Books
Paul Davies, Deborah Howard, and
Wendy Pullan, eds.
Architecture and Pilgrimage, 1000–
1500: Southern Europe and Beyond
Farnham, England: Ashgate, 2013, 304 pp.,
79 b/w illus. £70, ISBN 9781472410832
Pilgrimage was big business in the Middle
Ages. Accommodating the needs of visitors to holy sites affected the design, use,
and decoration of some of Europe’s finest
religious buildings. This essay collection
examines the overlooked but closely intertwined relationship between architecture
and pilgrimage, making a significant contribution to the ongoing debate regarding
form and function in medieval buildings.
Following an excellent, wide-ranging
introduction by Paul Davies and Deborah
Howard (1–18), the volume is divided into
two parts: “Mediterranean Perspectives”
and “Italian Sacred Places as Pilgrimage
Destinations.” The geographical scope of
the volume is ambitious—from Mecca to
Venice, from Santiago to Rome—fitting
into the current scholarly trend toward
intercultural Mediterranean studies. Due
to its relatively strong focus on Christian
pilgrimage, however, it includes only one
essay addressing Islam, and Jewish culture
is omitted entirely.
The Mediterranean theme of the
book’s first section begins with Henry
Maguire’s essay “Pilgrimage through Pictures in Medieval Byzantine Churches”
(21–37). Maguire examines Christological
images in Byzantine cult churches, which
Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians
74, no. 2 (June 2015), 248–263. ISSN 0037-9808,
electronic ISSN 2150-5926. © 2015 by the Society
of Architectural Historians. All rights reserved.
Please direct all requests for permission to photocopy or reproduce article content through the
University of California Press’s Rights and Permissions website, http://www.ucpressjournals.com/
reprintInfo.asp. DOI: 10.1525/jsah.2015.74.2.248.
248
specifically referenced the architecture and
topography of the Holy Land, such as the
Dome of the Rock and the cross that
marked the location of Christ’s baptism.
Maguire concludes that such specific allusions highlighted the parallel experiences
of pilgrims visiting the local cult and the
Holy Land, respectively, and forged close
comparisons between the local saint and
Christ. Texts written by Byzantine pilgrims
indicate that when they visited the Holy
Land, their experience was fundamentally
affected by this familiar iconography.
As Avinoam Shalem explains, the Ka’ba
in Mecca, with its almost cubic shape and
diaphanous black covering, is a unique
building whose image is firmly fixed in the
Muslim psyche (“The Four Faces of the
Ka’ba in Mecca,” 39–58). When pilgrims
visit the building they form new memories
of its three-dimensional form that “clash”
with previously constructed mental
images, “revealing to the Muslim pilgrim a
further dimension of the most holy” (53).
The highly visual description by twelfthcentury pilgrim Ibn Jubayr demonstrates
the iconographic power of the Ka’ba, conveyed through its sumptuous materials and
the strikingly large covering, or kiswa,
whose gentle movement in the breeze was
reputedly caused by the vibrating wings of
seventy thousand guardian angels.
Wendy Pullan’s examination of the pervasive symbol of Christian pilgrimage, the
scallop shell, begins with the observation
that the supporting visual apparatus of
pilgrimage, its “white noise,” can have
symbolic value despite its ubiquity (“Tracking the Habitual: Observations on the
Pilgrim’s Shell,” 59–85). A short history of
the shell reveals that it was associated with
Santiago de Compostela before being narratively linked to Saint James and later
became a generic symbol for pilgrimage of
all kinds. Its presence in the myth of Venus
demonstrates that the shell—seen in
architectural surface decoration, liturgical
textiles, and painted images—is ultimately
a symbol of regeneration.
As a point of embarkation rather than
arrival, Venice took a careful approach to
pilgrimage, navigating among religious,
commercial, and diplomatic objectives,
which are evocatively characterized by
Deborah Howard in “Venice as Gateway
to the Holy Land: Pilgrims as Agents of
Transmission” (87–110). With their strong
mercantile origins, Venetians maintained
Muslim trade links, facilitated repairs to
holy sites, and offered “package tour” deals
to pilgrims. But beyond mere commercial
interests, Howard suggests, Venetian
architecture specifically emulated biblical
landmarks—many of which were located
around the embarkation point of the Arsenal—constructing a symbolic identity for
the city as New Jerusalem.
The Italian focus of the book’s second
section begins with Claudia Bolgia’s analysis of a new type of microarchitectural tabernacle for Marian icons in Roman
churches (“Icons ‘in the Air’: New Settings
for the Sacred in Medieval Rome,”
113–42). Formally similar to relic tabernacles, icon shrines were elevated threelevel superstructures above altars. Bolgia
considers these complex structures in
terms of their patronage, accessibility, visibility, changing use, and meaning for pilgrims, emphasizing their apotropaic value
on a local level.
Joanna Cannon confronts the lack of
significant Dominican places of pilgrimage
in the Middle Ages, questioning whether
certain shrines tried to attract devotion and
failed (“Dominican Shrines and Urban
Pilgrimage in Later Medieval Italy,”
143–63). Tracking the locations of shrines
within architectural space, Cannon
observes that the Dominicans were initially reluctant to promote cults of saints
and beati. At first the friars placed shrines
in liturgically elevated but restrictive areas,
only to move them later to the western sections of churches, beyond partitions or
screens (tramezzi), to facilitate access by
the laity. Although this disposition may
have diluted the impact of the shrines, it
seems to have been a response to the
increasing late medieval tendency toward
local urban pilgrimage.
Donal Cooper and Janet Robson assess
late thirteenth-century alterations to the
Lower Church at Assisi, which included
removal of the choir screen and construction of a “pergola” to house the altar and
tomb of Saint Francis (“Imagery and the
Economy of Penance at the Tomb of
St Francis,” 165–86). Increases in the numbers of pilgrims hoping to obtain the
annual Perdono plenary indulgence at a
nearby Franciscan shrine prompted the
creation of more fluid architectural space
in the Lower Church as well as visual stimuli based on themes of penance. These
changes were also targeted toward new
“vicarious” pilgrims, who were given
receipts for having completed the pilgrimage in proxy for deceased persons.
Whereas architectural similarities have
often been interpreted as mere “artistic
influence,” Paul Davies argues for multiple
explanations derived from devotional,
rather than artistic, concerns (“Likeness in
Italian Renaissance Pilgrimage Architecture,” 187–211). Davies reveals that the
image tabernacle in Santa Maria di Impruneta bears close similarities with an earlier
Florentine counterpart, and its setting is
analogous to the disposition of twinned
tabernacles in Santa Maria Maggiore in
Rome. Various motivations informed this
practice of architectural copying, including
the ambition to emulate the sanctity of
another shrine and the desire to create an
inclusive identity among shrines with similar dedications.
Although Santa Maria delle Carceri in
Prato and Santa Maria della Pietà in
Bibbona may be stylistically classified as
ideal centrally planned Renaissance
churches, Robert Maniura examines their
form in the context of Marian devotion
(“Two Marian Image Shrines in FifteenthCentury Tuscany, the ‘Iconography of
Architecture’ and the Limits of ‘Holy
Competition,’ ” 213–29). Avoiding the
mundane explanation of mere competition, Maniura argues that cult sites of the
Virgin Mary complemented and emulated
one another. The architectural iconography of the domed central plan ultimately
derived from the Pantheon (Santa Maria
Rotonda), which housed a miraculous cult
image known throughout Europe, as evidenced by images on surviving lead pilgrim
badges.
In an innovative move away from conventional architect-focused inquiry, the
essays in Architecture and Pilgrimage, 1000–
1500 examine architecture in context. The
contributors integrate buildings within
broad analyses of images, relics, objects,
and texts, arguably devising more accurate
interpretations of the all-encompassing
nature of pilgrimage. Images of architecture, microarchitectural structures, and the
organization of interior space are investigated together with studies of entire buildings. The essays by Cooper and Robson
and Cannon, for example, make important
contributions toward a greater understanding of the use of tramezzi, fundamental yet little-understood components of the
Italian church interior. Moreover, some of
the volume’s scholars (Cooper and Robson,
Davies, Maniura) find solutions to longestablished architectural problems precisely through this holistic approach.
Cooper and Robson, for example, overturn
previous pragmatic explanations of
changes to the Lower Church at Assisi
with their focus on the new spatial requirements of pilgrims.
Significantly, this book challenges a
restrictive definition of pilgrimage as a
long-distance journey to a major site.
Cannon highlights the prevalence of local
urban pilgrimage, Maguire alludes to the
power of images to facilitate prayerful pilgrimages of the mind, and Cooper and
Robson discuss the late medieval practice
of vicarious pilgrimages commissioned in
testamentary bequests. The essays reveal
that alongside international sites (Compostela, Rome, Assisi, Mecca), local shrines
were highly popular and spiritually efficacious
(Roman Marian churches, Sant’Eustorgio
in Milan, Santa Maria di Impruneta).
A further original approach explores
the psychological effect on pilgrims who,
upon reaching their destinations, had to
reconcile their personal experience with
their preexisting mental constructs of
those sites, a process Shalem terms the
“accumulative gaze” (42). Maguire
explains, for example, that pilgrims to the
Holy Land interpreted sites through the
lens of Byzantine iconography, reporting
visions of biblically inaccurate images
clearly inspired by familiar frescoes and
mosaics.
As Herbert L. Kessler remarks in his
afterword, subtitled “Pilgrimage and
Transformation” (231–41), many of
the essays (Maguire, Howard, Davies,
Maniura) revise aspects of Richard
Krautheimer’s seminal 1942 article “Introduction to an ‘Iconography of Mediaeval
Architecture,’ ” further clarifying the precise nature of architectural “copying” and
“imitation.” 1 Davies, for example—
employing the less loaded term “likeness”
(187)—expands on Krautheimer’s observation that copies often replicated precise
measurements, concluding that this feature (undetectable to the observer) was
“a means of transferring some of the sanctity of the original structure to a new location” (197).
This subtle, exacting approach characterizes all the essays in Architecture and
Pilgrimage, 1000–1500. The authors
expertly analyze specific ways in which pilgrimage influenced the articulation of
sacred space, the construction of religious
images, and the nature of architectural
symbolism. Scholars wishing to deepen
their understanding of the complex relationships among architecture, religion,
and society in the Middle Ages will find
this book highly valuable.
joanne allen
American University
Note
1. Richard Krautheimer, “Introduction to an
‘Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture,’ ”
Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes
5 (1942), 1–33.
Margaret Muther D’Evelyn
Venice and Vitruvius: Reading Venice
with Daniele Barbaro and Andrea
Palladio
New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press,
2012, 504 pp., 1 color and 142 b/w illus. $75,
ISBN 9780300174519
In this important publication, Margaret
Muther D’Evelyn sets forth an ambitious
agenda to examine the theories and
BOOKS
249
writings of Marcus Vitruvius Pollio
through the eyes of Daniele Barbaro and
Andrea Palladio, two of the most influential architectural minds of sixteenthcentury Venice. To accomplish this goal,
D’Evelyn divides her text into two main
sections. The first, “Composing the Commentaries,” examines the place of Barbaro’s
Commentaries on Vitruvius’s The Ten Books
on Architecture within the context of the
genre of the architectural treatise in late
fifteenth-century to early sixteenthcentury Italy. Having established the literary backdrop for the Commentaries,
D’Evelyn then focuses on the relationships among her three protagonists—
Barbaro, Palladio, and Vitruvius—as
experienced within the complex sociopolitical world that was Renaissance Venice.
