyn a oruc aganipus yr freinc ar eu heneit ac ev hanreith eu bod kyn vfydet y lyr ac yw verch.] ac y bythynt idaw ef e hvn. and PT beHAB.PRES.3PL to3SG.M PRON3SG.M INT3SG.M [‛And Aganippus bade the French, on their lives and their possessions, to be as obedient to Lear and to his daughter] as they would be to himself’ (Parry 1937:39-40) (29) Brut y Brenhinoedd, Cotton Cleopatra, p.11r:9 [ac yna y dodes corineus ar y ran ef ...] o’ y henw ef e hun kerniw. from POSS3SG.M name PRON3SG INT3SG.M Cornwall [‘And then Corineus named his part ... ] Cornwall after his own name’ (Parry 1937:23) 4 4.1 YM-VERBS AND SIMPLE VERBS + X HUN Semantics In MW, both ym-verbs and simple verbs occur with X hun, coding “full reflexives” and similar situation types. The following section will thus give a semantic analysis of the two groups. In this section, the nineteen verbs and constructions found in Rhyddiaith y 13eg Ganrif will be considered as well. In the following tables, the numbers in the first colum refer to the attestations in the latter corpus, those in the second to Rhyddiatih Gymraeg 1300–1425. 13th am- ‘about’ reciprocal body care body movement spontaneous event benefactive (prototypical) 21 RG 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 ymdeith ‘to walk about’ ? ymogel ‘to take care’ (< *‘to watch about’?) ymguro ‘to beat (one another or oneself)’, here: reciprocal ymwisc ‘to dress’ amgreffinnaw ‘to scratch oneself’ ymdroi ‘to turn (oneself)’ ymdyrchafel ‘to raise (oneself)’ ymdangos ‘to appear, to show oneself’ ymagor ‘to open’ (of doors) ymwledu ‘to feast’ (or reciprocal?) ymborth ‘to feed, sustain (oneself)’ NP + pronoun: 2 instances, poss. NP + pronoun: 29, pronoun + pronoun: 1, prepositional pronoun + pronoun: 20, verb + pronoun: 27. In table (3), these numbers are contained in the counts of the respective groups. 13 Britta Irslinger benefactive (marked) / positive selfdirected actions / reflexive 1 4 self-awareness self-improvement self-love 1 2 1 1 1 1 12 1 2 1 3 1 1 2 1 1 1 self-criticism negative selfdirected actions self-punishment 1 suicide 1 2 1 2 emdiffryd ‘to defend oneself’ ymgyuoethogi ‘to enrich oneself’ ymdyrchauel ‘to raise oneself (to kingship)’ ymwneuthur yn vrenhin ‘to make oneself king’ ymwneuthur yn iach ‘to safe oneself’ ymwassanaethu ‘to serve oneself’ ymrydhau ‘to free oneself’ ymroddi ‘to give oneself, to submit oneself’ ymostegu ‘to calm oneself, to maintain silence’ ymadnabot ‘to know oneself’ ymbrofi ‘to prove oneself’ ymhoffi ‘to praise oneself’ ymuoli ‘to praise/admire oneself’ ymddiheuraw ‘to excuse oneself’ ymgeryddu ‘to reproach oneself, to punish oneself’ ymgyfyawnhau ‘to justify oneself’ ymdoddi ‘to consume oneself’ ymlycru ‘to corrupt oneself’ emboeni ‘to punish oneself’ ymgosbi ‘to punish oneself’ ymdihennidio ‘to execute oneself’ ymgrogi ‘to hang oneself’ Table (4): Semantics and frequency of ym-verbs followed by X hun I argued above (2.2), that in the combination ym-verb + X hun the prefix codes co-reference, while X hun functions as an actor-oriented intensifier added for role disambiguation. As stated by Gast & Siemund (2006:365-367, 370), the intensifier blocks middle readings of polyfunctional verbal (or pronominal) middle markers, stating who is the intentional agent. This is confirmed by the fact that all instances found in the database are reflexive or belong to middle situation types, whereas reciprocal ym-verbs are almost absent. One example is ymguro ‘to beat (one another or oneself)’ (Ystoriau Saint Greal, Peniarth 11, p.239v:9), which in the passage in question is clearly reciprocal. Table (4) lists them according to the increasing markedness of co-reference, starting with typical middle situation types, covering a number of different positive and negative selfdirected actions and ending with the highly marked verbs denoting suicide. Of course, it is sometimes difficult to determine, for the verbs located in the middle of the table, where the benefactive middle ends and the full reflexive starts. While ymdyrchafel ‘to raise (oneself)’ belongs to the middle situation types when denoting a body movement, it is instead benefactive and self-directed when denoting a metaphorical movement such as a rise in rank (‘to raise oneself to kingship’). Ymroddi ‘to give oneself, to submit oneself’ is, with its 16 attestations across different genres, the most frequent verb. The unprefixed verbs listed in table (5) cover the same semantic fields, i.e. positive and negative self-directed actions, including even the more detailed semantics like self-awareness, self-punishment or suicide. As with the ym-verbs, synonymous or nearly synonymous verbs are available for several meanings, implying that the semantic scope of both groups is actually relatively small. reflexive, “neutral” 13th RG 1 1 1 1 PRON PRON PRON PRON bwrw X hun ‘to throw oneself’ (to the ground) ffustyaw X hun ‘to beat oneself’ (of a bell) kymunaw X hun ‘to communicate oneself’ (religious) rhwymo X hun ‘to bind oneself’ (by contract) 14 Britta Irslinger benefactive / positive selfdirected actions 5 self-awareness selfimprovement self-love self-criticism negative selfdirected actions self-punishment suicide 2 1 8 1 3 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 3 3 1 amdiffyn X hun ‘to defend oneself’ cymorth X hun ‘to help oneself’ gwneuthur X hun yn iach ‘to make oneself safe’ nerthau X hun ‘to help oneself’ gwneuthur X hun yn iach ‘to make oneself safe’ amdiffyn X hun ‘to defend oneself’ iachau X hun ‘to save oneself’ gwneuthur X hun yn iach ‘to make oneself safe’ adnabot X hun ‘to know oneself’ 22 PRON ymendio X hun ‘to amend oneself’ ardymheru X hun ‘to moderate oneself’ kymedroli X hun ‘to moderate oneself’ PRON ganmawl X hun ‘to praise oneself’ moli X hun ‘to praise oneself’ PRON angreiffto X hun ‘to reproach oneself’ PRON angreitho X hun ‘to reproach oneself’ PRON barnu ehun ‘to judge oneself’ PRON galw X hun ‘to call oneself (a wretch)’ PRON kymryt X hun ‘to take oneself (for a fool)’ PRON gwatwaru X hun ‘to ridicule oneself’ PRON gweled X hun ‘to see / consider oneself (as ugly)’ PRON roddi X hun ‘to give oneself (in danger)’ PRON taraw X hun ‘to strike oneself’ PRON twyllaw X hun ‘to cheat oneself’ PRON ymelldigo X hun ‘to curse oneself’ cablu X hun ‘to blame oneself’ cnoi X hun ‘to chew up oneself’ PRON poeni X hun ‘to punish oneself’ PRON brathu X hun ‘to stab oneself’ PRON lladd X hun ‘to kill oneself’ PRON bot X hun yn y lad ‘to kill oneself’ (lit. ‘to be oneself at one’s killing’) llad X hun ‘to kill oneself’ PRON PRON PRON PRON Table (5): Semantics and frequency of simple verbs + X hun in “reflexive” situations. PRON indicates that coreference is expressed by an infixed pronoun or a possessive adjective, rather than by X hun. Finally, both groups also contain light-verb constructions with gwneuthur ‘to do’ (table 6). In these examples, co-reference is not marked on the verb or verb phrase, but in the possessive that precedes the associated noun (see below, ex. 63-66). suicide 13th RG 1 1 gwneuthur X hun y leith ‘to effect oneself one’s death’ 1 gwneuthur y leith X hun ‘id.’ or ‘effect one’s own death’ 1 1 gwneuthur X hun y dihenyd ‘to effect oneself one’s death’ Table (6): Light-verb constructions with gwneuthur ‘to do’ There are almost no unprefixed reflexive verbs with “neutral” semantics, i.e. in which the effect of the verbal action on the agent is neither explicitly positive nor negative. This statement is however not based their verbal semantics alone, but on the precise contexts in which the verbs occur. Thus gweled X hun ‘to see / consider oneself as sth.’ or galw X hun ‘to call oneself sth.’ 22 Ymendáu ‘to rectify, improve’, with its variants amendio, emendio and mendio, is not an ym-verb, but a borrowing from Old French amender ‘to correct’. It also constructed both transitively and intransitively. 