Early Bronze Age refining of copper

MINING FOR ANCIENT COPPER Essays in MEMory of BEno rothEnBErg TEL AVIV UNIVERSITY SONIA AND MARCO NADLER INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY MONOGRAPH SERIES NUMBER 37 Executive Editor Editorial Board Managing Editor Graphic Designer Israel Finkelstein Avi Gopher Oded Lipschits Guy D. Stiebel Myrna Pollak Noa Evron CONTENTS Contributors Preface xi Erez Ben-Yosef xiii SECTION I: TIMNA VALLEY Chapter 1 STRATIGRAPHY AND STRUCTURE OF THE TIMNA VALLEY AND ADJACENT ANCIENT MINING AREAS Michael Beyth, Amit Segev and Hanan Ginat 3 Chapter 2 BENO ROTHENBERG AND THE CHRONOLOGY OF COPPER SMELTING AT TIMNA James D. Muhly 21 Chapter 3 THE CENTRAL TIMNA VALLEY PROJECT: RESEARCH DESIGN AND PRELIMINARY RESULTS Erez Ben-Yosef 28 Chapter 4 THE DIET OF ANCIENT METAL WORKERS: THE LATE BRONZE AND EARLY IRON AGES IN THE ARABAH VALLEY (TIMNA AND FAYNAN) Lidar Sapir-Hen, Omri Lernau and Erez Ben-Yosef 64 Chapter 5 THE SINAI-ARABAH COPPER AGE EARLY PHASE (CHALCOLITHIC) MINE T EXCAVATIONS Tim Shaw and Alexandra Drenka 81 Chapter 6 THE INSCRIPTION OF RAMESSESEMPERE IN CONTEXT Deborah Sweeney 109 Chapter 7 A PRELIMINARY ARCHAEOMAGNETIC INVESTIGATION OF THE YOTVATA FORTRESS Ilana Peters, Lisa Tauxe and Erez Ben-Yosef 118 Chapter 8 WHO WAS THE DEITY WORSHIPPED AT THE TENT-SANCTUARY OF TIMNA? Nissim Amzallag 127 Chapter 9 TRANSGENDERED COPPER MINING IN THE LEVANT Laura M. Zucconi 137 SECTION II: NAHAL >AMRAM Chapter 10 ANCIENT COPPER MINES AT NAHAL >AMRAM, SOUTHERN ARABAH Uzi Avner, Hanan Ginat, Sariel Shalev, Sana Shilstine, Boaz Langford, Amos Frumkin, Rachamim Shem-Tov, Sagi Filin, Reuma Arav, Uri Basson, Omer Shamir, Linda Scott-Cummings 147 Chapter 11 VOLUME AND MASS ESTIMATION OF MINE DUMPS AND SLAG PILES USING HIGH-RESOLUTION TERRESTRIAL LASER SCANS Reuma Arav, Sagi Filin and Uzi Avner 178 Chapter 12 EVIDENCE OF PAST FLOOD INTENSITIES IN THE NAHAL >AMRAM COPPER MINES Hanan Ginat, Dagan Meeshly, Uzi Avner and Boaz Langford 188 Chapter 13 MINERS’ MEALS AT THE COPPER MINES OF NAHAL >AMRAM, SOUTHERN ISRAEL Liora Kolska Horwitz, Uzi Avner and Omri Lernau 199 Chapter 14 NAHAL >AMRAM, SOUTHERN ARABAH VALLEY: A SURVEY OF UNDERGROUND COPPER MINES Boaz Langford, Amos Frumkin, Uzi Avner and Hanan Ginat 217 Chapter 15 A PRELIMINARY STUDY OF COPPER SLAG IN THE SOUTHERN ARABAH VALLEY Sana Shilstein and Sariel Shalev 228 SECTION III: FAYNAN, THE NEGEV AND BEYOND Chapter 16 INTENSIVE SURVEYS, LARGE-SCALE EXCAVATION STRATEGIES AND IRON AGE INDUSTRIAL METALLURGY IN FAYNAN, JORDAN: FAIRY TALES DON’T COME TRUE Thomas E. Levy, Erez Ben-Yosef and Mohammad Najjar 245 Chapter 17 KEY FEATURES FOR DEDUCING TECHNOLOGICAL INNOVATIONS AND ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURES IN THE BRONZE AGE MINING DISTRICT OF FAYNAN, JORDAN Ingolf Löffler 259 Chapter 18 COPPER TRADE AND THE SETTLEMENT RISE IN THE SOUTH LEVANTINE DESERTS IN THE EB IV Moti Haiman 270 Chapter 19 EXTRACTIVE METALLURGY IN THE CHALCOLITHIC SOUTHERN LEVANT: ASSESSMENT OF COPPER ORES FROM ABU MATAR Aaron N. Shugar 276 Chapter 20 BRONZE CHISEL AT HORVAT HALUQIM (CENTRAL NEGEV HIGHLANDS) IN A SEQUENCE OF RADIOCARBON DATED LATE BRONZE TO IRON I LAYERS Hendrik J. Bruins, Irina Segal and Johannes Van der Plicht 297 Chapter 21 THE DISCOVERY OF THE SINAITIC SITE KUNTILLET >AJRUD Ze’ev Meshel 309 Chapter 22 THE ORIGIN OF THE COPPER USED IN CANAAN DURING THE LATE BRONZE/IRON AGE TRANSITION Naama Yahalom-Mack and Irina Segal 313 Chapter 23 THE ARABAH COPPER INDUSTRY IN THE ISLAMIC PERIOD: VIEWS FROM FAYNAN AND TIMNA Ian W. N. Jones, Mohammad Najjar and Thomas E. Levy 332 SECTION IV: BEYOND THE SOUTHERN LEVANT: CYPRUS, OMAN, GREECE AND BRITAIN Chapter 24 APLIKI KARAMALLOS ON CYPRUS: THE 13TH CENTURY BCE MINERS’ SETTLEMENT IN CONTEXT Vasiliki Kassianidou 345 Chapter 25 KING HEROD AND THE CYPRUS COPPER MINES Shimon Dar 357 Chapter 26 ARCHAEOMETALLURGICAL RESEARCH ON IRON AGE (1250-300 BCE) COPPER PRODUCTION IN THE NORTHERN AL-HAJJAR MOUNTAINS (OMAN PENINSULA) Julie Goy, Michele Degli Esposti, Cécile Le Carlier de Veslud and Anne Benoist 366 Chapter 27 ANCIENT MINING AND METALLURGICAL ACTIVITY AT THE GOLD-SILVER-COPPER ORE DEPOSITS IN MAVROKORFI AREA, MOUNT PANGAEON (NORTHEAST GREECE) Markos Vaxevanopoulos, Michail Vavelidis, Vasilios Melfos, Dimitra Malamidou, Spyros Pavlides 385 Chapter 28 THE GREAT ORME BRONZE AGE COPPER MINE IN NORTH WALES: OPPORTUNITIES TO LINK ORE TO METAL Robert Alan Williams 399 Chapter 29 COPPER MINING AND SMELTING IN THE BRITISH BRONZE AGE: NEW EVIDENCE OF MINE SITES INCLUDING SOME RE-ANALYSES OF DATES AND ORE SOURCES Simon Timberlake and Peter Marshall 418 SECTION V: METALWORKING Chapter 30 JUDAH OF IRON VS. ISRAEL OF COPPER: THE METALWORKING DEVELOPMENT IN THE LAND OF ISRAEL AND ITS HISTORICAL IMPLICATIONS Yulia Gottlieb 435 Chapter 31 TRADITION AND CONTINUITY IN CRAFT WORKSHOPS AT TEL DAN Rachel Ben-Dov 455 Chapter 32 A FIRST CENTURY JEWISH RECYCLING ECONOMY Matthew Ponting and Dan Levene 479 Chapter 33 EARLY BRONZE AGE REFINING OF COPPER Christopher John Davey 495 Chapter 34 BRONZE PRODUCTION IN PI-RAMESSE: ALLOYING TECHNOLOGY AND MATERIAL USE Frederik W. Rademakers, Thilo Rehren and Edgar B. Pusch 503 Chapter 35 EXAMPLES OF COPPER HARPOONS OF NAQADA CULTURE IN THE EASTERN NILE DELTA Marcin Czarnowicz 526 Chapter 36 BRONZE WORKING AT SUMHURAM: NEW DATA FROM AN ANCIENT SOUTH ARABIAN HARBOR ON THE COAST OF DHOFAR (SULTANATE OF OMAN) Michele Degli