Few, if any, texts from antiquity proved
more thought provoking in Renaissance
intellectual circles than Vitruvius’s The Ten
Books on Architecture. This work also
boasted notably dense Latin. As a result, a
pressing demand existed for an Italianlanguage edition that would be useful to
the growing population of architectural
practitioners and enthusiasts whose facility
with Latin may not have enabled them to
comprehend the nuances of Vitruvius’s
prose. Several authors in the early sixteenth century offered translations, but
none proved as authoritative or accessible
as that produced by the Venetian diplomatcum-prelate Daniele Barbaro. As a result
of his vast diplomatic experience, Barbaro
approached Vitruvius from the standpoint
of a humanist scholar rather than that of
a cleric. He also recognized that in order
to carry out his translation project he
would need access to the expertise of a
practicing architect, and he ultimately
sought the input of Andrea Palladio, the
premiere architect working in Venice and
the Veneto. Together the men took up the
challenge to produce a “more apprehensible and eloquent” edition of the ancient
text.
Theirs was not an overnight endeavor
by any means. Rather, they created at least
four separate texts: two handwritten preparatory versions now in the Biblioteca
Marciana, Venice (CL. IV, cod. It. 152
[=4106], and Cl. IV, cod. It. 37 [=5133]),
a 1566 edition published by Francesco
Marcolini, and a revised version published
in 1567 by Francesco de’ Franceschi.
250
J S A H | 74 . 2 | J U N E 2 01 5
D’Evelyn’s meticulous comparison of the
handwritten notes and printed versions
allows the reader to understand the active
dialogue that took place between the two
authors and their ancient Roman
predecessor.
To understand fully the implications of
the Barbaro/Palladio enterprise, D’Evelyn
acknowledges the influence of authors
such as Francesco di Giorgio Martini
and Sebastiano Serlio. As she outlines in
chapter 1, “The Arrival of the Italian
Renaissance Illustrated Architectural
Book,” the printed and illustrated architectural treatise emerged as an important
locus of aesthetic discourse in sixteenthcentury Italy. It was di Giorgio who recognized the limitations of writing for
conveying architectural ideas and thus
included drawings in his treatise. According to D’Evelyn, the addition of illustrations allowed the Sienese architect to
support his reinterpretation of two longstanding theoretical underpinnings: sign
and signified. (It should be noted that in
this very thorough analysis, D’Evelyn
does not reference or cite Ferdinand de
Saussure, which comes as something of a
surprise given her lengthy examination of
the usage of the terms signifier and signified
here and in other sections of the text.) She
then turns to a discussion of di Giorgio’s
architectural “grandson” (via Baldassare
Peruzzi), Sebastiano Serlio. Whereas
personal experience was the inspiration for
di Giorgio’s treatise, Serlio’s work was
inspired by the stage. Serlio was profoundly influenced by the theater, going so
far as to identify the architectural orders
with actors on the dramatic stage.
As D’Evelyn ably demonstrates, both di
Giorgio and (especially) Serlio loomed
large in the mind of Daniele Barbaro when
he decided to write his Commentaries on
Vitruvius. In turn, Palladio offered his collaborator important insights, such as the
need to address archaeological evidence in
support of interpretations.
Having methodically analyzed the specifics of Barbaro’s Commentaries within the
genre of the architectural treatise,
D’Evelyn turns her attention to the
broader social, political, and, most important, architectural environment of early
modern Venice. She divides the book’s second section, “Reading Venice,” into seven
chapters, further subdividing these into
“tesserae,” a clear reference to Venice’s
fascination with pastiche and mosaic,
intended to give the reader insights into
the multitude of subjects addressed by
Barbaro and Palladio. Throughout this
section—which accounts for two-thirds of
the book—D’Evelyn envisions her protagonists wandering Venice’s narrow calli
and discussing the singular environment.
Often the two men had to account for
those elements that distinguished Venetian
architecture of the early modern period
from the ancient examples studied by
Vitruvius. In the first of their many imagined urban peregrinations, “Building in
Venice without Proper Foundations,”
Barbaro and Palladio address arguably the
most important aspect of any building, and
one with notoriously unique challenges in
Venice: the foundation. Obviously, Vitruvius did not address building in Venice
specifically, but his ideas on this most
important of elements can be discerned in
numerous structures in the lagoon city,
including the Scuola Grande della Misericordia, San Francesco della Vigna, and the
Redentore.
Renaissance architectural treatises
served as more than records of stylistic
suggestions and design principles. They
also addressed decorum and propriety and
recognized that space articulates behavior.
This notion is manifested most fully in
chapter 3, “Open Doors and Welcoming
Atria.” This chapter likewise offers the
reader some particularly important
insights into the minds of Barbaro and Palladio regarding the inherent differences
between the domestic architecture of
ancient Rome and that of early modern
Venice. For example, D’Evelyn demonstrates the ways in which Vitruvius’s notion
of the tablinum was understood as comparable to, perhaps even conflated with, the
mezzanine area found in many Venetian
palaces.
The conflation of business activities
and family life within the private palace
often inspired comment from visitors to
Venice. However, the permeability of public and private was not the only element of
architectural intrigue. Windows constituted a subject of equal, if not greater,
interest, and it is this most important feature that serves as the focus of chapter 4.
This chapter has the added benefit of
allowing the reader glimpses into other
aspects of Barbaro’s intellectual interests,
notably his fascination with scientific
endeavors, especially the metaphysics of
light. Similar engineering concerns are
addressed in chapter 5, “The Roof.”
Chapter 6, “Bricks That Swim,” transitions from the microcosmic analysis of
individual building parts and influences to
consider the macrocosm of Venetian
urbanism through discussion of one of the
city’s most ubiquitous elements: the brick.
It is considered here not merely as a building material. Rather, brick offers D’Evelyn
an entrée into an analysis of the quality of
building materials in general and the
implications of the material decisions
made by architects and patrons alike. Not
surprisingly, much of this analysis focuses
on one of the city’s most famous, and most
controversial, marble-clad structures, the
Scuola Grande di San Rocco.
As the meetinghouse of one of Venice’s
wealthiest and most socially active religious lay confraternities, the Scuola
Grande di San Rocco played an important
role in the civic and spiritual life of the
Renaissance city. As D’Evelyn outlines in
chapter 7, “The City as Theater,” Venice
was steeped in ritual and public processions. The city offered many unique spaces
for public display and performance, including the altane. For Barbaro and Palladio,
these platforms, found on the roofs of
many Venetian palazzi, seemingly shared
many characteristics with the maeniana
described by Vitruvius.
Linking the maeniana with the altane
offered the Renaissance authors the opportunity to provide a definable built example
for a space that was often the subject of
imagination and speculation. Such issues
provide the thematic leitmotif for the
eighth and final chapter, “Literary Light.”
Barbaro and Palladio relied on a variety of
sources, most notably the works of Pliny
and Ovid, the Hypnerotomachia Poliphili
(the most enigmatic illustrated book of the
era), and the writings of Leon Battista
Alberti. Surprisingly, it is Alberti’s work
that emerges as perhaps the strongest
influence on Barbaro and Palladio.
When viewed as an ensemble,
D’Evelyn’s tesserae enable insightful
glimpses into the minds of two of Venice’s
foremost architectural thinkers and novel
interpretations of structures in which they
were directly involved, such as San
Francesco della Vigna, and those that they
certainly knew well, such as Codussi’s San
Michele in Isola. The organizational principle of Venice and Vitruvius is made all the
stronger by D’Evelyn’s decision to use only
high-quality reproductions of original line
drawings for illustration. This design
allows the reader a more direct interaction
with Barbaro and Palladio’s original publications and will surely appeal to scholars
seeking to experience as much of the original texts as possible; it has the added benefit of offering Palladio a greater voice in
the analysis. However, this decision might
prove problematic for some readers.
D’Evelyn makes many references to existing structures in Venice, some of which,
such as the Palazzo Ducale and San Giorgio
Maggiore, enjoy such acclaim as to not
require illustrations. But other structures
discussed, such as Palazzo Giovanelli in
San Felice and the apartment blocks on the
Calle del Paradiso, do not enjoy the same
recognition. As a result, a reader not intimately familiar with Venetian architecture
may need to undertake a modicum of independent research to understand fully the
implications of the interpretive arguments
presented.
In sum, Margaret Muther D’Evelyn’s
extraordinarily close reading of the primary documents and multiple early editions of the Commentaries, as well as her
detailed and erudite observations about the
thought processes that went into the creation of the Commentaries, renders Venice
and Vitruvius indispensable to scholars of
architectural history and Venetian studies.
blake de maria
Santa Clara University
Scott Redford and Nina Ergin, eds.
Cities and Citadels in Turkey: From
the Iron Age to the Seljuks
Leuven, Belgium: Peeters, 2013, 356 pp.,
3 color and 192 b/w illus.
86. ISBN
9789042927124
This volume is the formal product of a
symposium held in December 2009, one
of the annual symposia organized by the
Research Center for Anatolian Civilizations at Koç University. The editors and
contributors have put in painstaking effort
to create a collection of essays of great
substance that will serve for many years as
a major resource on Anatolian citadels,
fortresses, and their defensive structures
as cultural artifacts and as sociospatial
phenomena in their specific historical
contexts. Readers may be puzzled to find
such a heavy representation of the Iron
Age coupled with a focus on medieval
Byzantine and Seljuk Anatolia, but the
book illustrates the state of the discipline
of archaeology/architectural history in the
Anatolian context.
It is widely accepted that the Late
Bronze Age in the Near East saw the development of large entrepreneurial urban
centers, and that, following the collapse of
the circum-Mediterranean trade network
in the late thirteenth to the early twelfth
centuries BCE, the communities of the
Early Iron Age returned to the countryside
in a more dispersed way, occupying marginal landscapes and taking refuge in high
places. As illustrated particularly in Assyrian, Urartian, and Syro-Hittite geographies, the fortified citadel became a favored
architectural unit to house royal palaces,
military establishments, and other urban
features. It is possible to argue that such
architectural innovation continued to be
used heavily during the Achaemenid,
Hellenistic, and early Roman periods in
Anatolia, yet classical archaeologists
largely tend to prefer the Mediterranean
and Aegean coastlands for their field
research. In this sense, Cities and Citadels in
Turkey implicitly suggests an unusual affinity between the Syro-Anatolian Iron Age
and the medieval period, which presents a
similar fragmentation of the Anatolian
landscape. One wishes that this historiographic problem, as well as gaps of
research, were discussed more explicitly in
the book.
One aim of the volume is to “recoup a
sense of the value of city and citadel walls
commensurate with a variety of important
functions: as urban architecture par excellence, as delineators and protectors, and as
markers of status, display, and ritual” (2).