15 Britta Irslinger are neutral in principle, but in their actual contexts they convey a negative judgement of the agent about himself. Ffustyaw X hun ‘to beat oneself’, on the other hand, would be a negative self-directed action in the case of a human agent, but in the only attestation found in the corpus it refers to a bell. The verbs listed in (30) occur with and without ym- (ex. 31, 32). Their semantics are largely synonymous, as some of them occur in similar contexts or in parallel versions of the same text. (30) ymadnabod ymboeni ymuoli ymwneuthur yn iach : adnabot X hun ‘to know oneself’ : PRON poeni X hun ‘to punish oneself’ : moli X hun ‘to praise oneself’ : gwneuthur X hun yn iach ‘to make oneself safe’ (31) Cynghorau Catwn, Llanstephan 27, NLW MS. p.168r:16 Na vawl dy hun yn ormod ac na chapla dy hun yn ormod. NEG praiseIMPV.2SG REFL2SG too much and NEG reproachIMPV.2SG REFL2SG too much ‘Do not praise yourself too much and do not reproach yourself too much.’ (32) Cynghorau Catwn , Peniarth 3 part ii, p.38:11 Nac ym·uawl du hun ac nac ym·hoffa du hun. NEG PV·praiseIMPV.2SG INT2SG and NEG PV·admireIMPV.2SG INT2SG ‘Do not praise yourself and do not admire yourself’ If over time one strategy of reflexive marking is replaced by another, it is to be expected that both variants co-occurred during a transitional period. It is thus not surprising that verbs can be found both with and without prefix. In contrast to this, some verbs, like those denoting different types of suicide, always occur either prefixed or unprefixed. Some of these even contradict the typological rule according to which, in languages with two different reflexive markers, the heavier marker is used for the more marked situations (Kemmer 1993:62). In this sense, the ym-verbs ymdihennidio ‘to execute oneself’ and ymgrogi ‘to hang oneself’ are atypical. On the other hand, brathu X hun ‘to stab oneself’ and lladd X hun ‘to kill oneself’ always occur unprefixed. The reason for this unexpected behaviour may be that the corresponding ym-verb is widely used as a reciprocal or has already been lexicalized with another meaning. The default reading of verbs denoting different kinds of killing or killing with various kinds of weapons or instruments is reciprocal (33). (33) llad ‘to kill’ saethu ‘to shoot, to fire’ taraw ‘to strike’ gwan ‘to stab, to kill’ brathu ‘to stab’ : ymladd ‘to fight’ (< *‘to kill each other’) : ymsaethu ‘to fire at each other’ : ymdaraw ‘to strike one another’ : ymwan ‘to joust, to fight in single combat’ : *ymvrathu ‘to stab one another’ If a hypothetical *ymvrathu were derived from transitive brathu ‘to stab’, its most likely meaning would be ‘to stab one another’ and not ‘to stab oneself’. This is not an issue in the case of ymgrogi ‘to hang oneself’ and ymdihennidio ‘to execute oneself’, as mutual hanging or executing is not possible.23 23 An interesting typological parallel can be found in Modern Greek verbs with the meaning ‘to kill oneself, to commit suicide’. Besides the compound αυτοκτονώ akt. ‘to commit suicide’, in which co-reference is expressed by the first constituent αυτο- ‘self-’, there are a number of other verbs with “middle morphology”, i.e. their inflection as medio-passives signals that the agent performs the action on him- or herself. Several verbs have additional meanings typical for other middle situation types e.g. spontaneous events like ‘to perish’, or intransitive ‘to smash’ : σκοτώνω (active) ‘to kill’ : σκοτώνοµαι (middle) ‘to kill oneself; to die, to perish, to struggle’, κρεµώ 16 Britta Irslinger Another lexicalized ym-verb is ymwelet ‘to meet each other’, so that PRON gwelet X hun translates Lat. se uidens (34). (34) gwelet ‘to see’ : ymwelet ‘to meet each other’ In the following case, the situation is even more complex, as the adjective iach ‘healthy, well, whole’ is the basis of four different verbs, one of which is an ym-verb (35). Although the semantics of ymiachau ‘to bid farewell’ are reciprocal, they cannot be derived from the underlying adjective or the corresponding unprefixed verbs (36), because in that case the meaning should be ‘to heal each other’. The meaning ‘to bid farewell’ is rather based on the concept of ‘leaving each other in a healthy condition’ or ‘wishing each other health’. The lexicalized semantics of ymiachau thus seem to prevent a reflexive interpretation. On the contrary, the reflexive iachau X hun ‘to save oneself’, based on the unprefixed verb, displays the expected semantics. (35) adjective iach ‘healthy, well, whole’ transitive iachaf, iachu ‘to heal, cure’ transitive and intransitive iachâf, iacháu ‘to make whole(some), heal, cure; save’ reflexive iachau X hun ‘to save oneself’ reciprocal ymiachau ‘to bid farewell’ (36) Ystoria Bown de Hamtwn, NLW MS. Peniarth 5, p.148v ac heb ohir kymryt y bererin ffonn ae balmidyden. ac ymiachau ae dylvyth a oruc. ac yr mor yd aeth. ‘and without delay he took his pilgrim staff and his palm branch, and he bade farewell to his family, and went to the sea.’ In Middle Welsh, ym-verbs are usually either reflexive or reciprocal but rarely both at the same time. This is different in German and French, where sich and se often mark both categories. In Welsh, only as late as the 16th century some reciprocal verbs started to be used also as reflexives. For instance, ymddiddan ‘to speak with each other, to converse’ acquired the additional meaning ‘to amuse oneself’ (Irslinger 2017:119). Another example is ymadnabod (reciprocal ‘to know each other’), which in Cynghorau Catwn occurs as the equivalent of adnabot X hun ‘to know oneself’ (37). In addition to this single reflexive use, there are several attestations of reciprocal ymadnabot ‘to know each other’. (37) PRON adnabot X hun ‘to know oneself’ = ymadnabot‘to know oneself’ ymadnabot ‘to know each other’ 4.2 Syntax From the lists above it becomes clear that in most cases the equivalent of an intransitive ymverb with reflexive function is not the unprefixed verb + X hun, but rather the construction “pronoun + unprefixed verb + X hun”, whereby the pronoun codes the direct object of the transitive verb. The pronoun is ambiguous with regard to co-reference in the third persons. Thus the reader or listener has to infer from the context that the 3pl. pronoun eu is used co-referentially (active) ‘to hang’ : κρεµιέµαι (middle) ‘to hang oneself’, απαγχονίζω (active) ‘to hang’ : απαγχονίζοµαι (middle) ‘to hang oneself’, τσακίζω (active) ‘to break, to squeeze’ : τσακίζοµαι (middle) ‘to smash, to struggle, to kill oneself’. 