Esposti, Carla Martini, Cristina Chiavari, Elena Bernardi and Gian Luca Garagnani 539 Chapter 37 OBSERVATIONS ON SOCKETED COPPER ALLOY ARROWHEADS IN THE EARLY FIRST MILLENNIUM BCE Jamie M. Szudy 556 CONTRIBUTORS Amzallag, Nissim Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Israel Gottlieb, Yulia Tel Aviv University, Israel Arav, Reuma Technion – Israel Institute of Technology, Israel Goy, Julie University of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, France Avner, Uzi Dead Sea-Arava Science Center, Israel Haiman, Moti Israel Antiquities Authority and Bar Ilan University, Israel Bason, Uri GeoSense Ltd, Israel Ben-Dov, Rachel Hebrew Union College, Israel Ben-Yosef, Erez Tel Aviv University, Israel Benoist, Anne Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, France Bernardi, Elana University of Bologna, Italy Beyth, Michael Geological Survey of Israel, Israel Bruins, Hendrik J. Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Israel Chiavari, Cristina University of Bologna, Italy Czarnowicz, Marcin Jagiellonian University, Krakow, Poland Dar, Shimon Bar Ilan University, Israel Davey, Christopher University of Melbourne, Australia Degli Esposti, Michele University of Pisa, Italy Drenka, Alexandra Independent scholar, Israel Filin, Sagi Technion – Israel Institute of Technology, Israel Frumkin, Amos Hebrew University, Israel Garagnani, Gian Luca University of Ferrara, Italy Ginat, Hanan Dead Sea and Arava Science Center and Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Israel Jones, Ian W.N. University of California, San Diego, USA Kassianidou, Vasiliki University of Cyprus, Cyprus Kolska-Horwiz, Liora Hebrew University, Israel Langford, Boaz Hebrew University, Israel Le Carlier de Veslud, Cécile University of Rennes 1, France Lernau, Omri University of Haifa, Israel Levene, Dan University of Southampton, UK Levy, Thomas E. University of California, San Diego, USA Löffler, Ingolf Deutsches Bergbau-Museum, Germany Malamidou, Dimitra Ministry of Culture, Kavala, Greece Marshall, Peter English Heritage, UK Martini, Carla University of Bologna, Italy Meeshly, Dagan Dead Sea-Arava Science Center, Israel Melfos, Vasilios Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece Meshel, Zeev Tel Aviv University, Israel Muhly, James D. University of Pennsylvania, USA Najjar, Mohammad University of California, San Diego, USA Pavlides, Spyros Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece Shilstein, Sana Weizmann Institute of Science, Israel Peters, Ilana Tel Aviv University, Israel Shugar, Aaron A. Buffalo State College, USA Ponting, Matthew University of Liverpool, UK Sweeney, Deborah Tel Aviv University, Israel Pusch, Edgar University College London – Qatar, Qatar Szudy, Jamie M. University of Vienna, Austria Rademakers, Frederik University College London, UK Tauxe, Lisa Scripps Institution of Oceanography, USA Rehren, Thilo The Cyprus Institute, Cyprus Timberlake, Simon University of Cambridge, UK Sapir-Hen, Lidar Tel Aviv University, Israel van der Plicht, Johannes University of Groningen and Leiden University, The Netherlands Scott-Cummings, Linda PaleoResearch Institute, USA Segal, Irena Geological Survey of Israel, Israel Segev, Amit Geological Survey of Israel, Israel Shalev, Sariel University of Haifa, Israel Vavelidis, Michalis Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece Vaxevanopoulos, Markos Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece Williams, Robert A. University of Liverpool, UK Shamir, Omer GeoSense Ltd, Israel Yahalom-Mack, Naama Weizmann Institute of Science and Hebrew University, Israel Shaw, Tim Imperial College of Science and Technology, UK Zucconi, Laura Stockton University, USA Shem-Tov, Rachamim Dead Sea-Arava Science Center, Israel PREFACE There is no better way to honor the memory of Beno Rothenberg (1914–2012) than by publishing a volume dedicated to new studies on copper in antiquity. Rothenberg’s pioneering work in the Timna Valley, which was the center of his academic career, focused on ancient copper mining and smelting technologies, and paved the way to other studies of this metal and its role in ancient societies around the world.1 Rothenberg’s work is considered by many to be a cornerstone in the development of archaeometallurgy as an integrative research discipline; as such, the study of ancient metal and metal production technologies is based on a synthesis of various avenues of investigation from the natural and social sciences and the humanities, the main objective of which is the study of the people and societies behind the artifacts and technologies.2 This book celebrates just such an approach with a collection of studies that includes, in addition to contributions on technologies, results of research on various aspects of the production and use of copper in ancient societies: from the geological settings of copper mines to the diet of metalworkers and the characteristics of metal trade systems. The studies range from Oman to the British Isles, with a special emphasis on the southern Levant and the Arabah Valley. They testify not only to the current prosperity of research in the geographical region whose systematic study was pioneered by Rothenberg, but also to the growth and vitality of the research discipline that Rothenberg fundamentally helped to advance (cf., Thornton 2012, Roberts and Thornton 2014). The book’s publication follows the international conference on “Copper in Antiquity” held at the Timna Park (southern Arabah, the Eilot Regional Council) in 2013. The conference, also in memory of Rothenberg, was organized by Tel Aviv University and the Timna Park with the help and support of other organizations,3 and steered by E. Ben-Yosef with the help of Y. Goren, H. Ginat and A. Holzer. Some of the contributions are based on presentations given at the conference, while others were written especially for the book. The 37 chapters of the book, contributed by 66 scholars, present a wide array of topics. They are organized in five sections—the first four are divided by geography, while the final section includes studies related specifically to metalworking. The geographic sections are organized according to their proximity to Timna, which, as mentioned above, was at the core of Rothenberg’s academic work. The book commences with Timna itself (Section I), goes on to nearby Nahal >Amram (Section II), a smaller copper ore district located ca. 5 km to the south of Timna, also within the general region of the southern Arabah Valley. The next section (III) deals with the Faynan copper ore district in the northern Arabah Valley, together with contributions on the Negev and southern Canaan. The last geographic section (IV) contains contributions related to various locations, from Oman to the British Isles, through Cyprus and Greece. This wide geographic spectrum helps to contextualize the intense research in the southern 1 2 3 On Rothenberg’s work and its contribution to archaeometallurgical research, see Pigott (1996), Ben-Yosef (2012). Rothenberg’s research into the metallurgical aspects of the ancient copper ore district of Timna was part of his broader quest for a better understanding of the archaeology and history of the Negev and the Arabah, which started even before his independent projects, while he participated in the expeditions of N. Glueck and Y. Aharoni. This background helps to explain Rothenberg’s integrative approach to archaeometallurgical research, and his keen interest in questions related to the society behind the technology— or as he himself put it, archaeometallurgy helps us understand “not only how men made metal, but also how metal made men” (via Bachmann 1990). These organizations include the Dead Sea and Arava Science Center, the Institute of Archaeo-Metallurgical Studies (IAMS) at University College London, the Jewish National Fund, the Eilot Regional Council, the Israel Government Tourist Corporation and the Economic Corporation for the Tourism Development in Hevel Eilot. Preface Levant presented in the previous sections, and in general emphasizes common denominators in the study of copper across diverse cultures and space. Section I, “Timna Valley,” consists of nine chapters. • Chapter 1 presents the geological settings of the copper ore, which is a necessary background to the archaeometallurgical research of the region (mining and smelting technologies, distribution of sites, etc.). It also provides a basic background to the ore bodies of Faynan, the Jordanian counterpart of Timna, and Umm Bogma in southern Sinai, both heavily exploited in antiquity. • Chapter 2 presents an overview of the rather tumultuous debates over the date of the earliest evidence of smelting in the valley, and over the chronology of the main phase of copper exploitation there. The latter is related to the question of “King Solomon’s Mines,” a subject that is again part of the scholarly discourse as a result of recent discoveries.4 • Chapter 3 introduces the Central Timna Valley Project, which commenced in 2012 and has focused since that time on investigating the Late Bronze and Iron Age s (13th– 9th centuries BCE) mining and smelting sites of the region, with emphasis on technological developments and social processes of the people responsible for the copper industry (the early phase of the Edomite Kingdom). • Chapter 4 presents new data on the diet of the Late Bronze and Iron Age metalworkers, based on remains of mammalian and fish bones from the main smelting sites in Timna. These data are presented together with a summary of previously published materials from Timna and Faynan in order to assess the social status, ethnicity, and other aspects of the people directly engaged in the smelting activities in these periods. • Chapter 5 is a detailed report of Rothenberg’s last excavations at Timna (2001–2002), in the complex shafts and gallery system of Mine T (dated to the Chalcolithic period). The report integrates all the data from the earlier excavations at the mine (1974-1976) into a comprehensive presentation of the research and its results. • Chapter 6 provides a fresh look at the Egyptian inscription that was found in 1972 on the cliffs above the “Hathor Temple,” and in particular at Ramessesempere, the head of the Egyptian expedition to the mines in the days of Ramesses III. • Chapter 7 presents preliminary results of an archaeomagnetic study of pottery sherds from the Yotvata Fortress. Located just above the nearest permanent water source to Timna, the fortress has been associated with the Egyptian phase of copper production and interpreted as part of the efforts to maintain water supply at this time. The results suggest Late Bronze Age activities, thus corroborating the excavator’s dating and supporting his interpretation of the site. • Chapter 8 presents a fresh interpretation of the later (Iron Age) phase of the “Hathor Temple,” with an intriguing suggestion that the place served for the worship of YHWH, the deity of the Israelites, whose source may have been in the south and in connection to ancient metallurgy. • Chapter 9 presents an analysis of the genealogy of Esau (Edom), in light of our current understanding of the region and the rather fluid role of tribes and clans in forming political alliances. Such alliance is probably behind the Iron Age copper exploitation in Timna and the northern Arabah. 