Despite its slightly overambitious title, the
book is less about cities and urban space
than it is about citadels—with their fortification walls, gates, bastions, and towers—
as architectonic expressions of power
with explicit references to military power,
architectural technologies of monumental
enclosures, and commemorative narratives of the state embedded in them.
BOOKS
251
These “monumental presences in the
urban landscape” (2) acted not only as sites
of military and architectural innovations
but also as loci of power negotiations and
stately representation for political agents.
A notable point made by many of the
essays in the volume, particularly well
argued in Scott Redford’s brilliant contribution on Seljuk citadels and Carolyn
Chabot Aslan and Charles Brian Rose’s
thorough work on Troy, is that the citadels
became sites of memory and of intimate,
material engagements with the deep past.
The writing of ancient architectural
histories has long suffered from a certain
level of dryness, caused partially by strictly
positivistic and functionalist approaches to
architecture and partially by archaeologists’ overall disinterest in space and spatiality as cultural phenomena. Many of this
volume’s chapters offer glimpses of hope
for ways out of this conundrum, although
closer collaboration among the authors
(and perhaps a more informed exchange
between Iron Age archaeologists and
medievalists) would have made for more
balance. For example, the reuse of architectural and sculptural fragments from
former episodes of history (spolia) as a cultural practice of situated remembering is as
common in Syro-Hittite and Phrygian
urban architecture as it is in Byzantine and
Seljuk appropriation of antiquity. The
direct relationship of medieval citadels to
the countryside and the extraurban environs has striking parallels in the Assyrian
and Syro-Hittite citadels. The function of
city gates as sites of political commemoration in Seljuk citadels is strongly reminiscent of the function of gates in fortified
Iron Age cities such as Ayanis, Karkamish,
and Karatepe.
One common historiographic problem
for all the contributors to this book seems
to have been the contrast between citadels
as products of social relations and citadels
as foundations of imperial agency. When
the authors work critically within a rich
texture of archaeological data (e.g., Voigt,
Aslan and Rose) or epigraphic evidence
(Macrides, Redford), the complexity of
each case study is revealed; however, many
of the authors uncritically accept the
agency of rulers a priori.
Aslan and Rose’s strictly chronological
description of the development and collapse of the citadel at Troy resonates well
252
J S A H | 74 . 2 | J U N E 2 01 5
with Mary M. Voigt’s meticulous and longawaited overview of the Yassıhöyük Stratigraphic Sequence and James Crow’s
historical study of Sinope’s içkale and its
multiple episodes of construction. These
documentary pieces contrast with Scott
Redford’s thematic exploration of the
Seljuk citadels in Anatolia. In fact, many of
the contributions in the volume (Aslan and
Rose on Troy, Çilingiro lu on Ayanis,
Voigt on Gordion, Summers and Summers
on Kerkenes Da , Özyar on KaratepeAslanta , and Harrison on Tayinat) present
extremely useful overviews of the archaeology of the sites they discuss. These contributions all derive from many years of
site-based research and will surely be
appreciated by the students of their respective fields. The difficult task in presenting
such cases in the context of a cross-disciplinary publication is precisely the ability
to take a step back and cast critical eyes on
the urban spaces and their diachronic histories, making them relevant to broader
debates on the making of urban spaces and
places, the political economy of architectural construction, and visual programs.
What are the architectural implications of
the design of citadels and the palatial complexes housed in them in Assyrian, Urartian, Syro-Hittite, and Byzantine cities, for
example? Why did the architectural
patrons of both Urartian Ayanis and
Seljukide Sinop commemorate their
accomplishments by placing inscriptions at
the city gates? In this sense, Özlem Çevik’s
discussion of Urartian fortresses as a
regionally esoteric practice, Harrison’s
overview of urbanization in the balkanized
Syro-Hittite states, and Mehmet-Ali Ataç’s
discussion of the typical Neo-Assyrian
citadels would probably have benefited
from a consideration of the shared
practices of citadel construction, urban
renewal, and the use of finely dressed stone
surfaces in the Iron Age Near East, where
it turned into a royal koine of sorts.
In contrast, Redford’s meticulous study
of medieval citadel construction projects
and their commemorative inscriptions
draws parallels and relationships between
Syria and Anatolia, particularly among the
cities of Damascus, Aleppo, Sinop, Konya,
Antalya, Alanya, and others during the last
decade of the twelfth century BCE and the
first quarter of the thirteenth, and between
the Ayyubid and Seljukide political
geographies. This multisited study of a
narrow episode in medieval architectural
history allows Redford not only to offer a
breathtaking cross-regional perspective on
the political economy of citadel construction but also to portray in detail notable
personalities, local political/cultural
dynamics, and social classes. Discussing
how “towers, walls, and gates” served “as
loci of elite expression of power hierarchies
at that time” (306), the author is able to
reach out to both the utopian, ambitious
ideals of the sultans and the realpolitik of
their subordinate emirs. Such discussion
suggests how fruitful it would be to pursue
the study of similar kinds of relationships
between Syrian and Anatolian cities at the
time of the Hittite Empire and in the aftermath of its collapse. The periods of geopolitical balkanization that took place on the
Anatolian peninsula during the Iron Age
and the medieval period arguably have
fascinating similarities (as well as major
differences), and scholars who specialize in
these two historical episodes have much to
learn from each other. Especially for this
reason, the organizers of the 2009 symposium and the editors of this volume must
be congratulated.
Ruth Macrides’s investigation of the
reasons behind the Byzantine imperial
choice to move to the Blachernai Palace
despite the limitations of the neighborhood is refreshing and intriguing for
enthusiasts of the urban history of
Byzantine Istanbul. The excellent depth of
Macrides’s chapter on the sociospatial and
political economic history of the Blachernai
Palace and its relationship to the rest of the
urban/extraurban landscape allows the
reader to evaluate this development in
relation to the courtly ceremonies, imperial crossings through the city, and other
state spectacles that had important impacts
on the spatial configuration of the city.
One wonders if architectural “height as a
feature of Palaiologan ceremonial” (294)—
as a feature of prokypsis and peripatos ceremonies—and the visual impact of seeing
the Byzantine emperor were also experienced at the Assyrian and Urartian citadels
that looked over bodies of water and
extraurban landscapes. The more technical
discussion of the same urban landscape by
Neslihan Asutay-Effenberger is harder to
follow for the nonspecialist. This author’s
frequent and abrupt swings between
historical and architectural evidence result
in an unsustainable argument, as becomes
clear when she juxtaposes her interpretations of literary tropes and metaphors with
hard evidence. This urge to seek direct
architectural or archaeological evidence to
verify historical sources is problematic and
relegates material culture and architecture
to a secondary status with respect to written sources. Examples of this scholarly
tendency are abundant in Near Eastern
archaeology.
A final point has to do with what I refer
to as the poetics of architectural technologies and materials, which surfaces in
many of the contributions. Aslı Özyar’s
discussion of the development of carved
orthostates in the Syro-Hittite sphere
argues for origins in the Hittite Empire,
contrasting with my own association of this
architectural innovation with the long tradition of stonecutting and masonry in
northern Syria.1 More important, I believe
it is misleading to conceive of architectural
technologies, visual programs, and building functions as unrelated aspects of building construction. Redford, for example,
argues for a “visual regime” of the decorative aspects of Seljuk citadels concerning
the use of spolia, sculptural pieces, and
other special treatment of architectural
surfaces, but I would have preferred that he
address this as an impressive bringing
together of architectonic, representational,
and epigraphic elements in a complex
semantic environment. The making of
Urartian citadels through the use of
impressive stone masonry structures, as
discussed by Altan Çilingiro lu and Çevik,
and the building of Early Phrygian Gordion, with its multiple phases of architectural experimentation and innovation,
relate to a similar kind of architectonic culture that derives from a distinctive poetics
of architectural technologies and materials. Aslan and Rose’s excellent argument
about how the citadel walls of Troy “conferred an aura of antiquity and prestige”
(11) and functioned as meaningful sites of
memory in post–Bronze Age phases of the
city is also intriguing to consider from this
perspective. Voigt’s thoughtful and meticulous investigation of different episodes of
architectural construction on Gordion’s
citadel offers exciting possibilities for a discussion of issues of memory and the materiality of stones.
This volume fills a gap in the scholarship on ancient architecture in Turkey in
the urban context. The wealth of architectural and historical evidence provided by
the many contributors constitutes a welcome addition to the field of Anatolian and
Near Eastern architectural history. Perhaps more important, the book suggests a
fruitful way forward for the field in broader
terms by bringing unusual historical periods, the Iron Age and the medieval period,
onto the same platform of discussion.
ömür harman ah
University of Illinois at Chicago
Note
1. Ömür Harman ah, “Upright Stones and
Building Narratives: Formation of a Shared
Architectural Practice in the Ancient Near
East,” in Ancient Near Eastern Art in Context:
Studies in Honor of Irene J. Winter by Her Students, ed. Jack Cheng and Marian H. Feldman
(Leiden: Brill, 2007), 69–99.
Esther Diana
Santa Maria Nuova Ospedale dei
Fiorentini: Architettura ed assistenza
nella Firenze tra Settecento e
Novecento
Florence: Polistampa, 2012, 632 pp., 60 color
and 236 b/w illus. $121, ISBN
9788859610489
In 2010 Esther Diana and Marco Geddes
da Filicaia published a superb edition of
Regolamento dei regi spedali di Santa Maria
Nuova e di Bonifazio (1789) by Marco
Covoni (1742–1824), the first lay director
of Santa Maria Nuova Hospital.1 Founded
in 1288 in the area around the Church of
Sant’Egidio, Santa Maria Nuova is one of
Florence’s oldest and most significant hospitals. The reforms elaborated in Covoni’s
Regolamento, like those implemented in
other major European hospitals such as
the General Hospital of Vienna, mark the
birth of the modern hospital in Europe.
Drawing on unedited material in the State
Archives of Florence, Diana’s current volume offers the first comprehensive picture
of the hospital’s architectural modernization, which spans from Covini’s time to
1968, and shows how the architectural
modernization of Santa Maria Nuova was
shaped by a complex interplay of developments in medical science and social
hygiene, new approaches to hospital
design, advances in technology, the
dynamics of medical associations, and a
range of social and political forces operating at the local and international levels.
Prior to Diana’s work, this period had
been the least studied stage of the history
of the hospital’s built environment.
Grounded in rich visual and documentary
evidence, the book fills a major gap in
studies of the architectural history of
Santa Maria Nuova and modern public
health reform in Florence. This book will
be of interest to architectural historians as
well as to historians of medicine, public
health, science and technology, urbanization, and art.