17 Britta Irslinger in ex. (38) and (39), but not in ex. (40). As a consequence, intensifiers are frequently added for reference disambiguation. (38) Brut y Brenhinoedd, Cotton Cleopatra, p. 5v:27 [A gwedy gwelet o antigonus ... yr aerua honno. neilltuaw a oruc ] a’ y oreugwyr gyd ac ef. y geisiaw ev hamdiffin. and POSS3SG.M best-men with him to tryVN POSS3PL defendVN [‘And after Antigonus ... had seen this slaughter, he drew aside,] and his leading men with him, to try to defend themselves.’ (Parry 1937:12) (39) Brut y Brenhinoedd, Cotton Cleopatra, p. 55v:19 [A gwedy nachaffant hynny. wynt a ervynnassant cannyat y adeiliat caer onadunt ev hun. kyulet achroen ech.] y geissiaw ev hamdiffin rac ev gelynnyon. to tryVN POSS3PL defendVN from POSS3PL enemies [‘And when they did not / get that, they asked for permission to build a fortress of their own, as broad as an ox-hide,] to try to defend themselves from their enemies.’ (Parry 1937:112) (40) Brut y Brenhinoedd, Cotton Cleopatra, p. 6r:10-11 [A gwedy eu bod tridieu yn ymlat ar kestyll o bop ryw vod. ar gwyr. y mewn yn ymlad ac wynt yn wraul ac yn llauurus.] anvon a orugant ar brutus y erchi idaw dyuot eu hamdiffyn. sendVN PT doPRET.3SG to Brutus to askVN to3SG.M comeVN POSS3PL defendVN [canys ny ellynt wy ymderbynneit ac wynt rac meynt y nyueroed allan.] [‘And after they had fought against the castles for three days in every sort of way, and the men within had fought them bravely and laboriously, ] they sent to Brutus to ask him to come to defend them, [for, because of the great numbers outside, they could not resist them.’] (Parry 1937:13) Pronouns coding coreferential or non-coreferential direct objects occur in two different constructions, i.e. with a finite verb or with a verbal noun. 1) An infixed pronoun denoting the object precedes a finite transitive verb (ex. 41) (Evans 1964:55). 2) A possessive adjective precedes a noun (ex. 42). This second construction is identical to the one discussed above (ex. 21), except that the noun is replaced by a verbal noun. Both variants, i.e. POSS+VN and POSS+NOUN, occur in the parallel versions of Saith Doethion Rhufain (42, 43). On the formal level, the intensifier following a POSS+VN construction is, of course, adnominal. Nevertheless, these constructions, which outnumber those with finite verbs by far, will be discussed together with reflexive finite verbs. Both the infixed or independent pronoun and the possessive marker agree with the subject (which is co-referent with the object) and the intensifier with regard to person, number and gender. (41) Ystoriau Saint Greal, NLW MS. Peniarth 11, p.63v:24 Yna ef a’ e trewis e hun Then he PT PRON3SG.M strikePRET.3SG INT3SG.M a’ e yluin y dan benn y vronn. with POSS3SG.M beak under its breast ‘Then it [a bird] struck (it) itself with its beak under its breast.’ 18 Britta Irslinger (42) Saith Doethion Rhufain, Oxford Jesus College MS. 111, p.131r:541:34 [a chyndrwc yd aeth arnaw ef hynny.] a’ e vrathu e hun a wnaeth y dan y vron a’ e gyllell and POSS3SG.M stabVN INT3SG.M PT did under his breast with his knife [yny dygwyd yn varw y’r llawr.] [‘And he took it so ill, that] he stabbed (him) himself under his breast with his knife, [until he fell dead to the ground.’] (43) Saith Doethion Rhufain, Oxford Jesus College MS. 20, p.56av:1 a’ e vrath e hun a wnaeth am benn y vronn and POSS3SG.M stabbing INT3SG.M PT did around top his breast ‘and he stabbed (him) himself under his breast with his knife’ The very same constructions code pronominal direct objects of transitive verbs, cf. ex. (44) with infixed pronouns and finite verbs and ex. (40) above with the POSS+VN construction. (44) Brut y Brenhinoedd, Cotton Cleopatra, p. 96v:22-23 [Ac ewythyr ydaw ef ehvn adylyhei gwledychu gwedy custennyn: ac ef a ryuelawd a hwnnw.] ac a’ y delhiis ac a’ y rodes yng karchar. and PT PRON3SG.M capturePRET.3SG and PT PRON3SG.M outPRET.3SG in prison [‘And his uncle should have ruled after Constantine; and he fought with him] and captured him and put him in prison’ (Parry 1937:104) The use of ambiguous pronouns plus disambiguating intensifiers is thus essentially the same as in Old English (ex. 2-4 above). This strategy is still the predominant one in Middle Welsh (table 7). Both constructions are alternative variants in Modern Welsh, cp. ex. (45a) and (46a) with additional co-referential pronouns versus (45b) and (46b) without them.24 Contrary to the development in English, the older strategy has not yet completely vanished in Welsh. However, the pronominal constructions do not figure in all grammars of Modern Welsh. (45) (a) Fe’ i gwelodd ei hunan yn y drych. saw INT3SG in the mirror ‘She saw herself in the mirror’ (Thomas 1996:269) PT (46) PRON3SG.F (b) Gwelodd ei hunan yn y drych. saw REFL3SG in the mirror ‘She saw herself in the mirror’ (Thomas 1996:269) (a) Rwy ’n gallu fy ngweld fy hun yn y drych. bePRES.1SG PT canINF POSS1SG seeINF INT1SG in the mirror ‘I can see myself in the mirror’ (Poppe 2009:254, fn. 7) (b) Rwy ’n gallu gweld fy hun yn y drych. bePRES.1SG PT canINF seeINF REFL1SG in the mirror ‘I can see myself in the mirror’ (Poppe 2009:254, fn. 7) Table (7) gives the distribution of ym-verbs and simple verbs followed by X hun coding “full reflexive” events from both corpora (cf. tables 4, 5 and 6 above). 24 See Thomas (1996:269), Borsley et al. (2007:222), Poppe (2009:254, fn. 7). 19 Britta Irslinger X hun can be considered as a reflexive marker in as few as 14 cases some of which are controversial. One example is contained in Rhyddiaith y 13eg Ganrif, the others in Rhyddiaith Gymraeg. Accordingly, these 13 cases of reflexive X hun constitute 0,68 % of the 1908 instances of X hun found in this corpus. Although this number validates the dating of the beginning of the use of X hun as a reflexive marker in the second part of the Middle Welsh period, it is certainly insufficient to justify Evans’ labeling of X hun as the Middle Welsh “reflexive pronoun”. light-verb co-ref. not marked on VP Genealogy Geography Grammar History Law Mabinogion Medicine Nat. Hist. Religion Romance Wisdom 2 ym-verb pron. + finite verb X hun = intensifier simple verb poss. + vn finite verb X hun = reflexive marker 1 34 9 3 1 34 20 23 1 17 9 2 13 1 12 6 12 14 4 3 9 2 3 3 5 8 39 12 Total 123 5 57 47 Percentage 100,00 4,07 46,34 38,21 Table (7): Distribution of ym-verbs and simple verbs followed by X hun coding “full reflexive” events 4.3 2 vn 2 2 14 11,38 X hun as a reflexive marker in the corpora Table (8) lists the 14 instances of X hun as a reflexive marker together with additional information on the manuscripts that contain them, their dates according to Rhyddiaith Gymraeg 1300-142525 based on Huws (2000:58-64) and the forms in which they are attested. Text Bown de Hamtwn Manuscript Pen. 5 Jesus 111 Pen. 5 Date 1350 c.1375-1425 1350 Form N-1SG Verb moli X hun ‘to praise oneself’ VN adeilat X hun ‘to edify oneself’ 1350 1300-1350 c.1375-1425 c.1275-1325 3SG amdiffyn X hun ‘to defend oneself’ Cyngh. Catwn Pen. 5 Pen. 9 Jesus 111 Pen. 3 p. ii IMPV Cyngh. Catwn Cyngh. Catwn Llanst. 