4 Forty years after the excavations of the “Hathor Temple” in the center of the Timna Valley and the consequent revision in the dates of all major smelting and mining sites, new radiocarbon dates indicated that one of the smelting camps was most active during the 10th – 9th centuries BCE, and not earlier than the second half of the 12th century BCE (Ben-Yosef, Shaar, Tauxe and Ron 2012). This in turn triggered new research in the valley, which has demonstrated that the peak in production was indeed in the early Iron Age and after the Egyptians left the region (Ben-Yosef, this volume); while possible connections to Jerusalem are still debated, the new chronological framework and evidence of long-distance copper trade necessitate reconsideration of the region’s role in this formative period in the history of the southern Levant. xiv Preface Section II, “Nahal >Amram,” consists of six chapters, all of which present results of a recent interdisciplinary project led by Uzi Avner and focused on the history of mining and smelting in this region. • Chapter 10 is an overview of the Nahal >Amram Project, and provides the dating skeleton of the different sites based on artifact typologies and a large suite of new radiocarbon dates. The main periods of activity were found to be Late Bronze–Iron Ages, Nabataean–Byzantine and Early Islamic. • Chapter 11 presents volume and mass estimates of mining dumps and slag piles. In addition to enhancing our understanding of the scale of mining and smelting in the Nahal >Amram area and nearby sites, the chapter contributes to the development of research methods by the introduction of high-resolution terrestrial laser scans as an efficient technique to tackle such problems. • Chapter 12 presents a study of paleo-floods based on their record within Nahal >Amram’s mines. The galleries preserve unique evidence of mega-floods, whose contexts provide important information on their frequencies in the past.5 • Chapter 13 presents the diet of the miners based on faunal remains found within the galleries, and concludes that their food was surprisingly rich. • Chapter 14 presents a detailed report of the comprehensive underground survey of the mines in Nahal >Amram, including new mapping of the entire system. • Chapter 15 presents a preliminary chemical analysis of slag in an attempt to assess developments in smelting technologies through time. Section III, “Faynan, the Negev and Beyond,” consists of eight chapters. • Chapter 16 presents an overview of the intensive, large-scale anthropological archaeology project in Faynan, Jordan, directed by Thomas Levy and Mohammad Najjar. Commenced in 1997, the project has shed new light on the history of copper ore exploitation in the northern Arabah from the Neolithic to the Late Islamic period, with a substantial contribution to the early Iron Age archaeology of the region. The latter is the focus of the chapter, which discusses the most recent finds and their interpretation by the excavation team (and addresses some criticism). • Chapter 17 also focuses on Faynan. It presents a new study on the technological developments and organizational structure in the Bronze Age, based primarily on the finds of the comprehensive archaeometallurgical project of the Deutsches Bergbau-Museum (under the direction of Andreas Haputmann, 1983–1993). • Chapter 18 presents an overview of the Early Bronze Age IV settlement wave in the Negev, with emphasis on its connection to the copper trade between the northern Arabah (Faynan) and Egypt. • Chapter 19 presents a new study on copper ore fragments found in the Chalcolithic (Ghassulian) site of Abu Matar in the Beer-sheba Valley. While the majority of the ore fragments correspond with the mining site of Faynan, one type offers closer association with ore formations in Anatolia and the Caucasus. • Chapter 20 presents a lead isotope study of a 12th century BCE bronze chisel from Horvat Haluqim in the Negev. The results suggest that the copper originated in Faynan and that an active metal trade network existed in the south in that period. • Chapter 21 presents a brief summary of the discovery of Kuntillet >Ajrud in northeastern Sinai, a unique, possibly cultic site, near the road between the Mediterranean Sea and Elath (Darb al-Ghaza). 