The book is organized chronologically
into five parts, each subdivided into chapters. Part 1 establishes the early stages of
the hospital’s path toward modernization
in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth
centuries. In the first chapter, Diana reconstructs the hospital’s early eighteenthcentury form using ground plans, which
show it was aligned into two cruciform
plans of open wards, one for men and one
for women. She elaborates how the hospital,
though retaining its basic cruciform layout, incorporated important structural and
organizational reforms that point to its
nascent modernization. Diana relates these
changes to the development of eighteenthcentury systems of taxonomy, showing
how the classification of diseases by pathology, diagnosis, and treatment led to an
institutional shift away from mass, regimented patient management to individual
care and cure. Among the examples of this
paradigm shift, she cites the development
of the clinical specialization of surgery at
Santa Maria Nuova and the establishment
of the first surgical clinic for women not
directly tied to obstetrics.
In the second chapter, Diana documents debates among the hospital’s administrators about removing the hospital from
the old city center and rebuilding it elsewhere. She situates these debates in the
context of the influence of the pavilion
plan, a type of hospital design developed in
France in the late eighteenth century and
based on the principle that patients should
be segregated and arranged by diagnosis
and cared for in well-ventilated pavilions
of limited size. The pavilion plan was realized in architectural form in 1846 when the
BOOKS
253
Hôpital Lariboisière was built to replace
the notoriously unhygienic and overcrowded Hôtel-Dieu in Paris.
The influence of the Hôpital
Lariboisière is the backdrop of Diana’s
account of city administrators’ efforts to
remove Santa Maria Nuova from the old
city center and rebuild it according to the
pavilion-plan model in a less congested
area on the outskirts of the city. Giuseppe
Martelli’s pavilion-plan design, based on
the French model, was proposed for the
rebuilt hospital. Diana documents the
development of Martelli’s plan, which
came close to being implemented, and
demonstrates that its ultimate rejection
was related to nationalist concerns for cultural patrimony in the years leading up to
the Italian unification.
Part 2 is composed of five chapters that
focus on issues related to increasingly
demanding standards of public hygiene.
The first chapter documents the fierce critiques of Santa Maria Nuova for failing to
meet new standards of hygiene, and the
second addresses the debates surrounding
the use of the cadaver within the hospital
as a tool of research and study. The third
chapter looks at the reform of hygiene
standards for the city generally, noting that
public health reform was well under way
before the major urban improvements in
Florence in the second half of the nineteenth century. The fourth chapter looks
at the annexation of the historical Convent
of the Angels to the hospital, and the fifth
documents how criticism of the hospital’s
unhygienic conditions led to the removal
and addition of rooms and to the opening
up of some areas for better light and ventilation. In this context the author elaborates
a conservative impulse on the part of
administrators to protect the hospital’s scientific and artistic heritage. Diana shows
that while historical medical instruments
and texts were integrated into the educational aspects of the hospital, the institution’s art had no place in its clinical space.
Documenting the art’s removal and the
troubled efforts by the hospital to establish
a gallery to display its substantial artistic
patrimony, Diana emphasizes that the
separation of art from the therapeutic
function of the hospital represents a major
break from the medieval connection
between art—especially sacred images—
and healing.
254
J S A H | 74 . 2 | J U N E 2 01 5
Part 3 consists of five chapters focusing
on the structural transformation of Santa
Maria Nuova into a modern hospital. The
first three chapters reconstruct the conditions and proposed plans to rebuild the
hospital according to the principles of the
pavilion plan. The years just preceding the
unification of Italy in 1865 were marked by
growing efforts among Santa Maria Nuova’s doctors, architects, and public health
administrators to centralize standards of
hospital care in accordance with the Risorgimento ideal of a unified Italian state.
While concerns about loss of heritage and
other similar issues relating to the hospital’s historic place in the city center had
prevented major structural change in the
earlier part of the century, proposals to
rebuild the hospital into a modern institution gained traction in the context of Italian nationalism. They achieved further
momentum when Casimir Tollet’s pavilion
model circulated in Italy after it was presented at the Universal Exhibition in Paris
in 1881. To demonstrate the influence of
Tollet’s model, Diana documents its implementation elsewhere in Italy, citing the
Ospedale Lugo di Romano (1881) and
other hospitals in Genoa and Turin. The
fourth chapter shows how the rebuilt hospital responded, despite significant spatial
and financial limitations, to the structural
and technological criteria of the modern
pavilion plan. Reproducing numerous
plans and photographs, Diana documents
how the ancient double-cruciform ground
plan was removed to make way for a pavilion model, the product of several architects’ designs and revisions. The last
chapter focuses on the implementation of
new technologies in the rebuilt space,
ranging from heating and cleaning systems
to a modern, steam-based cleaning method
for the hospital’s laundry.
Part 4, composed of nine chapters,
relates less to major structural changes to
the hospital’s architecture than to factors
shaping the institution’s internal organization and public image from the beginning
of the twentieth century to the years just
before World War II. The first seven chapters attend to the new dynamics of medical
professional organizations, technological
advancements in pharmaceutical care,
infectious disease control, and Santa Maria
Nuova’s direct administrative relationships
with other medical institutions in
Florence, such as the Meyer Children’s
Hospital. The eighth chapter contains an
extensive account of the creation of a
vast new hospital complex at the estate of
Careggi, to which many of the clinical and
teaching activities of Santa Maria Nuova
were transferred in the 1920s and 1930s.
The ninth chapter relates the modernization of Santa Maria Nuova and other
Florentine hospital complexes to advances
in systemization of hospital architecture
and urban planning in Italy until the outbreak of World War II. Diana documents
tensions between the urban infrastructure
of Florence and the city’s modernized
health facilities, challenges that would have
to wait until the postwar period to be
addressed effectively. Part 5 focuses on
documents of the period—letters, reports,
and various orders are quoted at length—
that demonstrate how the hospital, despite
major impediments, was able to continue
to provide health care to the city under
fascism and German occupation during
World War II and continue its service during the laborious and difficult process of
reorganization after the war.
The book raises many issues that
should be of wide interdisciplinary interest.
Diana stresses the importance of the
hospital’s secular character and how it
enabled advances in scientific research,
clinical debates, and implementation of
new technology more rapidly than institutions bound to more paternal religious
frameworks. She emphasizes how rapid
advances in medical science and technology empowered doctors to become architects, engineers, and urban planners of the
city’s health care facilities and policies. She
also addresses advances in care for the specialized needs of women and children, the
progress of patient advocacy and protection, the dynamics of labor relations, and
the hospital’s relationship to major educational institutions. As the definitive work on
Santa Maria Nuova Hospital’s modernization, this book is an essential resource for
all scholars concerned with the subject.
cassandra sciortino
University of California, Santa Barbara
Note
1. Esther Diana and Marco Geddes da Filicaia,
Regolamento dei regi spedali di Santa Maria Nuova
e di Bonifazio (Florence: Edizioni Polistampa,
2010).
Mrinalini Rajagopalan and Madhuri
Desai, eds.
Colonial Frames, Nationalist
Histories: Imperial Legacies,
Architecture, and Modernity
Farnham, England: Ashgate, 2012, 317 pp.,
63 b/w illus. $124.95, ISBN 9780754678809
The conceit of the Global South as a discursive social geography pervades questions of how and where to begin writing a
history of architecture that is connective
rather than autonomous in its outlook.
From its antecedents in the 1950s and
1960s economic modeling of a “third
world,” the term Global South has assumed
the mantle of an expansive yet ill-defined
arena in which the circulation of ideas
concerning statehood, or at least selfdetermination, is at odds with the power
structures that inform those ideas. Today
we might understand the Global South as
a concept that embodies the overlooked,
the marginalized, and the contemptuous
desires of governments to forestall equanimity in and of space.
In its most recent incarnation as a discrete realm of inquiry at the intersection of
national and individual identities, the
Global South, as articulated in the preface
and introduction of this book, might also
include networks of urban and domestic
topologies. Mrinalini Rajagopalan and
Madhuri Desai’s edited collection of ten
essays articulates a circuit of architecture as
cultural capital against a backdrop of imperialism providing the foundation for
modernity. At the heart of this engaging
volume is a rich source of archival and
graphic materials as well as locations that
the authors seek to reconfigure by those
“frames” or vexing relations through
which we understand the limits of colonial
and imperial missions.
The contributions interrogate strategies of deferral and progress primarily
within colonial South, Southeast, and East
Asia through emergent relationships
among architecture, building typologies,
and urban planning and the means by
which their representations were undone
by conflicting approaches to design.
Divided into three thematic sections, the
book’s loosely interrelated essays converge
at a series of inquiries: What are the continuities and discontinuities made present by
overlaps found in representation during
periods of colonialism? By extension, what
are the “frames” through which we can
now read the architecture and urbanism of
imperial regimes? How do claims to
national identity mask neocolonial modifications to modern vernaculars for a (postcolonial) state?
Scaled by a diachronic observation of
colonial architecture and urbanism, the
sections commence with a broad rendering
of visual and spatial instabilities within
colonial India, progressively fragmented
through incongruent articulations of the
self and “Other” and finally mobilized in
urban spaces of conflict. Among these
associations, one finds a slight weakness in
the ambitions of the volume. Had the editors perhaps focused on one geographic
context, such as South and Southeast Asia,
readers may have begun to understand far
more precarious and destabilizing trends
among imperial projects. With the addition of essays examining other politically
charged contexts, such as Hawaii in the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries,
Georgian London, and contemporary
museum capacities, the book disperses
rather than concentrates issues of architecture as a method for reifying colonial
order. Race is one such subject that dovetails with the examples above yet falls outside the scope of the book.
Analogous to Freud’s situating the fragment at the center of an unconscious symbolic, in this volume the fragment is a
spatial signifier that foreshadows the dissolution of those forms that construct subjectivities. William Glover explores the
role of an architect-engineer working
in India and present-day Pakistan in the
book’s initial essay. By valorizing local tradition, Glover proposes, architects may be
able to define “culture” as situated distinct
from yet coeval with the political and economic regimes of colonial power. What
follows are two essays by the volume’s editors in which the (re)production of the
colonial urban landscape of India is intimately tied to formations of temporal and
social perception. For Rajagopalan and
Desai, what constitutes colonial knowledge
follows the representation of sacred and
monumental vernaculars. In both essays,
how architecture is conceived through various media elicits how the monumental
landscape of colonial India was reordered,
historicized, and sublimated.
The translation from memorial to
monument as evidenced by Rajagopalan’s
essay is also expressed across varying settings in this volume. That is, how does
the reuse of architecture—as media and
technique—prompt architecture’s rehabilitation into something else, a conflation
of image and signifier? In the second thematic section, the “nation’s fragments” are
those fundaments by which alterity is
reconfigured, identity is mapped within
interiors, and deterritorialized landscapes
are quantified during three different periods.
These heterotopic qualities did not remain
external to imperial strategy.
C. Greig Crysler’s examination of what
constitutes the native as a function of the
primitive highlights a continuing problem
for historians of both art and architecture:
within representation, how do we assemble histories that constitute the imagination of a particular society or culture?
Echoing Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak,
Crysler’s portrayal of two nations and their
national museums, including the Musée du
Quai Branly and the Smithsonian’s
National Museum of the American Indian,
reveals strikingly confrontational approaches
to the assimilation of peoples and their
ephemera. Beyond asking “What are we?”
or “Who are we?” in light of the (colonial)
museum, can we as historians begin to
articulate how culture is rewritten at the
point of violent incursion?