27 Llanst. 27 c.1375-1425 c.1375-1425 IMPV Cyngh. Catwn Cyngh. Catwn Delw’r Byd Gwyrtheu Mair Y Groglith Llanst. 27 Llanst. 27 Jesus 111 Pen. 14 Pen. 7 c.1375-1425 c.1375-1425 c.1375-1425 1250-1300 c.1275-1325 N-IMPV IMPV 3PL N-2SG N-3SG kymedroli X hun ‘to moderate oneself’ adnabot X hun ‘to know oneself’ ardymheru X hun ‘to moderate oneself’ cablu X hun ‘to blame oneself’ moli X hun ‘to praise oneself’ cnoi X hun ‘to chew up oneself’ llad X hun ‘to kill oneself’ gwneuthur X hun yn iach ‘to make oneself safe’ Credo Athanasius, Introduction Cronicl Turpin 25 IMPV Cf. http://www.rhyddiaithganoloesol.caerdydd.ac.uk/en/manuscripts.php 20 Britta Irslinger Y Groglith Shrewsb. 11 c.1375-1425 IMPV Y Groglith Pen. 5 Llanst. 27 Pen. 5 1350 c.1375-1425 1350 IMPV gwneuthur X hun yn iach ‘to make oneself safe’ iachau X hun ‘to save oneself’ VN iachau X hun ‘to save oneself’ Y Groglith Table (8): Attestations of reflexive X hun according to manuscripts (N = negator, IMPV = imperative 2SG) 4.3.1 Distribution and date The attestations range from the beginning to the end of the Middle Welsh period and are found both in earlier and later manuscripts. Reflexive X hun is slightly more frequent in 14th and 15th century manuscripts (mainly the Red Book of Hergest and the Red Book of Talgarth), but it does not seem that older textual versions were systematically modernized during the process of copying. It is of course possible that the conservative written registers preserve features that had already largely been abandoned in the spoken language. Only Y Groglith shows some variation on the same passage, which renders Matthew 27,42 (ex. 47). In the light-verb construction gwneuthur X hun yn iach ‘to make oneself safe’, X hun is used with a reflexive function in the oldest manuscript, Peniarth 7 (ex. 48). On the other hand, the two younger versions make use of pronouns (ex. 49, 50). Peniarth 5 uses the synonymous verb iachau with reflexive X hun, ex. (51). Lastly, Efengyl Nicodemus adds another sentence expressing the same content again with a light-verb construction + intensifier, featuring the prefixed verb ymwneuthur (52). (47) Biblia Sacra Vulgata, Matthew 27, 42 (ed. Weber & Gryson 2007)26 [alios salvos fecit] se ipsum non potest salvum facere REFLACC INTACC.SG NEG canPRES.3SG safeACC.SG makeINF [‘He made others safe;] (him) himself he cannot make safe.’ (48) Y Groglith, Peniarth 7, p.58v:215:2 ereill a wna ef yn yach ac ny wna e hvn others PT makePRES.3SG he PT safe and NEG makePRES.3SG REFL3SG.M ‘He makes safe others, and he doesn’t make himself (safe)’ (49) Y Groglith, Llanstephan 27, p.105v:17 [Ereill heb wy a wnaei ef yn iach.] ac ny dichawn y wneuthur e hun. and NEG be able POSS3SG.M makeVN INT3SG.M [‘Others, they said, he saved] and he is not able to save (him) himself.’ (50) Y Groglith, Shrewsbury 11, p.113:16 Ereill a wna yn iach ac ny ’s gwna e hun others PT makePRES.3SG PT safe and NEG PRON3SG.M makePRES.3SG INT3SG.M ‘He makes save others, and he doesn’t make (him) himself (safe)’ (51) Y Groglith, Peniarth 5, p.7v:20 [Ereill a wna ef yn iach.] ac ny eill iachau e hun. and NEG canPRES.2SG saveVN REFL2SG ‘He saves others, and cannot save himself.’ 26 Cf. https://www.bibelwissenschaft.de/startseite/wissenschaftliche-bibelausgaben/vulgata/ 21 Britta Irslinger (52) Efengyl Nicodemus, Peniarth 5, p.32r:14 [Ereill a wnaei ef yn iach ac ny dichawn y wneuthur e hun.] Ym·wnaet yn iach e hun. PV·doIMPF.3SG PT safe INT3SG.M [‘He made safe others, and he is not able make himself (safe)] He shall make himself safe.’ Texts with reflexive X hun usually also contain instances of the pronominal constructions, unless they are very short and thus do not possess many reflexive verbs altogether. The only exception is Cynghorau Catwn, which is the text with the highest number of reflexive X hun in the corpus. The earliest attestation is ex. (53) from Gwyrtheu Mair in Peniarth 14, which Huws (2000:58) dates to the second half of the 13th century. GPC gives 1250 as a date for the text, i.e. the beginning of this period. Evans (1964:89) points out that the expected form with an infixed pronoun would be *ony’th ledy du hun. The same text has two other reflexive constructions, one with the POSS+VN construction (54) and one with an ym-verb (55). The latter is replaced by a POSS+VN construction in the later version in Llanstephan 27 (56). (53) Gwyrtheu Mair, Peniarth 14, ed. Jones (1941:24) [na elly caffael yechyt am e pechaut ry wnaethost] ony ledy duhun unless killPRES.2SG REFL2SG [‘you cannot get redemption from the sin you have done,’] ‘unless you kill yourself’ (54) Gwyrtheu Mair, Peniarth 14, ed. Jones (1941:25) [Llawer hep ef a wnaeth o drwc] ac en diwethaf e lad e hun. and finally POSS3SG.M killVN INT3SG.M [‘He did, said he, a lot of evil,’] ‘and in the end he killed himself’ (55) Gwyrtheu Mair, Peniarth 14, ed. Jones (1939:148) Ac ena e dechreuws e vicedonus em·boeni ehun and then PT beginPRET.3SG the vicedominus PV·punishVN INT3SG.M ‘and then the vicedominus started to punish himself’ (56) Gwyrtheu Mair, Llanstephan 27, p.176r:10 Ac yna o newyd y dechreuawd teophilus y boeni e hun and then anew PT beginPRET.3SG Teophilus POSS3SG.M punishVN INT3SG.M ‘and then Teophilus began to punish himself anew’ This isolated example is followed by the instances contained in Peniarth 5 (White Book of Rhydderch). Of these, Evans (1964:89) cites ex. (57) from Credo Athanasius following Lewis’ analysis of the passage. According to Lewis (1930:193), this text was translated in the second half of the 13th century. Adeilat e hun is found in the introduction, which was not part of the Latin text, but was drafted by the Welsh translator. While admitting that the omission of y could be a scribal mistake, Lewis prefers to consider adeilat ehun as an early example of the reflexive use of X hun. He argues that this use, which had become very common by 1615, had to have started long before then (Lewis 1930:195). On the contrary, GPC s.v. hun2, section b, considers it as a scribal mistake and lists the example as a POSS+VN construction, ex. (58). 