5 The ancient mining landscape of the southern Arabah holds important evidence of the paleo-environment and young geomorphological processes; see, for example, the previous studies of Hauptmann and Horowitz (1980) and Shlomi et al. (2015). xv Preface Rothenberg’s visit to the site in 1967 was an important milestone in its research. The site probably served as an important road station; however, it is not clear if it was related to the copper trade.6 • Chapter 22 presents a new study on the provenance of copper in Canaan during the second half of the second millennium BCE. Based on chemical and lead isotope analyses of final copper-based objects, it is demonstrated that Timna played an important role in the copper trade after the Egyptians left the region, and in particular during the 11th century BCE. • Chapter 23 is a comprehensive overview of our current knowledge of Islamic copper production in the Arabah Valley. While in the Early Islamic period the copper mines of the southern Arabah (Timna and Nahal >Amram) were most active, in the Late Islamic period mining activities are documented only in Faynan. Section IV, “Beyond the southern Levant: Cyprus, Oman, Greece and Britain,” contains six chapters, all related to primary copper production (i.e., ore mining and smelting), as evidenced in the archaeological record and historical documentation. • Chapter 24 presents evidence from a Late Bronze Age (13th century BCE) miners’ settlement in the Apliki ore district of Cyprus, which was exposed by modern exploitation of the region. • Chapter 25 is also focused on Cyprus, albeit in a much later period. It presents the case of King Herod’s exploitation of the Cypriot mines (1st century BCE), as relayed by Flavius Josephus, and suggests that this was the major source for Herod’s wealth, which enabled his grandiose construction enterprises in Judea and many cities around the Mediterranean. • Chapter 26 presents preliminary results of an ongoing archaeometallurgical research on Iron Age copper production in the northern al-Hajjar Mountains in Oman. This research is part of a multifaceted project, which includes surveys, excavations and complementary laboratory work. • Chapter 27 presents a new study of one of the mines in Mount Pangaeon in northeastern Greece, and at a nearby smelting site (Valtouda). The study includes documentation of mining technologies from the Roman period to the days of the Ottoman Empire, and an assessment of the complex history of exploitation of the multi-metallic (gold-silver-copper) ore body. • Chapter 28 presents preliminary results of a study on the Bronze Age Great Orme copper mine in north Wales. The study attempts to establish a robust geochemical signature for the ore body, in order to enhance the quality of provenance studies and in turn to reassess the scale of the mining activities (and its geographical impact) and the importance of the site in Bronze Age Britain. • Chapter 29 is also concerned with Britain in the Bronze Age. It presents new copper mining sites and discusses the main phase of Bronze Age copper exploitation in Britain based on reexamination of radiocarbon dates. The study demonstrates that widespread small-scale mining activities took place in western Britain between ca. 2000–1500 BCE (the termination possibly related to the beginning of copper importation from Europe). Section V, “Metalworking,” consists of eight chapters, all related to secondary copper production (e.g., alloying, recycling, mending and casting) and final copper objects. • Chapter 30 discusses the transition from copper to iron in the southern Levant. Based on the archaeological evidence, it seems that Judah adopted iron-working earlier than its northern counterpart, 6 Although Kuntillet >Ajrud is located near one of the main roads between Gaza and Timna, its accepted dating to the 8th century BCE precludes the possibility that it was connected to the copper trade, as the Arabah copper industry ceased at the end of the 9th century BCE (e.g., Ben-Yosef, Shaar, Tauxe and Ron 2012). However, if the beginning of the occupation at Kuntillet >Ajrud were to be dated earlier, such a connection should be considered (cf., Schniedewind 2017, contra the opinion of the excavator). xvi Preface • • • • • • • the Kingdom of Israel. Various possible reasons for this discrepancy are discussed, among them the stronger affiliation of Judah to metalworking and trends in metallurgical developments based on its connection to the flourishing early Iron Age copper industry of the Arabah. Chapter 31 presents a detailed report on the early Iron Age metallurgical workshops at Tel Dan, with evidence for bronze-working and recycling. Chapter 32 presents the results of a study on metal recycling procedures based on archaeological finds and Jewish literary sources of late antiquity. The study demonstrates that contrary to the notion that recycling resulted in poor control over composition and quality, the management of scrap metal was actually a developed and sophisticated industry that provided reliable products. Chapter 33 presents a study of Early Bronze Age copper refining. Based on evaluation of the technology, the author suggests identifying crucibles depicted in Egyptian Old Kingdom tombs and the Old Babylonian site of Tell edh-Dhiba‘i as refining vessels. Chapter 34 presents new evidence of Late Bronze Age bronze production in Qantir–Pi-Ramesse. The evidence indicates a rather high technological variability, as alloying was achieved by different methods, including mixing fresh metals (copper and tin ingots?), recycling and cassiterite cementation. Chapter 35 presents copper harpoons of Pre-Dynastic Egypt and discusses their significance in the Naqada culture. An overview of the finds and relevant artistic depictions suggest that they were not only weapons, but also an important symbol that played several roles in ancient Egyptian society. Chapter 36 presents new data on bronze working at Sumhuram (Oman). The alloying process was evaluated based on the analysis of metal items dated from the 3rd century BCE to