Like such museums, the commercial
and private quarters of Georgian London
and the projective island state of Hawaii
were in part generated by the dispersal of
peoples and their objects into (state) collections. Similarly, the West African diaspora was demonstrated by the imagistic
and material culture of slavery during the
“Black Atlantic” of the nineteenth century.
A harbinger of scopic appeal within urban
and domestic spaces, Richard W. Hayes
proposes, blackness and its imaging
occurred within society itself while also
finding dimension in the design of coffeehouses. Hayes articulates episodic adaptations of interior and exterior in which
representation can be wholly indivisible
yet disjointed. Akin to the preceding contributors, Kelema Lee Moses observes how
buildings in Hawaii embodied the uncertainties of both local and national sovereignty within the governance of the
American Pacific. Commencing with
BOOKS
255
President Obama’s 2009 realignment of
the United States as a Pacific Nation,
Moses establishes a case for observing the
contentious architecture of Honolulu as
embedded in discourses of opposition and
subjugation.
The third section of the book provides
a riposte to the dilemmas posed in the previous two sections by setting the stage for
defining precarious boundaries within
charged urban contexts. Anyone who has
visited Singapore recently will note that,
with renovation, colonial-era shophouses
have taken on new meaning as sites
for market-driven gentrification. Anoma
Pieris’s characterization of a pluralized
“graduated sovereignty” in the city-state
extends to Singapore’s planning and
zoning. Expanding a polemical trajectory
for contemporary cities, the conflicts
between a colonial past and a rigorous yet
hyperbolic present are centered on the
demands of control, statehood, and
modernity via an architectural optics once
contained by geography and now enforced
by foreign construed markers.
Such tensions augment Imran bin
Tajudeen’s analysis of the design of
kampung houses found in Malacca and
Singapore. In addition to featuring visual
components that speak to an aesthetic
mobility found across the tropics, these
buildings connote a hybridity within competing notions of local and regional vernaculars. What Tajudeen determines to be
the longue durée of a racialized imperial
present is also captured in other cities,
including Hong Kong and Shanghai, discussed in the last two essays of the book.
Housing typologies described by Cecilia
Chu, such as the tong lau of Hong Kong,
parallel those built forms seen in previous
sections in which the inscription of boundaries governed by identity haunts divided
cityscapes. In Shanghai, by contrast, the
presence of the past registers a cultural
nadir for an outward-looking Chinese
middle class and elite while also harboring
the remains of a staunch historicity strategized within colonial dictates. For
Andrew Law, and significantly for this volume, “the colonial . . . has become an
important symbol within a new political
rhetoric of individual aspiration” (302).
In each of the chapters, how the past is
conveyed is not so much another litmus for
appraising the imperial mission but rather
256
J S A H | 74 . 2 | J U N E 2 01 5
the upshot of a new territory in which the
forces of global markets and political
motives result in spatial disjunctions. One
might describe Rajagopalan and Desai’s
volume as an exegesis of a landscape of
spatial events—even when occasionally
foregrounded by elephants or nameless
servants—inculcated by visual and spatial
tactics of representation. For the contributors and those concerned by the ambiguous states of Being prior to and following
a pivot toward a global modern architecture and urbanism, the inscription of
affronts amid most urban spaces ultimately
discloses colonial desire.
sean anderson
University of Sydney
Nicholas Coetzer
Building Apartheid: On Architecture
and Order in Imperial Cape Town
Farnham, England: Ashgate, 2013, 260 pp.,
73 b/w illus. $119.95, ISBN 9781409446040
This volume, the fourth title in the
Ashgate Studies in Architecture series, is a
substantial achievement due to Nicholas
Coetzer’s thorough scholarship drawing
on archives and other primary sources to
support a historical study of architecture,
housing, and urban planning in Cape
Town, South Africa, from the late nineteenth century to 1948, when apartheid
officially began. Coetzer argues that the
project of legal exclusion known as apartheid began fifty years before it was
enforced through legislation. The book is
admirable for its highly articulate portrayal of the social, political, and cultural
contexts that, through architecture and
the ordering of urban and suburban
spaces, “were actively constructing Cape
Town and South Africa into a territory of
the British Empire—mapped out, ordered
and remade through architecture into a
landscape legitimizing their continued
control and exploitation of the land and its
people” (215). The book is strong in its
historical treatment of pre-apartheid Cape
Town through a postcolonial lens, though
not an overly determined one. Perhaps the
most compelling aspect of this study is the
revelation that the seemingly innocuous
humanist and scientifically based decisions
around the aesthetics and ordering of
space in pre-apartheid Cape Town gave
rise to a dehumanized landscape and
“unfold[ed] without contradiction from
Empire to apartheid” (216), laying “the
solid foundations onto which the ugly edifice of apartheid was built” (13).
The organizational scheme of the book
is grounded in the literature of “whiteness”
and the premise that the construction of
identity is a relational process involving the
binary of “Self ” and “Other.” Conceptualized in such a fashion, the formation of
“Self ” is a result not only of what the self is
but also what it is in opposition to. Therefore, the unstable nature of identity sows
the seeds for its own unraveling. Part I,
“Self/Countryside,” brings this theoretical
premise into the spatial realm as Coetzer
discusses the built heritage of Cape Dutch
rural homesteads and their architectural
elements (e.g., gables, thatched roofs,
whitewashed walls). The British and
Afrikaner residents of Cape Town saw
these as their common heritage. Given
these buildings’ status as examples of a significant vernacular, which subsequently
became the prototype for the so-called
Cape Dutch revival in Cape Town and
beyond, they were also understood as
requiring preservation. At a social and
political level, Cape Dutch architecture
came to be construed by Europeans living
in the Cape—as they positioned themselves as the stewards of the history and
vast territory of southern Africa—as a
mark of Western “advanced” civilization.
Conveniently framed in this manner, “civilized” was seen in opposition to “native” or
“Other,” although, as Coetzer points out,
that relationship was often muddled.
Part II, “Other/City,” extends this
oppositional relationship to the urban scale
as the city’s public health officials, engineers, planners, and architects attempted
to make the cityscape pretty and inoffensive. Unsightly visual aspects of Cape
Town, such as dense slums and dilapidated
structures, were positioned in contrast to
making the city beautiful through regulation of the aesthetics of built form and concomitant social space rooted in European
heritage as well as romantic ideals of the
garden city and Arts and Crafts movements. Regulatory mechanisms couched in
“scientific” terms, but in reality rooted in
racial and social assumptions about the
“Other,” legitimated where and how certain inhabitants of the city should live and
led to “the exclusion of social and racial
Others from the city,” thereby transforming the city into a “White space” (107).
By addressing the racialized underpinnings
of planning regulations, Coetzer undermines an enduring myth of science and its
applications as “disinterested” or “objective” and points to the shifting definitions
of what constitutes progress and norms
around how and where people live. The
construction of difference involved the
conflation of the “Other” with physical
materials, such as corrugated iron, that
were associated with low status. Buildings
constructed from such materials were
deemed disorderly hybrid eyesores and
were consequently removed and relocated
to the periphery of the city in an effort to
“sanitize” the inner city and make it “safe”
for middle-class and white inhabitants.
Coetzer highlights this significant point
through his discussion of the association of
diseases, such as tuberculosis, with low
social and economic class, blackness, and a
lack of visible order, as well as with lowstatus construction materials. The prevalence of infectious diseases in the city’s
“unsightly” quarters, such as the wellknown District Six, was yet another justification for the forced removal of people
from the core of the city based on their
race and social status. Coetzer’s discussion
is a useful springboard for further research
focused on the relationships among disease, public health, and the built environment in African cities.
Part III, “Same/Suburb,” details a history of housing in Cape Town that grew
out of Darwinian theories about the impact
of the environment on living organisms as
well as influential ideals of the garden city
and Arts and Crafts movements. Through
the spectacle of imperial exhibitions
and design competitions, “the identity of
Englishness (as signified through the
cottage) was paraded and ‘naturalized’ as
essential, whilst other ways of being in the
city were excluded or downplayed” (175).
The creation of social-spatial zones that
dictated where and how people should live
combined with antiurban low-density
housing formed the backbone for municipal housing schemes in early twentiethcentury Cape Town and set the stage for
later apartheid planning. Decisions about
housing the “native” population, including
permanent residents, migratory laborers,
and well-educated nonwhites, were based
on ridding the city of its ugly, dense, and
insalubrious environment and thereby
bringing order and beauty to Cape Town.
The “natives” were pushed out to the margins of the city and into the suburbs, where
they were rehoused in stripped-down freestanding cottages, block houses, or hostels
in the hope that these new settings would
be conducive to “civilizing” the nonwhite
population. Coetzer argues that this reordering of urban space ironically created
conditions in the city’s suburbs that
brought whites into close proximity with
“Others,” but this time in the city’s periphery.
This uneasiness and uncertainty eventually
led to new plans for achieving order.
Overall, Building Apartheid: On Architecture and Order in Imperial Cape Town is an
outstanding contribution to scholarship
about the historical development of preapartheid Cape Town. While the book can
be criticized for being repetitive at times,
that is in part because the story of spatial
planning in South Africa is one of repeated
selective exclusion of people according to
race and class based on social constructions
of “Self,” “difference,” and “Other.” Carefully articulating the historical development of architectural space in Cape Town
from many perspectives, Coetzer’s highly
readable benchmark study has significant
relevance for scholars of architectural and
planning practices in contemporary South
Africa.
randall bird
University of Johannesburg
Lucy M. Maulsby
Fascism, Architecture, and the
Claiming of Modern Milan,
1922–1943
Toronto: University of Toronto Press,
2014, 247 pp., 65 b/w illus. $65,
ISBN 9781442646254
As historians continue to probe the
recesses of the totalitarian politics of the
interwar years in Italy, it seems that we are
gaining a more complex and variegated
view of the fascist regime and its cultural
legacy. These studies lead one to reflect on
the disparity between the rhetorical assertions of Mussolini, particularly as conveyed
in the many instruments of propaganda
that were under state control, and the
expression of political ideals and implementation of political policies through the
arts and architecture. While the gap
between art and architecture and the reactionary politics of the fascist era was used
in the immediate post–World War II
period as a way to save certain individuals
and their work from the stain of negative
political associations, for some time now
that gap has allowed a deep and productive questioning of this cultural legacy and
its relationship to an intransigent and
highly conflicted political movement.
As much as this has been a constructive
and useful development in the history of
the arts and architecture of the modern
period, quite rightly one can ask in each
specific case to what end this kind of critical inquiry is moving. In short, how can
we understand the artistic and architectural legacy of Italian fascism, and what
picture does it create of the political ideals
and initiatives of the regime?