22 Britta Irslinger (57) Credo Athanasius (Introduction), Peniarth 5, p.48v:13 Pob cristaun weithonn a dyly adeilat e hun every Christian now PT mustPRES.3SG buildVN REFL3SG.M [truy weithredoed da yn temyl y Duv a hynny yn gyuuch ac y carhaedo truy gret a gobeith a charyat teyrnas gvlad nef.] ‘Every Christian now has to build himself’ [‘through good works into a temple to God and this so high that he will achieve through belief and hope and love the kingdom of heaven.’] (58) 14g. B v. 196, Pob cristaun … a dyly y [drll.]27 adeilat ehun. Another interesting case is that of amddiffyn X hun28 in ex. (59), which has exact parallels in Peniarth 9, p.1v:4 and Jesus 111, p.95v:400:9. The reflexive use of e hun in (59) is at variance with 13 instances of the POSS+VN construction as in ex. (60) from Brut y Brenhinoedd, Brut y Tywysogion, Ystoria Carolo Magno: Rhamant Otfel and Ystoriau Saint Greal. (59) Ystoria Carolo Magno: Chronicl Turpin, Peniarth 5, p.74r:63:34 [Canys rolond a dugassei gantaw trossawl troydic hir.] ac a hwnnw yd amdiffynnwys e hun educher. and with that PT defendPRET.3SG REFL3SG.M till evening [‘for Rolond had brought with him a long twisted bar,] and with that he defended himself until the evening’ (Williams, 1892:463) (60) Brut y Brenhinoedd, Oxford Jesus College MS. 111, p.39r:154:27 ym·rodi a wnaethant y eu hamdiffyn e hunein o hynny allan PV·SUBMITVN PT doPRET.3PL to POSS3PL defendVN INT3PL from then on ‘they submitted themselves to defend themselves from then on’ 4.3.2 Change through linguistic convergence? Strikingly, no instances of reflexive X hun are found in “native” texts like the Mabinogion or the laws, but all of them occur in translations or adaptions from Latin or Old French. One could speculate that the change in Middle Welsh was at least partly triggered by contact influence, but it is hard to find any evidence to sustain this claim. This may be due to the following reasons: In some cases, both the Latin texts and the corresponding Welsh translations were extremely popular, so that it is impossible to determine which version underlies a translated text. Later versions may not necessarily rely on the Latin original, but rather on other translations. But even in cases where the source is clear, the Welsh translators frequently rendered the content of a passage in their own words rather than producing verbatim translations. As the example of Y Groglith has shown, different versions use different constructions, all of which are well rooted in the language. The reflexive use of X hun does not seem to be triggered by the underlying Latin (or Greek) text. The Cordeilla passage in the Cotton Cleopatra Brut is another example of the independence of the Welsh version (62), which contains two verbs denoting suicide that do no figure in the Latin text (61). Both of them use the POSS-VN construction. 27 drll. = darllener, darlleniad ‘read(ing), version’. The am- in amddiffyn (sometimes ymddiffyn) retains the original prepositional meaning ‘about, at all sides’ (Vendryes 1927:50). Amddiffyn is constructed mostly transitively and thus differs from ym-verbs containing the grammaticalized prefix, which are predominantly intransitive. 28 23 Britta Irslinger (61) Geoffrey of Monmouth: Historia regum Britanniae Eam quoque ad ultimum captam in carcerem posuerunt, ubi ob amissionem regni dolore obducta sese interfecit.29 ‘Finally they captured and imprisoned her, where, overwhelmed by grief at the loss of her kingdom, she killed herself.’ (Reeve & Wright 2007:45, § 32) (62) Brut y Brenhinoedd, Cotton Cleopatra, p.20r:14-16, A gwedy medyliaw ohoney am y hen deilyngdawd ry gollassei. ac nat oed obeith idi ymatkyuot ohynny. o diruawr dolur hynny y gwnaeth hy hun y lleith. nyt amgen nogyd y brathu hy hun a chillell adan y bronn yny gollas y heneid. ac yna y barnwyd mae dybrytta agheu y dyn y llad e hun. ‘And after thinking over her former dignity which she had lost, and she had no hope of raising herself out of it, out of exceeding grief over it she did / effected herself her death – that is, she stabbed herself with a knife under the breast so that she lost her life. And at that time it was considered the most ignominious death for a person to kill himself.’ (Parry 1937:41)30 Latin sese interfecit has the reduplicated and thus emphatic reflexive marker sese, but no intensifier. The Welsh translator choses a light-verb construction, for which the analysis in (63) seems probable, especially in view of the similar light-verb constructions in ex. (64-66). Ex. (66) is most likely to be read as a POSS-NP construction ‘effecting his own dead’, but, as the object of a verb occasionally stands between the finite verb and the intensifier, it is not excluded that this passage corresponds to the others with a slightly modified syntax. (63) Brut y Brenhinoedd, Cotton Cleopatra, p.20r:14-16 y gwnaeth hy hun y lleith PT doPRET.3SG INT3SG.F POSS3SG.F death ‘she effected personally her death’, lit. ‘she did herself her death’ (64) Ystoria Bilatus, Peniarth 5, p.11r:14 [A phan giglev pilatus hynny] y gwnaeth e hun y dihenyd a ’e gyllell. PT doPRET.3SG INT3SG.M POSS3SG.M death with POSS3SG.M knife [‘And when Pilatus heard this,] he effected his own death with his knife.’ (65) Ystoria Bilatus, Peniarth 7, p.63v:236:20 y gorvc e hvn y leas a ’y gyllell PT doPRET.3SG INT3SG.M POSS3SG.M death with POSS3SG.M knife ‘he effected his own death with his knife.’ (66) Ystoria Titus, Peniarth 5, p.37r:4831 [Pan gigleu archelaus mab herot hynny; digallonni a oruc. a gossot y wayw yn y daear a mynet ar y vlaen] 29 The First Variant Version (ed. Wright 1988:27) has sese interemit ‘she killed herself’. Parry (1937:41) reads hun ‘sleep’ and translates y gwnaeth hy hun y lleith ‘she slept the sleep of death’, assuming a metaphorical or euphemistic expression for committing suicide. Although hun ‘sleep’ is occasionally used this way in MW, Parry’s analysis seems unconvincing in view of ex. (64) and ex. (65), which mention the instrument with which the act was carried out, and ex. (66), which might be a POSS-NP construction. 31 Cf. Ehrmann & Pleše (2011:12.546) for the Latin text: Herodes amputauit lanceam suam et fixit in terram et iactauit se super et mortuus est. ‘Herod broke off his spear, fixed it in the ground, and threw himself over it and died.’ 30 24 Britta Irslinger a gvneuthur y leith e hun. and doVN POSS3SG.M death INT3SG [‘When Archelaus the son of Herod heard this, he lost his heart and putting his lance on the ground and going on its point’] ‘effecting his own dead’ / ‘and effecting himself his death’ The Latin influence on Gwyrtheu Mair is more difficult to assess. The Latin text is transmitted in several slightly different versions (67, 68). Ex. (68) expresses the order to kill oneself with the simple reflexive pronoun te followed by the intensifier ipsum. The emphatic pronoun temet in ex. (67) is already present in Classical Latin. In Vulgar, Late and Middle Latin, pronouns enlarged by -met become increasingly frequent and were often fused together with the intensifier32 like in the example. Although the Welsh version is an independent renarration (69), the similarity of the Latin and Welsh verb phrases is striking, especially because the Welsh author was probably aware of the parallel structures of Lat. temet-ipse and MW du-hun. It is unlikely, however, that the Welsh author would choose to calque the Latin reflexive strategy after having significantly altered the whole passage. (67) The Pilgrim Girardus, British Museum, ms. Cleop. C. X., ed. Neuhaus (1886:38) [Scias quum pro malis operibus quae gessisti. iam non potes salutem consequi nisi feceris quae dixero tibi. Abscide primum tua genitalia membra] et deinde interfice temetipsum. and then killIMPV.2SG REFL2SG-INT2SG [‘Know that for the bad deeds you have done, you cannot obtain redemption unless you will do what I will say to you. First, cut off your genitals] and then kill yourself.’ (68) The Pilgrim Girardus, British Museum, ms. Arundel 346, ed. Neuhaus (1886:38) deinde interime te ipsum (69) Gwyrtheu Mair, Peniarth 14, ed. Jones (1941:24) [na elly caffael yechyt am e pechaut ry wnaethost] ony ledy duhun unless killPRES.2SG REFL2SG [‘you cannot get redemption from the sin you have done,] unless you kill yourself’ A second instance of emphatic reflexive + intensifier in the Latin text has no correspondence in the Welsh version at all (70, 71). Later on, the Latin reflexive verb is rendered by the POSSVN construction (72, 73). (70) 32 The Pilgrim Girardus, British Museum, ms. Cleop. C. X., ed. Neuhaus (1886:38) At ille putans ueraciter eum sanctum esse Jacobum qui talia iuberet. arrepto ferro membra uirilia abscidit. ac postea per guttur suum ferrum trahens. semetipsum ad mortem uulnerauit. ‘And he [Girardus] believed, that it was Saint Jacob who ordered this, and, seizing a knife, cut off his genitals. And after this, drawing the knife against his throat, he hurt himself deadly.’ Cf. Väänänen (1981:123), Puddu (2005:206-223). 25 Britta Irslinger (71) Gwyrtheu Mair, Peniarth 14, ed. Jones (1941:24) Sef a oruc enteu o debygu en wir panyv yago ebostol oed ef gwneithur a orchymynassei a marw vu. ‘This is what he did, (as he was) really thinking that it was the apostle Jacob, he did what he had ordered and died.’ (lit.: ‘and he was dead.’) (72) The Pilgrim Girardus, British Museum, ms. Cleop. C. X., ed. Neuhaus (1886:39) et quod ad extremum se peremisset. ‘and finally he had killed himself.’ (73) Gwyrtheu Mair, Peniarth 14, ed. Jones (1941:25) ac en diwethaf e lad e hun. and in final POSS3SG.M killVN INT3SG.M ‘and in the end he killed himself’ In the following case, the correspondence between the Old French source (74) and its MW translation (75) is rather close. However, while the idiom “to praise someone to the value of one glove” does not seem to occur elsewhere in MW, the verb moli X hun ‘to praise oneself’ is found also in the Llanstephan version of the Cynghorau Catwn (ex. 78). Theoretically, the Old French pronoun me could have triggered a pronominal construction in MW, but instead fu hunan is used with reflexive function. (74) Boeve de Haumtone, ed. Stimming (1899:68) jeo ne me preyse le vailant de un gant. I NEG REFL1SG praisePRES.1SG the worth of one glove ‘I do not praise myself to the value of one glove.’ (Stimming 1899:68, l. 1797) (75) Ystoria Bown de Hamtwn, Peniarth 5, p.134v:301:22 [a ffan ymladom ony ladaf i dy benn di yr mawr a’m cledeu.] ny volaf fu hunan werth vn uanec. NEG praisePRES.1SG REFL1SG worth one glove [‘and when we fight, if I do not cut off thy head, thou great fellow, with my sword,] I will not praise myself to the value of one glove.’ (Williams 1892:539) The following passage from Imago mundi by Honorius Augustodunensis contains a combination of the reflexive marker se and the intensifier ipse (76). To render the Latin seipsos ... corrodentes ‘chewing up themselves’, the author of the Welsh translation Delw y Byd ‘The form of the world’ gives two apparently synonymous versions (77). Both verbs seem to occur only once and were thus most likely specifically created for this passage. Interestingly, the two verbs that the author decided to use (the ym-verb ymdoddi based on toddi ‘to melt’ and the transitive verb cnoi ‘to bite, to chew’) are both constructed reflexively. Even though these very verbs were custom-made to render the Latin version, both types of verbs already existed in Welsh. The ym-strategy was still productive at the time when the use of reflexive X hun started to spread. (76) Imago mundi (Flint 1983:48-49) ... praesertim cum me non mihi soli, sed toti mundo genitum intelligam, omittens invidos tabescentes, non me, sed seipsos livido corde corrodentes, ... ‘...above all, I understand not only my own birth, but the birth of the whole world, leaving aside grieving individuals, who are chewing up not me, but themselves with a jealous heart’ 26 Britta Irslinger (77) Delw’r Byd, Oxford Jesus College 111 (RB), p.243r:976:14 [Ac yn bennaf oll pryt na dyallwyf i vyg geni y my hun. mwy noc y ’r holl vyt gan ysgaelussaw y dynyon kyghoruynnus.] ac a ym·dodant e hunein ac a gnoant e hunein and REL PV·meltPRS.3PL INT3PL and REL chewPRS.3PL REFL3PL o gallon gyghoruynnvs of heart jealous [‘And above all, since I do not only understand my own birth, but of the whole world, neglecting jealous people] who gnaw themselves and who chew themselves up with a jealous heart.’ In conclusion, it seems that for the translation of reflexives, Middle Welsh authors resorted to a repertoire of constructions also found in non-translated texts and did not try to imitate33 the Latin or Old French structures.34 4.3.3 Formal aspects In no less than six cases, reflexive X hun occurs with an imperative verb, cf. ex. (78 – 81). All instances come from two texts only: four from the Cynghorau Catwn and two from Y Groglith. (78) Cynghorau Catwn, Llanstephan 27, p.168r:16 Na vawl dy hun yn ormod ac na chapla dy hun NEG praiseIMPV.2SG REFL2SG too much and NEG reproachIMPV.2SG REFL2SG ‘Do neither praise nor reproach yourself too much.’ yn ormod. too much (79) Cynghorau Catwn, NLW MS. Peniarth 3 part ii, p.37:3 [Pan gymhello dolur di yn irlloned rac kared dy weissyon.]35 kymedrola dy hvn hyt pan ellych arbet y rei teu di. moderateIMPV.2SG REFL2SG so that canSUBJ.PRES.2SGforgiveVN the ones POSS2SG PRON2SG [‘If pain drives you in anger because of the sin of your servants,] moderate yourself, so that you can forgive the ones belonging to you’ (80) Y Groglith, Shrewsbury 11, p.114:2 os crist wyt ti gwna di hunan yn iach if Christ bePRES.2SG PRON2SG doIMPV.2SG REFL2SG PT safe ‘if you are Christ, save yourself’ (lit. ‘make yourself safe’) (81) Y Groglith, Peniarth 5, p.7v:18 [Hwnn a distryw temyl duw. ac ympen y tridieu a ’e hadeila.] iachaa dy hun. saveIMPV.2SG REFL2SG [‘The one who destroyed the temple of God and rebuilt it after three days’] save yourself.’ 33 Cf. Winford (2003:63-65) on “structural convergence”, i.e. imitation of the syntactic structures of the contact language with the lexical means of one’s own language. A similar model is “replica grammaticalization” developed by Heine & Kuteva (2003:539). 34 A different development took place in Breton, where the French influence was much stronger. The Breton prefix em- was equated with French se and became, combined with a pronoun, part of the preverbal reflexive and reciprocal marker ModBr en em, cf. Irslinger (2014:187, 199). 35 Cf. Duff (1954:602) for the Latin text: Seruorum culpa cum te dolor urguet in iram, ipse tibi moderare, tuis ut parcere possis. 