the 4th century CE and other evidence from the site. No diachronic trends or correlation between shape/function and chemical composition were found, suggesting low standardization. Chapter 37 discusses the use of copper for the production of weapons at times when iron was the dominant metal of choice. The case study of socketed copper alloy arrowheads of the 7th century BCE demonstrates that copper still had an advantage when certain forms were desired, and even more so given the ability to mass produce by casting. The wide-ranging contents of this volume demonstrates the importance of copper in the shaping of human history. Since the dawn of metallurgy more than 7,000 years ago, copper has been used to produce a wide assortment of objects with different functions in ancient societies, from ornaments, cult and art to agricultural and domestic tools, weapons and coinage.7 This in part is what makes copper, and the evidence related to the efforts invested in its production, so well suited for deciphering social meaning and extracting knowledge about the past. This book, in memory of Beno Rothenberg, also commemorates his friend and colleague, Professor Tim Shaw (1934-2017), who contributed, together with Alexandra Drenka, a comprehensive chapter on Mine T in Timna (Chapter 5). Shaw was Professor of Mining Engineering at Imperial College London, who became fascinated with the archaeology of ancient mines (mining archaeology/Montanarchäologie)8 through his work with Rothenberg in Timna. He was engaged in archaeological research and in teaching archeaologists for many years, including at the archeaometallurgy summer school of the Institute of Archaeo-metallurgical Studies (IAMS) at University College London. Shaw’s research achievments will undoubtedly continue to be part of the investigation of the Timna mines and other ancient mining districts around the world. 7 8 On this, in relation to the modern exploitation of copper, see the recent publication of Golding and Golding (2017). This research field, sometimes included under the broader discipline of “archaeometallurgy,” has been attracting a growing interest in recent years (cf., Stöllner 2014). xvii Preface ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The book is published with the support of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University, the Marie Curie Actions (FP7-PEOPLE-2012-CIG grant #334274 to E.B.-Y.), and the Israel Science Foundation (grant #1880/17 to E.B.-Y.). Special thanks are due to Myrna Pollak, head of the Institute of Archaeology’s Publications Department, to Noa Evron, graphics editor and Nitsan Shalom and Brett Cohen, assistant editors, for their work on the text, layout and production of the book. Many individuals contributed towards the book’s creation, from its seeds at the Timna International Conference to the final print. Among them are the local “Timnaeans,” Hagit Gal (Park Manager), Dubi Goldman, Hanan Ginat, Assaf Holzer and Guy Markman, who helped with the conference organization and later with various aspects of the research and publications related to the southern Arabah. The editor is grateful to Yuval Goren, who was pivotal to the initiation of the renewed archaeological research in Timna, as well as to the success of the Timna Conference. Thanks are also due to the Israel Antiquities Authority and its representatives in the south, Tali Erickson-Gini and Yoram Haimi, for their help in promoting research in one of the most remote regions of Israel. Lastly, thanks are due to Aaron Greener for his assistance in the editorial process, and to the Central Timna Valley Project’s staff, whose devotion and enthusiasm for the exploration of Timna also propelled the work on this book. Erez Ben-Yosef, Editor 2018 REFERENCES Bachmann, H.G. 1990. Introduction. In: Rothenberg, B., ed. The Ancient Metallurgy of Copper, Vol. 2. London: xvii-xxi. Ben-Yosef, E. 2012. Beno Rothenberg: Obituary. Israel Exploration Journal 62(1): 244–246. Ben-Yosef, E., Shaar, R., Tauxe, L. and Ron, H. 2012. A New Chronological Framework for Iron Age Copper Production in Timna (Israel). Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 367: 31–71. Golding, G. and Golding, S.D. 2017. Metals, Energy and Sustainability: The Story of Doctor Copper and King Coal. Cham, Switzerland. Hauptmann, A. and Horowitz, A. 1980. Zur geomorphologie und palaomorphologie des Modell-gebietes. In: Conrad, H.G. and Rothenberg, B., eds. Antikes Kupfer im Timna-Tal. Bochum: 57–67. Pigott, V. 1996. Near Eastern Archaeometallurgy: Modern Research and Future Directions. In: Cooper, J.S. and Schwartz, G.M., eds. The Study of the Ancient Near East in the 21st Century. Winona Lake: 139–176. Roberts, B.W. and Thornton, C.P., eds. 2014. Archaeometallurgy in Global Perspective. New York. Schniedewind, W.M. 2017. An Early Iron Age Phase to Kuntillet ‘Ajrud? In: Greenspahn, F. and Rendsburg, G.A., eds. Le-ma‘an Ziony: Essays in Honor of Ziony Zevit. Eugene, Oregon: 134–146. Shlomi, Y., Ginat, H., Meron, T. and Holtzer, A. 2015. Pace of Degradation in Streams within Sandstone in a Region with Copper Mines (Timna Valley, southern Israel). Negev, Dead Sea and Arava Studies 7(2): 38–50 (in Hebrew). Stöllner, T.R. 2014. Methods in Mining Archaeology (Montanarchäologie). In: Roberts, B.W. and Thornton, C.P., eds. Archaeometallurgy in Global Perspective: Methods and Syntheses. New York: 133–159. Thornton, C.P. 2012. Archaeometallurgy