In tackling these and other difficult
questions, Lucy M. Maulsby’s Fascism,
Architecture, and the Claiming of Modern
Milan, 1922–1943 provides some important insights into the kinds of urban negotiations in which the Fascist Party was
involved regarding some of its most significant symbolic projects in this important
northern Italian city. The basic assertions
of the book are quite clear, the most important of these being that almost all of the
scholarship concerning urban transformations during the interwar period has
focused on Rome. Quite naturally this has
led to the assumption that fascism’s urban
ambitions were almost exclusively directed
toward the legacy of ancient Rome and
Italy’s Mediterranean origins, though with
some references to the practical problems
of the modern city. Two recent, and quite
compelling, books support Maulsby’s contention of a Rome-centric scholarly focus
on Italian fascism: Paul Baxa’s Roads and
Ruins: The Symbolic Landscape of Fascist
Rome and Joshua Arthurs’s Excavating
Modernity: The Roman Past in Fascist Italy.1
In concentrating on the city of Milan,
Maulsby offers a different understanding
of the relationship between architecture
and politics during the fascist era—one
that more clearly acknowledges the highly
disputed agenda of the regime. Indeed, as
she recognizes, Milan was not only the
most important industrial, commercial,
BOOKS
257
and financial center in Italy but also the
city in which fascism was born and one that
eventually came into conflict with fascism’s
antibourgeois and antiurban agenda.
Maulsby’s broad framing of her project in
relation to the changing politics of the fascist regime as well as the evolving panorama of the city of Milan has produced a
work of vital scholarship that, without
question, makes a significant contribution
to the literature.
A concentration on the urban implications of the built environment is a significant feature that separates this volume
from other recent scholarship on the
architecture of the fascist era in Italy.
In recounting the urban transformation of
Milan during the fascist ventennio, Maulsby
consults a wide range of actors, from urban
planners and city officials to national political figures and prominent industrialists.
What emerges is a complex picture in
which the Fascist Party is only one of a
series of powerful influences shaping the
city. This urban focus is supported by the
structure and organization of the book,
which begins with a chapter (“Milan in
Context”) that, in relating a concise urban
history of this quintessentially modern
Italian city, provides the narrative backbone for the work. The remaining five
chapters offer a series of individual case
studies of buildings and associated urban
spaces that follow a rough chronology
beginning with the early Fascist Party
Headquarters (1922–31) and ending with
the Palazzo del Popolo d’Italia (1938–42)
and adjacent Piazza Cavour. Notably, these
case studies include commercial spaces
(the Trading Exchange and Piazza degli
Affari, 1928–39) and institutional spaces
(the Palace of Justice, 1932–40) while continuing the examination of the Fascist
Party Headquarters (1931–40) into the
wartime period. Read together, these
chapters provide a detailed and wellresearched account of the manner in which
individual buildings in Milan and their
related urban spaces became contested
sites, torn between competing political,
economic, and cultural interests.
Among the significant strengths of the
book, perhaps the most compelling is the
picture it conveys of the seemingly intractable conflicts between national and local
interests as they played out over the course
of a turbulent twenty-year period in
258
J S A H | 74 . 2 | J U N E 2 01 5
Milan’s history. While the entire book has
considerable value, the most focused discussions are in the two chapters that,
through concentrating on single buildings
and their associated urban spaces, are likely
to have the greatest appeal to architectural
historians. The first of these examines
Marcello Piacentini’s Palace of Justice, a
massive freestanding building with a fascinating backstory that has rarely been discussed, let alone in the considerable detail
offered in this volume. Of equal interest is
the final chapter, on Giovanni Muzio’s
Palazzo del Popolo d’Italia and nearby
Piazza Cavour, which provides the book its
most concrete example of how urban and
architectural space were shaped by the
interaction between fascist political ideals
and the civic and cultural context of the
time. By comparison, the other chapters,
and particularly those on the Fascist Party
Headquarters, offer a more diffuse picture
of the urban and architectural negotiations
in interwar Milan. This may in part be a
result of the lack of compelling examples
of Party Headquarters in the city, but it
may also point to one of the most important issues raised by the book. In Maulsby’s
fairly explicit effort to undermine the idea
that fascist authorities had complete control over the face of Milan, and to instead
convey a legacy of conflict between competing interests and shifting opinions,
she leaves the reader with the kinds of
questions with which this review began.
If fascist architecture and the fascist city
in Italy were not direct products of the
antagonistic and offensive political ideals
that the regime espoused in the late
1930s, then what kind of politics can be
inferred from the architectural and urban
negotiations that actually took place?
While Maulsby provides us with a fascinating picture that disrupts any reading of
architecture and urban space as an unmediated expression of fascist politics, that
picture leaves us with a rather messy reality that begs further scholarly attention.
brian l. m c laren
University of Washington
Note
1. Paul Baxa, Roads and Ruins: The Symbolic
Landscape of Fascist Rome (Toronto: University
of Toronto Press, 2010); Joshua Arthurs, Excavating Modernity: The Roman Past in Fascist Italy
(Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2012).
Martino Stierli
Las Vegas in the Rearview Mirror:
The City in Theory, Photography, and
Film
Trans. Elizabeth Tucker; Los Angeles: Getty
Research Institute, 2013, 352 pp., 136 color
and 88 b/w illus. $50, ISBN 9781606061374
Shortly after the publication of the first
edition of Learning from Las Vegas in 1972,
Robert Venturi commented, “I don’t
know why, but we irritate architects very
much.”1 As Martino Stierli’s Las Vegas in
the Rearview Mirror: The City in Theory,
Photography, and Film demonstrates, that
irritation was prompted by a deep-rooted
strategy of provocation. Stierli’s book
locates Learning from Las Vegas within its
intellectual antecedents, a set of theoretical positions and methodological propositions centered on the relations among
urban form, modes of perception, automobility, and popular culture. As a contextual study, it posits that Learning from Las
Vegas was more closely aligned with
modernity than its critics allowed.
Scholarship on the relation between
theory and practice in the work of Venturi
and Denise Scott Brown is plentiful.2
Stierli’s focus is on Learning from Las Vegas
as a work of urban theory in its own right.
Because of this emphasis, his book appears
to share some similarities with Aron
Vinegar’s I Am a Monument (2008). However, apart from offering their respective
analyses of the design and production of
the two editions of Learning from Las Vegas,
Stierli’s and Vinegar’s books are quite distinct. Vinegar’s interpretive approach is
word based, focusing on assembling the
book’s philosophical underpinnings. 3
Stierli’s approach, more historical than
theoretical, is primarily image based, positioning Learning from Las Vegas as a pivotal
work in the transition of modernist practice to more site-specific research. The
work has its origins in Stierli’s 2002 master’s thesis on Venturi’s Italian “grand tour”
in the mid-1950s.
Stierli’s broader interest is in the methodological potential of the image (both
photograph and film) as a means for
researching, analyzing, and representing
the city. Las Vegas in the Rearview Mirror
complements Las Vegas Studio (2008), an
exhibition catalog that Stierli coedited; the
exhibition focused on the Yale architecture
studio course on Las Vegas that Venturi,
Scott Brown, and Steven Izenour taught in
the fall of 1968.4 The photographs reproduced in both studies offer a reminder that,
although Learning from Las Vegas was published in 1972 and its revised edition in
1977, the work was a distinct product of
the 1960s.
As Denise Scott Brown has noted
recently, an interest in provocation, of
being “agin” corporate authority and
respectability, was the basis of the 1968
Yale studio. The origins of this position lie,
in part, in Scott Brown’s teaching at Berkeley during the “Foul Speech movement” of
1965, the successor to the “Free Speech
movement.”5 In meeting the challenges of
the social, political, and professional
upheavals of the 1960s, Venturi and Scott
Brown proposed a strategy of urbanism
through empirical study rather than utopian projection, to be generated from the
“megatexture” of “what is” rather than the
megastructures of what “ought to be.”
Beginning with the colossal electric roadside billboards lining the Las Vegas Strip,
they paid attention to the reality of the
commercial landscape partly as a means of
shocking their students into developing
new modes of representing the built
environment.
Stierli’s focus on the urbanism of Learning from Las Vegas rather than its architectural arguments relies mostly on the first
part of the now rare 1972 edition, the
“empirical/urbanist section” that joined
the text of the essay “A Significance for
A&P Parking Lots or Learning from Las
Vegas” (first published in 1968) with the
visual material from the Yale studio.
In outlining the studio structure and its
scientific methodology, Stierli cites the
volume of images the studio produced
(some five thousand color slides and seven
films) as evidence that the visual material
has theoretical value independent of the
text; that the employment of still and moving images was part of a broader discourse
regarding representational issues of perception, sequence, and mobility; and that
the use of a “deadpan” photographic
method was central to an analytical strategy of defamiliarization.
Emphasizing the scientistic aspects of
Learning from Las Vegas, Stierli establishes
a more nuanced historical context, claiming an affinity between the book and
the representational methods of the
pedestrian- based English townscape
movement of the late 1940s, for example
(while at the same time noting that Venturi
and Scott Brown’s analytical position
of “nonjudgment” distinguishes their
work from townscape’s sentimentalized
urbanism). Venturi and Scott Brown’s
adoption of Ed Ruscha’s “deadpan”
approach to photography was, Stierli
argues, a calculated artistic position, one
intended to defamiliarize the urban landscape of the commercial strip.
For Stierli one of the primary but least
familiar contributions of the Las Vegas studio was the use of film to record the perceptions of the “automobilized observer”
driving along the Las Vegas Strip. He
locates the filming of the Strip and the
study of its dynamics of mobility, perception, and sign within a diverse prewar
modernist sensibility that later narrowed
to a postwar urban discourse of sequence,
image, and notation as a means for structuring view and perception.
An ongoing criticism of Learning from
Las Vegas is its ostensibly uncritical
embrace of the “popular.” Departing from
this reading, Stierli argues that Learning
from Las Vegas instead implements the
critical potential of art historian T. J.
Clark’s notion of the “vulgar.” Where the
popular narrows the gap between taste and
class interests, the vulgar maintains it. The
vulgar aesthetic is a provocation rather
than an endorsement, and this, Stierli
notes, was central to the representational
challenges of the postwar American city.
The strategy of defamiliarization, the
adaptation of deadpan photography, and
the premise of the nonjudgmental “scientific” survey all contribute to Stierli’s characterization of Learning from Las Vegas as
an exploration of the vulgar. In this sense,
the vulgar depiction of a middle-American
culture forces discomfort rather than fascination because such a culture offers neither
high “purity” nor low “spontaneity” but
rather the difficult middle of personalized
taste and derivative history. Stierli’s reading of the vulgar in Learning from Las Vegas
suggests that the book anticipated, if not
demanded, a controversial and critical
response, if only to expose the latent biases
of that criticism.
A tension emerges between Stierli’s
interest in a translatable methodology of
an image-based “learning from” and a historically conditioned cultural critique.