27 Britta Irslinger In ex. (82) and (83) from the Cynghorau Catwn, the function of the pronoun di following the verb is unclear. Objects of imperative verbs are invariably expressed by independent pronouns, not by infixed pronouns (82). In addition, independent pronouns occasionally code the objects of other verb forms (83) (Evans 1964, 49-50). Postverbal di could thus be the object of the verb expressed by the independent pronoun, while the disambiguating intensifier indicates its coreference with the subject coded in the verbal ending. Nevertheless, it seems more likely for di to code the subject and thus refer to the person expressed by the verb. Cynghorau Catwn contains three instances of this use with a transitive non-reflexive verb, like in ex. (84). (82) Cynghorau Catwn, Llanstephan 27, p.31:3 Ardymhera di du hvn o ’r gwin. moderateIMPV.2SG PRON2SG REFL2SG from the wine ‘Moderate (you) yourself from wine.’ (83) Cynghorau Catwn, Llanstephan 27, p.32:20 Kanys ot atnabydy di dy hun doeth wyt. for if knowPRES.HAB.2SG PRON2SG REFL2SG wise beIND.PRES.2SG ‘For if you know (you) yourself, you are wise.’ (84) Cynghorau Catwn, Llanstephan, 27 p.165v:15 na chappla di arall am y bei NEG blameIMPV.2SG PRON2SG another for the mistake a vo arnat ti dy hun. beSUBJ.PRES.3SG on2SG PRON2SG INT2SG ‘Do (you) not blame another for the mistake that is on yourself.’ REL 4.3.3 Transition from one system to another To move from the old MW system of reflexive marking to the new one, two simultaneous steps are necessary: – loss of the object pronoun or the prefixed ym– reanalysis of X hun as object of the verb This development is illustrated in (85) for the different structural types: (85) PRON + finite verb POSS-VN construction ym-verb eREFL trewis e hunINT yREFL brathu hi hunINT ymREFLboeni e hunINT → trewis e hunREFL → brathu hi hunREFL → poeni e hunREFL The reanalysis of MW X hun seems thus natural enough, especially since MW X hun already occurs as a head in a pronoun-like function coding the subject or after a preposition. It is however more difficult to explain why the preverbal pronouns and ym- prefixes were lost. One context in which this could have happened, are the imperative constructions discussed in 4.3.2, where infixed pronouns preceding the verb are not possible. The hypothetical phrase in (86) contains an imperative verb followed by an emphasizing subject pronoun and an object pronoun + intensifier. The sequence of two 2sg pronouns with different functions is not attested and seems to be ungrammatical like English himself himself, i.e. the sequence of reflexive and actor-oriented intensifier in ex. (87) from Gast & Siemund (2006:360). The MW 28 Britta Irslinger object pronoun was dropped then, leading to expressions that are actually attested, both with and without an emphasizing subject pronoun (88, 89). (86) *ardymhera di moderateIMPV.2SG PRON-SUBJ2SG ti (87) *He killed himselfREFL himselfINT (Er tötete sich selbst) (88) ardymhera di moderateIMPV.2SG PRON-SUBJ2SG (89) du hvn PRON-OBJ2SG INT2SG du hvn REFL2SG kymedrola dy hvn moderateIMPV.2SG REFL2SG While this could be a starting-point for the reanalysis of X hun, one wonders whether these pragmatically marked reflexive imperative clauses were frequent enough to trigger the change of system. This objection is reinforced by the fact that all instances contained in Rhyddiaith Gymraeg 1300-1425 cluster in two single texts. The small sample of 14 instances of reflexive X hun in the Middle Welsh corpora is thus not enough to formulate a strong hypothesis concerning the trigger of the change. More insights can probably be gained from the analysis of Early Modern texts, where the X hun reflexives become more frequent. 5 CONCLUSIONS The quantitative study based on Rhyddiaith Gymraeg 1300-1425 showed that the alleged MW “reflexive pronoun” X hun functions, in fact, as an intensifier in 99,32 % of cases. Only as few as 14 instances from both corpora showed its use as a reflexive, which then became widespread in the modern language. In Middle Welsh, “full reflexive” events are coded by the prefix ymor by an infixed pronoun. Since both strategies are ambiguous, intensifiers are added for referent disambiguation and role disambiguation. The two strategies are about equally frequent and, to some degree, interchangeable. In some cases, a strategy may be blocked because of lexical or syntactic constraints. Although Evans (1964:89) was aware that the reflexive use of X hun was only at its initial stages in Middle Welsh, he probably would be surprised to find out that the entire Middle Welsh corpus does not provide many more instances than the three examples that he cited in his Grammar of Middle Welsh. At present, it is impossible to determine what brought about such change in the MW system, however, linguistic convergence with Latin or Old French can certainly be excluded in light of the instances discussed above. Finally, hypotheses on linguistic convergence between Welsh and English regarding the expression of reflexivity will have to take into consideration the scarcity of reflexive X hun in the Welsh corpus before 1425. 29 Britta Irslinger REFERENCES Corpora Isaac, G. R., Rodway, Simon, Nurmio, Silva, Kapphahn, Kit & Sims-Williams, Patrick. 2013: Rhyddiaith y 13eg Ganrif: Fersiwn 2.0. A searchable version of all the Welsh prose in 13thcentury manuscripts transcribed by G. R. Isaac & Simon Rodway (2002) and reformatted by Silva Nurmio, Kit Kapphahn & Patrick Sims-Williams (2010); emended by Simon Rodway & Patrick Sims-Williams (2013). © Department of Welsh, Aberystwyth University 2010, 2013. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/2160/11163. Luft, Diana, Thomas, Peter Wynn & Smith, D. Mark, (eds.) 2013: Rhyddiaith Gymraeg 13001425. http://www.rhyddiaithganoloesol.caerdydd.ac.uk. Editions Crawford, Samuel J., 1922. The Old English Version of the Heptateuch. Aelfric’s Treatise on the Old and New Testament and His Preface to Genesis. London: Milford.
Duff, J. Wight, 1954: Minor Latin poets. With introductions and English translations by J. Wight Duff. Rev. ed., repr. London: Heinemann. Ehrman, Bart D. & Pleše, Zlatko, 2011. The apocryphal gospels. Texts and translations. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press. Flint, V. I. J., 1983. ‘Honorius Augustodunensis Imago mundi.’ Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Âge 49, 7–153. Jones, Gwenan, 1939–1941: ‘Gwyrthyeu y Wynvydedic Veir.’ Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies 9, 144–148, 334–341; 10, 21–33. Lewis, Henry, 1925. ‘Cynghorau Catwn.’ Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies 2, 16–25. Lewis, Henry, 1930. ‘Credo Athanasius Sant.’ Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies 5, 193– 203. Neuhaus, Carl, 1886. Die lateinischen Vorlagen zu den alt-französischen Adgar’schen MarienLegenden. zum ersten male gesammelt und herausgegeben. Heilbronn: Gebr. Henninger. Parry, John J., 1937: Brut y Brenhinedd. Cotton Cleopatra Version. Edited and translated by John Jay Parry. Cambridge, Mass.: The Medieval Academy of America. Reeve, Michael D. & Wright, Neil, 2007. Geoffrey of Monmouth: The history of the kings of Britain. An edition and translation of De gestis Britonum (Historia regum Britanniae) / Ed. by Michael D. Reeve. Transl. by Neil Wright. Woodbridge: Boydell Press. Stimming, Albert, 1899. Der anglonormannische Boeve de Haumtone. Halle: Max Niemeyer. Sweet, Henry, 1883. King Alfred’s Orosius. Vol. 1: Old-English and Latin Original. London: Trübner. Weber, Robert & Gryson, Roger, 2007. Biblia sacra. Iuxta Vulgatam versionem. Adiuvantibus B. Fischer, I. Gribomont, H. F. D Sparks, W. Thiele. Rec. et brevi apparatu critico instruxit Robert Weber. Ed. 5 emendatam retractatam / praeparavit Roger Gryson. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft. https://www.bibelwissenschaft.de/startseite/wissenschaftliche-bibelausgaben/vulgata/ Williams, Ifor, 1931: Pedeir Keinc y Mabinogi. Cardiff: University of Wales Press. Williams, Robert, 1892. Selections from the Hengwrt Mss. preserved in the Peniarth Library. Vol. 2. Edited with a translation. London: Bernard Quaritch. Wright, Neil 1988. The historia regum Britannie of Geoffrey of Monmouth. Vol. 2. The first variant version. A critical edition. Cambridge: Brewer. Zupitza, Julius, 1966. Aelfrics Grammatik und Glossar. Hildesheim: Weidmann. 30 Britta Irslinger Literature Borsley, Robert D., Tallerman, Maggie & Willis, David. 2007. The syntax of Welsh. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Evans, Simon D., 1964: A grammar of Middle Welsh. Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies. Filpulla, Markku, Klemola, Juhani & Paulasto, Heli, 2008. English and Celtic in Contact. London: Routledge. Gast, Volker & Siemund, Peter, 2006. ‘Rethinking the relationship between SELF-intensifiers and reflexives.’ Linguistics 44.2, 343–381. Gelderen, Elly van. 2000. A History of English reflexive pronouns. Person, self, and interpretability. Amsterdam/Philadephia: John Benjamins. Gelderen, Elly van. (forthcoming): ‘Reflexive Pronouns in the Lindisfarne Glosses’. NorthWestern European Language Evolution (NOWELE) 72.2. GPC: Thomas, R. J. et al. (eds.). 1950 –. Geiriadur Prifysgol Cymru. A dictionary of the Welsh language. Caerdydd: Gwasg Prifysgol Cymru. http://geiriadur.ac.uk/gpc/gpc.html Harbert, Wayne, 2007. The Germanic languages. Cambridge/New York, NY: Cambridge Univ. Press. Haspelmath, Martin, 2001. ‘The European linguistic area: Standard Average European’. In: M. Haspelmath, E. König, W. Oesterreicher & W. Raible (eds.). Vol. 2: pp. 1492–1510. Haspelmath, Martin, 2003. ‘The geometry of grammatical meaning: Semantic maps and crosslinguistic comparison.’ In: M. Tomasello (ed.), The new psychology of language, Vol. 2, Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, pp. 211–242. Haspelmath, Martin, König, Ekkehard, Oesterreicher, Wulf & Raible, Wolfgang (eds.), 2001. Language typology and language universals. An international handbook. 2 vols. Berlin: de Gruyter (HSK 20.1, 20.2). Heine, Bernd & Kuteva, Tanya, 2003. ‘On contact-induced grammticalization.’ Studies in Language 27.3, 529–572. Huws, Daniel, 2000. Medieval Welsh manuscripts. Cardiff: University of Wales Press. Irslinger, Britta, 2014. ‘Intensifiers and reflexives in SAE, Insular Celtic and English.’ Indogermanische Forschungen 119, 159–163. Irslinger, Britta, 2017. ‘Detransitive strategies in Middle Welsh: The preverbal marker ym-.’ In: E. Poppe, K. Stüber & P. Widmer (eds.), Referential properties and their impact on the syntax of Insular Celtic languages. Münster: Nodus, pp. 101–143. Kemmer, Suzanne, 1993. The middle voice. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Bejamins. Keenan, Edward L. 2002. ‘Explaining the creation of reflexive pronouns in English.’ In: D. Minkova & R. Stockwell (eds.), Studies in the history of the English language. A millennial perspective. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 325–354. König, Ekkehard & Siemund, Peter, 2000. ‘The development of complex reflexives and intensifiers in English.’ Diachronica 17.1, 39–84. König, Ekkehard, 2001. ‘Intensifiers and reflexive pronouns.’ In: M. Haspelmath, E. König, W. Oesterreicher & W. Raible (eds.), Vol. 1: pp. 747–760. Kroonen, Guus, 2013. Etymological dictionary of Proto-Germanic. Leiden/Boston: Brill. Lange, Claudia, 2007. Reflexivity and Intensification in English. A study of texts and contexts. Frankfurt/Main: Lang. Miller, D. Gary, 2012. External influences on English: from its beginnings to the Renaissance. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Parina, Elena, 2007. ‘Reflexivpronomina im Mittelkymrischen.’ In: H. Birkhan (ed.), KeltenEinfälle an der Donau. Akten des Vierten Symposiums Deutschsprachiger Keltologinnen und Keltologen. Linz/Donau, 17. – 21. Juli 2005. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaft, pp. 389–396. 31 Britta Irslinger Peitsara, Kirsti, 1997. ‘The development of reflexive strategies in English.’ In: M. Rissanen, M. Kytö & K. Heikkonen (eds.), Grammaticalization at Work. Studies of long-term developments in English. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 277–370. Poppe, Erich, 2009. ‘Standard Average European and the Celticity of English intensifiers and reflexives: some considerations and implications.’ English Language and Linguistics 13.2: 251–266. Preusler, Walther, 1938. ‘Keltischer Einfluss im Englischen.’ Indogermanische Forschungen 56, 178–191. Sims-Williams, Patrick, 2016: ‘The Welsh versions of Geoffrey of Monmouth’s ‘History of the Kings of Britain’’. In: A. Harlos & N. Harlos (eds.), Adapting Texts and Styles in a Celtic Context. Münster: Nodus, pp. 53–74. Siemund, Peter, 2010. ‘Grammaticalization, lexicalization and intensification: English itself as a marker of middle situation types.’ Linguistics 48.4, 797–836. Siemund, Peter, 2014. ‘The emergence of English reflexive verbs: an analysis based on the Oxford English Dictionary.’ English Language and Linguistics 18, 49–73. DOI 10.1017/ S1360674313000270. Stéfanini, Jean, 1962. La voix pronominale en ancien et en moyen français. Gap: Ophrys. Thomas, P. W. 1996. Gramadeg y Gymraeg. Caerdydd. Tristram, Hildegard L. C., 1999. How Celtic is Standard English? St Petersburg: Nauka. Vennemann, Theo, 2013. ‘Concerning myself’. In: R. Mailhammer (ed.), Lexical and structural etymology. Beyond word histories. Boston/Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton, pp. 121–146. Vezzosi, Letizia, 2005. ‘The development of himself in Middle English: A ‘Celtic’ hypothesis.’ In: N. Ritt & H. Schendl (eds.), Rethinking Middle English. Linguistic and literary approaches. Frankfurt/Main: Lang, pp. 228–243. Winford, Donald, 2003. An introduction to contact linguistics. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Britta Irslinger Sächsische Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig workplace: Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena Institut für Orientalistik, Indogermanistik, Ur- und Frühgeschichtliche Archäologie Seminar für Indogermanistik Zwätzengasse 12a D-07737 Jena irslinger@saw-leipzig.de http://gepris.dfg.de/gepris/projekt/328015460?language=en Additional abbreviations used in the glosses f hab imps inf int m neg obj poss feminine habitual impersonal infinitive intensifier masculine negator object possessive 32 Britta Irslinger prev pron pt plpf subj vn preverb pronoun particle pluperfect subject verbal noun