in the 21st Century. Reviews in Anthropology 41 (3): 173–187. xviii CHAPTER 33 EARLY BRONZE AGE REFINING OF COPPER Christopher John Davey This paper describes the role and process of copper refining. It then argues that the crucibles depicted on the walls of some Egyptian Old Kingdom tombs and others found at the IsinLarsa period site of Tell edh-Dhiba‘i, were originally devised and used as refining vessels. The reasons why they have not often been discovered at smelting sites are discussed and the terminology used by the ancient Egyptians for crucibles is considered. INTRODUCTION The subject of copper refining during the Early Bronze Age has not prompted a great deal of scholarly discussion. Early production of copper from ore-bearing rock has long been recognized to be a two stage process of smelting and refining (Merkel 1990: 78). Nearly all discussion and experimentation has concentrated on the first or smelting stage, while refining has been considered uncomplicated. This may have been the case once smelting had developed to the point where slag could be tapped, but prior to this the actual production of useful copper metal was dependent on the refining process. Until at least the Late Bronze Age the smelting of copper ores produced prills of copper embedded in slag. The copper produced in this way often contained significant iron (2–5%) and is sometimes called “black copper.” It was partially liberated by comminution, after which the copper bearing material was separated by visual or gravity based processes and then melted to separate the heavier copper from the lighter gangue. Early descriptions of copper refining, including fire-refining and poling, are found in Theophilus (Hawthorne and Smith 1963: 144f) and John Percy (1861). Tylecote (1976: 95) describes a Japanese postmedieval method where pieces of black copper would gravitate down through ignited charcoal, pass by a tuyère where impurities were oxidized, and would then be collected in a crucible at the base of the furnace. The refining procedure is potentially complex and may be ore-specific (Schlesinger and Biswas 2011: 393f). At 1200 OC copper may contain up to 5% iron and its removal is important if the properties of pure copper are required. Iron is more likely to oxidize than copper so refining processes involve the application of oxygen to the surface of the molten copper to convert the iron to an oxide. The copper will also oxidize if too much oxygen is applied, so an encircling reducing environment may limit this from occurring. Once a satisfactory refining technique was developed in antiquity for copper from a particular ore-body, it might be expected that it would have been followed rigidly thereafter. Merkel’s refining experiments were carried out in shallow pits rather than crucibles in a manner not dissimilar to smelting (Merkel 1990: 107–109). The charge was the material he had previously smelted. The experiment produced plano-convex ingots and after four melts, the iron content was reduced to 0.014%. The last melt involved fire-refining and poling; the former was found to be particularly effective with respect to the removal of Fe, Co and Hg, the latter less so, although that may have been a question of experimental proficiency (ibid.: 116–118). christoPher John Davey THE MERERUKA–TELL EDH-DHIBA>I CRUCIBLES AND THEIR OPERATION The 3rd Dynasty in Egypt saw the beginning of monumental stone masonry that was to some extent facilitated by the development of a large-scale copper tool producing industry in the Nile Valley (Romer 2007). This industry was depicted on some Old Kingdom tomb-walls showing the use of a distinctive style of crucible, the profile of which became the hieroglyphic ideogram for “metalworker” (Davey 1985; Drenkhahn 1976) (Fig. 33.1). Such crucibles have been found at Tell edh-Dhiba>i (Davey 1983; 2007; 2009b; 2012) (Fig. 33.2). However in an upright position, these crucibles will not retain a liquid, raising the question of how they were used for melting copper. In the preliminary report of the Tell edh-Dhiba>i excavation, Winston proposed that the crucibles were used in a “tipped back” position, but the many Old Kingdom tomb images are unequivocal that they were used in an upright orientation (Al-Gailani 1965; Davey 2012). Other later representations of the crucibles’ operation reveal that tipping the crucible back may have become common later in the Old Kingdom and then, in the First Intermediate period, the crucibles themselves changed in shape so that an upright crucible with a hole in the side would retain the liquid (Davey 1985; 2009b). One of the most instructive scenes found in the Tomb of Mereruka, Saqqara, shows the front of the crucible being poked and molten copper pouring out. This image suggests that the opening in the front of Fig. 33.1: The melting and casting scenes from the Old Kingdom Tomb of Mereruka, Saqqara. The processes depicted are part of the production of the vessels shown in the upper register (from Duell 1938: Pl. 40). Fig. 33.2: The five complete crucibles and one fragment discovered at Tell edh-Dhiba>i from the Isin-Larsa period, ca 1850 BCE. 1. 614/8; 2. 614/7; 3. 614/4; 4. 614/6; 5. 614/5; 6. 614/3 (photos: Christopher J Davey). 