How does a methodology of “learning
from” adjust to changing historical conditions? As more recent urban formations
have increasingly displaced the critical
value of Learning from Las Vegas, the book’s
proposition of a method of urban analysis
and documentation remains secure and
wide-ranging, having been generalized as
field research in the design studio and
absorbed into high-profile studies such as
Rem Koolhaas’s Project on the City. Koolhaas has recently acknowledged the formative influence Learning from Las Vegas had
on his work. Stierli brings the two even
closer, describing both Learning from Las
Vegas and Koolhaas’s Delirious New York
(1978) as “retroactive manifestos.”6 Moreover, in positing Learning from Las Vegas as
a form of research, Stierli refocuses attention on Denise Scott Brown, in particular
the importance that photography had for
her theoretical work as well as her built
work. Scott Brown’s forthcoming book of
images culled from her extensive slide collection will likely further expand our
understanding of her central role in the
architectural representation of the postwar
built environment.7
glenn forley
Parsons The New School for Design
Notes
1. Robert Venturi, in John W. Cook and Heinrich Klotz, Conversations with Architects (New
York: Praeger, 1973), 248.
2. For example, see Stanislaus von Moos,
“A Postscript on History, ‘Architecture Parlante,’
and Populism,” A+U (Dec. 1981), 199–204;
Stanislaus von Moos, Venturi, Rauch & Scott
Brown: Buildings and Projects (New York: Rizzoli,
1987); Deborah Fausch, “Towards ‘An Architecture of Our Times’: Scaffold and Drapery in the
Architecture of Venturi, Scott Brown and Associates,” in Architecture: In Fashion, ed. Deborah
Fausch et al. (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1994), 344–61; Deborah Fausch,
“Ugly and Ordinary: The Representation of the
Everyday,” in Architecture of the Everyday, ed.
Steven Harris and Deborah Berke (New York:
Princeton Architectural Press, 1997), 75–106.
3. Aron Vinegar, I Am a Monument: On “Learning from Las Vegas” (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT
Press, 2008). In addition, see Kester Rattenbury
and Samantha Hardingham, Robert Venturi and
Denise Scott Brown: “Learning from Las Vegas”
(Abingdon, England: Routledge, 2007); Aron
Vinegar and Michael J. Golec, eds., Relearning
from Las Vegas (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2009).
BOOKS
259
4. Hilar Stadler and Martino Stierli, eds., Las
Vegas Studio: Images from the Archives of Robert Venturi and Denise Scott Brown (Zurich:
Scheidegger & Spiess, 2008).
5. Rattenbury and Hardingham, Robert Venturi
and Denise Scott Brown, 111, 113.
6. As the recent republication of O. M. Ungers’s
The City in the City (1977) indicates, Delirious New York (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1978) had its beginnings in several urban
research projects of the early 1970s, including
those by Ungers, Venturi and Scott Brown, and
Alvin Boyarsky. See Oswald Mathias Ungers
and Rem Koolhaas, with Peter Riemann, Hans
Kollhoff, and Arthur Ovaska, The City in the
City—Berlin: A Green Archipelago, ed. Florian
Hertweck and Sébastien Marot (Zurich: Lars
Müller, 2013).
7. Denise Scott Brown and Jesús Vassallo,
“Signs in Sand,” Harvard Design Magazine, no.
38 (Spring/Summer 2014), 113–24. Also see
Denise Scott Brown, “Still Learning from Denise Scott Brown: 45 Years of Learning from Las
Vegas,” interview by Stephanie Salomon and
Steve Kroeter, Designers & Books, 7 Jan. 2014,
http://www.designersandbooks.com/blog/still
-learning-from-denise-scott-brown (accessed 6
Jan. 2015).
Peter McMahon and Christine Cipriani
Cape Cod Modern: Midcentury
Architecture and Community on the
Outer Cape
New York: Metropolis Books, 2014, 272 pp.,
131 color and 186 b/w illus. $45.00, ISBN
9781935202165
This colorful history, focusing on the
towns of Wellfleet and Truro, Massachusetts, near the tip of Cape Cod, expands
our knowledge of some important figures
in American modernism, introduces two
architects of consequence, and shows the
influence of American vernacular architecture on some sophisticated European
modernists. This part of the Cape, a windswept spit of land with shifting sands on
the open ocean, protected beaches along
the bay, and poor soil for farming, was
inhabited mainly by fishermen for most of
its history. Until the 1950s, it was accessible only by unpaved roads and a backwoods railroad. Although a summer
colony of artists and writers developed in
nearby Provincetown at the beginning of
the twentieth century, it was only in the
late 1930s, after some American craftsmen-builders moved to the area and
European modern architects arrived, that
the work this book describes took form.
260
J S A H | 74 . 2 | J U N E 2 01 5
When Walter Gropius and his wife
arrived in the United States in 1937, they
rented a vacation house near Cape Cod
and invited some European colleagues to
join them. The Gropiuses never actually
built on the Outer Cape, but Marcel
Breuer, Serge Chermayeff, Olav Hammarström, and Paul Weidlinger eventually did.
The area became a quiet hotbed of midcentury modern architecture, with important work by Boston architect Nathaniel
Saltonstall and several local builders.
It attracted a cast of intellectual celebrities
as summer residents in rustic quarters.
Peter McMahon, an architect and preservationist in Wellfleet, and Boston-based
architecture writer Christine Cipriani
describe the contributions of twelve builders and architects in four chapters. They
draw on the building fabric itself as well as
on interviews with the now-grown children of the original residents, and they
manage to give the material drawn from
books and archives the same immediacy as
their original research. Illustrated with two
hundred vintage photographs, forty-three
sketches, plans, and drawings by Thomas
Dalmas, and seventy new color photographs by Raimund Koch, the book is
more lively social history than scholarly
study, although a foreword by Kenneth
Frampton adeptly sets the scene.
Following an opening chapter on the
history and physical character of the area,
the second features the American “Brahmin Bohemians” who built on the Outer
Cape. Jack Phillips, a Harvard-educated
artist who had lived in Paris and knew the
work of Le Corbusier, arrived around 1938
and erected a studio in Truro with a gently
sloping roof, vertical cedar siding, and a
wall of glass facing the ocean. In the same
year, he built a white house with an
L-shaped plan, flat roof, and Corbusian
rooftop terraces with nautical railings,
using recycled lumber and Homasote wallboard, which derived from the local vernacular and Yankee thrift.
Though he took some architecture
classes at Harvard starting in 1939, when
Gropius and Breuer were there, Phillips built
a group of houses after World War II that
looked more traditional than modern,
because they were made of salvaged
a r my b a r r a c ks w ith p ea ked r o o fs.
Although improvised, they had electricity,
plumbing, fireplaces, and concrete patios.
Most survive. The historian Arthur
Schlesinger Jr. acquired one, as did the writer
and editor Dwight Macdonald. In 1970, the
critic Charles Jencks bought three overlooking the ocean and later designed a playful
postmodern studio in the woods nearby—
the last project discussed in this book.
Jack Hall, a self-taught painter and
builder who had studied English at Princeton, and Hayden Walling, a craftsmanbuilder who had studied theater at Bard,
also moved to Wellfleet in the late 1930s.
Hall lived in two modified historic Capes
and built a modern house with butterfly
roofs between them. His masterpiece, the
Hatch House of 1962, is set on concrete
pilings overlooking the bay, with separate
structures for each living space connected
by plein air decks. Walling built an eclectic
house for himself between two ponds on
old foundations, combining traditional
forms and open spaces, and kept refining it
for thirty years.
The only architect discussed in the
chapter titled “Brahmin Bohemians,”
Nathaniel Saltonstall, has not had the recognition he deserves. 1 Anything but
“Bohemian,” he studied architecture at the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology in
the 1930s, when it still had a Beaux-Arts
curriculum, and worked for some traditional firms. Then, in 1936, he founded the
Boston Museum of Modern Art (now
the Institute of Contemporary Art), where
he organized exhibitions of work by Frank
Lloyd Wright, Le Corbusier, and Gropius.
In the 1940s, working with Oliver Morton,
Saltonstall designed some pioneering
model solar houses for war veterans.
In 1949, Saltonstall created the Colony,
an art gallery surrounded by fourteen simple cruciform wood-and-glass-walled cottages intended as meeting places for artists
and collectors. Economical, civilized, and
private, the cottages, on a sloping ten-acre
site overlooking the bay, have flat roofs and
plywood walls painted dark red, brown, or
taupe. Concrete-block interior walls,
painted white, extend beyond their overhanging rooflines, in the de Stijl manner.
Saltonstall later transformed the gallery
into his own summer home. Over time,
pitch pines obscured the cottages’ water
views but provided privacy and the feeling
of being in nature.
The chapter “Community and Privacy,”
named for Serge Chermayeff’s book of the
same title, describes the work and lives of
the European modernists in Wellfleet.2
They drew on local vernacular traditions
but lived closer to nature than the Americans. In 1944, when Cape Cod cottages
were so popular that even the innovative
mass-produced postwar houses at
Levittown would soon echo their forms,
Chermayeff bought a simple Cape from
Jack Phillips. The Russian-born, Britisheducated designer opened spaces with
diagonal bracing and added a studio with
cross-braced paneling in primary colors.
The complex grew over the years while
Chermayeff moved from Brooklyn College to László Moholy-Nagy’s Chicago
Institute of Design and then to Harvard
and finally to Yale teaching design
and architecture, though he had never
formally studied them himself. Although
Chermayeff’s houses stand out amid their
cedar-sided and white-stained neighbors,
they are braced against the wind like native
saltboxes.
Marcel Breuer, the most influential
midcentury modern architect in Wellfleet,
moved there in large part because of his
friendship with Chermayeff. When he
bought land in Wellfleet in 1944, he had
already built his own house in Lincoln,
Massachusetts, left Harvard and his practice with Gropius, founded a firm in New
York, and designed several influential
houses for clients. In 1946, he built a demonstration house in the Museum of Modern Art garden and published, in Interiors,
a scheme for five Wellfleet “long houses”
perched on round cedar posts buried in the
ground, like local oyster shacks on wood
piers.
Two years later, Breuer built a pair of
modest “long houses” in Wellfleet, one for
his own family and one for György Kepes
and his family. These were supported by
4-inch-wide posts on concrete footings
and infill stud walls. Originally from Hungary, Breuer had been the youngest student at the Weimar Bauhaus, where he
studied cabinetmaking, since architecture
was not yet offered. His work in cabinetry
led to a love of craft and a fascination with
the cantilever. Both the Kepeses’ house
and the Breuers’ hovered over the land,
affording dramatic views of several ponds,
especially from screened roofed porches.
Unpainted striated fir plywood siding,
exposed framing inside and out, and sliding
windows made of unframed plate glass in
hardwood grooves gave them a raw natural
character that blended into the landscape.
Over the years, Breuer enlarged his house,
refined it, installed electricity and running
water, and even added vertical cedar siding
and some brightly colored interior walls.
Like Chermayeff, he spent his last days in
Wellfleet, and on his death his ashes were
buried there.
The least widely known European
architect discussed in this book is Olav
Hammarström. Born and educated in Finland, Hammarström had designed and
built a mining town in the Arctic and had
worked for Alvar Aalto, Jørn Utzon, Eero
Saarinen, Kevin Roche, and Walter Gropius’s TAC. At Saarinen’s firm, he became
reacquainted with the Finnish weaver
Marianne Strengell, and the two married.
In 1950, they settled in Wellfleet. Over the
next twenty-five years, Hammarström
designed fifty-seven sensitively sited
houses and several fascinating and innovative churches. His own 900-square-foot
house is nestled in trees on a ridge and
perched on stilts and concrete pilings, like
Breuer’s. Its two sections, angled to maximize views, are connected by a breezeway
usually left open in summer to direct arriving visitors toward the ocean view.
The introduction of Hammarström’s
and Saltonstall’s work to a wider audience
is the most valuable contribution of this
book, although its discussion of the work
of the local craftsmen-builders is useful
too. Breuer is the only architect included
whose work has been published extensively, but even books that have mentioned
his beloved Wellfleet cottage have not
addressed it as fully as do McMahon and
Cipriani; their discussion provides a helpful context for Breuer’s other work.3 Similarly, while Chermayeff’s views on design
and urban form are well known, his Wellfleet house is not.
The last chapter, “Late Modernism on
Cape Cod,” shows intriguing work by
architects of the next generation—Maurice
K. Smith, Charles Zehner, Paul Krueger,
Charles Gwathmey, and Charles Jencks—
but it seems better suited to another book
on later work in the area. McMahon and
Cipriani are in an excellent position to tell
that story if they choose to do so.
In 1959 the two U.S. senators from
Massachusetts, Leverett Saltonstall and
John F. Kennedy, proposed the establishment of the Cape Cod National Seashore
to preserve 46,400 coastal acres in Wellfleet and Truro from excessive development. The CCNS became a federally
protected area two years later. Because the
aim of this national reserve is to maintain
the natural character of the area, the
houses described here, built when the legislation was pending, face demolition if
they are abandoned. Cape Cod Modern is
part of an effort to preserve the best of
them.
jayne merkel
New York City
Notes
1. For example, Saltonstall’s work is not included
in Alexander Gorlin’s perceptive Tomorrow’s
Houses: New England Modernism (New York:
Rizzoli, 2011).
2. Serge Chermayeff and Christopher Alexander, Community and Privacy: Toward an Architecture of Humanism (New York: Doubleday, 1965).
3. The most complete previously published discussions of Breuer’s Wellfleet cottage appear in
two books on Breuer that McMahon and Cipriani, curiously, fail to cite in their bibliography:
David Masello, Architecture without Rules: The
Houses of Marcel Breuer and Herbert Beckhard
(New York: W. W. Norton, 1993); Robert F.
Gatke, Marcel Breuer: A Memoir (New York:
Monacelli Press, 2000).
Sandra Alfoldy
The Allied Arts: Architecture and
Craft in Postwar Canada
Montreal: McGill University Press, 2012, 238
pp., 11 color and 52 b/w illus. $34.95, ISBN
9780773540033
There is a strong consensus among craft
historians that craft is understudied,
undertheorized, and undervalued within
the framework of larger narratives of
architecture and design. In his recent
book The Invention of Craft, craft theorist
and historian Glenn Adamson posits that
craft is not a discipline but instead an
approach to the making of things based in
skills and processes.1 This position is corroborated within the history of craft,
where multiple and often contradictory
narratives emerge around the definition of
craft, how craft should be studied, its relationship to architecture and the fine arts,
the role it plays and should play in the
wider field of design, and its position
BOOKS
261
relative to the larger theoretical debates
concerning ornament, material, and form
that have featured prominently in architecture and design history for more than a
century. Recent reassessments of craft, by
Adamson and others, include increased
attention to its regional, national, and cultural implications; exploration of the
details of its material practices; and investigation into how craft relates to larger
historical or cultural narratives. This is
perhaps most evident in recent work on
the Arts and Crafts movement, such as
Fiona MacCarthy’s 2014 catalog for the
exhibition Anarchy and Beauty: William
Morris and His Legacy, 1860–1960 at the
National Gallery in London, which traces
the impact of Morris’s ideas into the twentieth century.2
The identity of craft in the modernist
and postmodernist periods is more challenging to trace, in part because traditional
narratives of architecture and design history tend to minimize the role of craft or
even disregard it all together. While craft
did indeed play a profound role in how
many modernist buildings were experienced, the history of the modernist period
does not reflect the full extent of this relationship. Craft historian Sandra Alfoldy’s
The Allied Arts: Architecture and Craft in
Postwar Canada is an attempt to correct this
absence of attention. The book makes a
valuable contribution to the discussion of
both architecture and craft in Canada,
articulating their inextricable historical ties
while simultaneously elucidating the theoretical obstacles to understanding the full
significance of architecture and craft when
they are employed in unison. The book is
organized into five chapters and a conclusion, with each chapter devoted to a key
concept or problem that Alfoldy argues
intersects with both craft and architecture
in critical ways: allied arts, materials, scale
and form, ornament, and identities.
The first chapter outlines the case for
craft and architecture as intrinsically
entwined endeavors, tracing their connection from the mid-nineteenth century into
the present, taking into account architecture and design education, key people and
events guiding this evolving relationship,
and its overall significance. Alfoldy convincingly asserts that the separation of the
“allied arts” is relatively recent, pointing
out that the Greek word for architect,
262
J S A H | 74 . 2 | J U N E 2 01 5
architekton, does not distinguish between
the two, meaning instead “master carpenter” (7).
She draws on the theories of John Ruskin
and William Morris to support her argument for the enmeshed nature of craft and
architecture and notes that these two key
advocates of handcraft within the Arts and
Crafts movement were widely read in
Canadian architecture schools at the end
of the nineteenth century. Alfoldy further
describes the increasing separation of the
theory and practice of architecture and
craft throughout the nineteenth century,
when the image of the architect evolved
into one of a solitary creator, directing
skilled artisans rather than engaging in any
collaborative process. In Canada in the
mid-1960s, the union of architecture and
craft found a powerful advocate in critic
and curator Anita Aarons, who saw a great
need to humanize Canadian modernist
architecture via the introduction of craft.
As editor of the periodical Allied Arts Catalogue from 1966 to 1968, Aarons argued
forcefully for the collaboration of craftspeople and architects from the outset of
building projects, rather than the insertion
of additive craft elements after construction was completed. It is largely upon Aarons’s work that Alfoldy rests her arguments
on behalf of the importance of the allied
arts in modern Canada (20).
There is much to praise throughout
The Allied Arts. Alfoldy’s impeccable
research and her analysis of highly diverse
sources, along with her multidisciplinary
methodology, support a compelling argument for a natural alliance between craft
and architecture, both historically and for
the future. Alfoldy acknowledges the rich
and problematic question of Canadian
identity, as well as the blind spots in the
historical record that perpetuate the lack of
understanding of craft’s importance to
architecture, even during the heroic phase
of modernism. She draws on a broad range
of sources, including public art proceedings and debates, first-person accounts of
architects and craftspeople as well as members of the general public, and histories of
architecture and design. The color plates
and black-and-white images provide powerful visual evidence of the strength of the
allied arts across Canada, at a range of
scales and in many different materials.
Alfoldy’s energetic and thorough research
yields a valuable account of an unwieldy
subject and supports her argument for the
fundamental connection of craft and
architecture situated in the Canadian
context.
There are two areas in the book where
one might ask for further work or more
nuanced analysis. The first concerns the
question of the relationship between craft
and interior design. In discussing the
“Canadiana” interiors created by Thor
Hansen for the British American Oil Company in the 1950s and 1960s in the chapter
“Materials,” Alfoldy confronts a field of
study with an identity crisis perhaps equal
to that of craft. She notes that within the
context of postwar International Style
Canadian architecture, both interior
design and craft suffered from associations
with the domestic, the quaint, the amateur,
and the small. However, she is careful to
distance herself from this field, stating,
“This book is not about interior design,
and intentionally states its area of investigation as the relationship between craft
and architecture, but it is impossible to
neatly separate these fields” (16). A more
extensive examination of the complex relationship between craft and interior design
could add greater depth to our understanding of both fields and challenge existing
narratives that privilege the role of architecture. Many of the problems of interpretation and identity that Alfoldy cites within
the realm of craft have direct parallels in
the field of interior design, and the majority of the allied arts projects she discusses
are actually interiors at a range of scales.
The collaborations between Nova Scotia
architect Brian MacKay-Lyons and textile
designer Suzanne Swannie, for example,
hint at the possibilities of further exploration of the interior in relation to the allied
arts. A greater embrace of interior design
as a critical site of enactment for many
allied arts, as well as acknowledgment of
the lack of either a historical or a theoretical canon for this field, might have allowed
for a more nuanced, less binary analysis of
the given examples. Further, the national
focus of the book notwithstanding, Alfoldy
could have provided greater depth by
taking note of contemporary attempts outside Canada to align architecture, interiors, and craft, such as the hiring of various
textile designers and artisans to work on
the interiors of the United Nations Headquarters in New York.3
Finally, there is the question of craft
considered in the context of indigenous
culture. The chapter titled “Identities” is
simultaneously the most intriguing and the
most problematic, raising and yet only
partially answering important questions
about what constitutes Canadianness and
whether this can be articulated via the
allied arts as Alfoldy defines them. Canada’s
colonial past and complex search for a
national identity are explored in depth
here, including the ways in which the artistic traditions of First Nations peoples have
been consistently referenced and appropriated in attempts to synthesize a modern
Canadian identity. Throughout this chapter, Alfoldy refers to First Nations artists
alternately as craftspeople and as artists,
leaving open the question of how notions
of craft, design, and fine art were and
are understood across the First Nations
cultural traditions, with concomitant
implications for the construction of a panCanadian identity. The British Columbian
sculptor Robert Davidson’s 1984 work
The Three Watchmen is one of the most provocative and interesting examples Alfoldy
provides of First Nations artists’ contributions to allied arts projects. This work’s
three large-scale carved-wood totem poles
are installed in the atrium of the MacleanHunter Building in Toronto, designed by
the architectural firm Webb Zerafa
Menkes. While not the result of a direct
collaboration between Davidson and the
architects of the building, this contemporary work, based on traditional Haida
totem poles, resides in a postwar atrium
space that exhibits many of the possibilities
of the allied arts as described by Alfoldy.
This massive sculpture of hand-carved
wood, made by a Haida artist whose oeuvre
reinterprets the formal and symbolic traditions of indigenous West Coast peoples,
occupies the public space within this sleek
glass-and-steel Toronto building in a manner that is in no way subordinate to its
architectural surroundings. It exemplifies
the potential of the allied arts to refute the
often-restrictive narratives of the modernist project while at the same time remaining staunchly modern.
The Allied Arts: Architecture and Craft in
Postwar Canada is an important corrective
to outdated narratives within the histories
of both craft and architecture. The book
offers a powerful reminder of the essential
role of collaboration within both endeavors and will serve as a critical precedent for
future studies, both within the Canadian
context and beyond.
alexa winton
Pratt Institute
Notes
1. Glenn Adamson, The Invention of Craft
(London: Bloomsbury, 2013).
2. Fiona MacCarthy, Anarchy and Beauty:
William Morris and His Legacy, 1860–1960 (New
Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2014).
3. See, for example, Ingeborg Glambek, “The
Council Chambers in the UN Building in New
York,” Scandinavian Journal of Design History
15 (2005), 8–39.
BOOKS
263