496 chaPter 33: early Bronze age r efining of coPPer the crucible was partially blocked with a ceramic barrier and when it was dislodged, the molten charge flowed out underneath it (Figs. 33.3, 33.4). Being heavier, the metal would discharge first and anything floating above the metal would either be retained or would flow out subsequently. The result of this process is that lighter charcoal and dross material would be separated and skimmed off from the heavier metal, which would pour from the crucible in a refined form. The volume of copper involved in each pour from the Tell edh-Dhiba>i crucibles was of the order of 50 ml. This volume was limited because the barrier only partially blocked the hole in the side of the crucible. The space above the barrier allowed the charcoal inside the crucible to be ventilated with blowpipes and it enabled observation of and access to the molten copper charge. Since the volume of copper in each melt was small, this technology was manageable. A blowpipe could be used to ventilate the charcoal to achieve the necessary temperature and melt the small volume of copper without exhausting the operators. The refractory and insulating ceramics from which the Fig. 33.3: A close-up of the metal discharge from the crucible as depicted in the Tomb of Mereruka. The scene is shown in profile for greater clarity and the hands holding the crucible have been rotated to reveal the crucible shape (photo: Christopher J Davey). Fig. 33.4: Suggested sections of the crucible during melting and pouring. 497 christoPher John Davey crucibles were made were comparatively weak and not capable of carrying a significant weight of molten metal. Large volumes of copper could be melted when bellows were used in later periods and large hot crucibles could be manipulated when iron tools became available. Early Bronze Age copper refining and melting technology depicted in the Egyptian Old Kingdom tombs depended on the rapid heating of relatively small amounts of copper and employing accurately directed narrow jets of air from blowpipes. The same crucibles would have been used repeatedly, barely cooling down between pours. After each pour, the slag would be removed and the barrier secured with something like a paste of dung. The charge of unrefined copper and charcoal make-up would be added and sometimes a lid was placed on top of the crucible before the fire in the crucible was rekindled by ventilating the hot charcoal in the crucible left from the previous pour. Some of the Old Kingdom scenes depict a lid on the crucibles during heating (Fig. 33.1). This would have accelerated the rise in temperature, but it would also have promoted reducing conditions in the crucible as the flow of air through the crucible was inhibited. The Mereruka–Tell edh-Dhiba>i crucibles were therefore reaction vessels in which oxidizing and reducing conditions could be regulated as the lid was opened and closed and the air from the blowpipe was applied to the molten surface of the copper. The ultimate reason why these apparently unsuitable melting receptacles were devised and used for unrefined copper was most probably their versatility as reaction vessels for the refining process. The surface of the molten copper was directly accessible through the opening above the barrier so that a flow of oxygen from blowpipes could be directed onto it. Charcoal could also be arranged on or around the molten surface and together with the movement of the crucible lid to vary air-flow through the crucible, reducing conditions were controlled within the crucible. The containment of heat within the crucible enabled operators to work next to it without protection and to even lift it up by hand with the assistance of lumps of wet clay or something similar. The crucible’s high level of fuel efficiency was a secondary reason for their utilization. The crucibles and lids were made from an insulating ceramic so that when operated with accurately guided blowpipes the fire was contained within the crucible and heat losses were minimized; charcoal usage was concomitantly minimized. The re-use of the crucibles while still hot would also have increased their efficiency. More importantly, the heat energy needed to raise the temperature of the crucible itself for the first time with the associated endothermic ceramic reactions was significant at this scale and so repeated use of the same crucible was a logical approach (Davey and Edwards 2007). The application of this refining type process depicted in the Old Kingdom tomb scenes may have been necessary to produce the quality of copper required for making sheet copper which could be beaten and welded into prestige utensils. Bulkier tools or ingots may not have needed copper of such quality. One consequence of the operation of the Tell edh-Dhiba>i crucibles with removable ceramic barriers should be commented upon. If the crucibles or the barriers were to vitrify, the barrier would weld to the crucible and become immovable, thus preventing the discharge of the molten metal. One of the Tell edhDhiba>i crucibles (No. 614/7) had been used many times to the point where it was about to disintegrate, but it had no vitrification, demonstrating the refractory nature of the ceramic. This attribute, as well as their shape, means that the Mereruka–Tell edh-Dhiba>i crucibles are incompatible with the crucible typology proposed by Bayley and Rehren (2007). They are an addition to Tylecote’s earlier typology (Tylecote 1976: 13). A second consequence also needs comment. Hauptmann has referred to the tomb of Mereruka scene as a possible instance of smelting (Hauptmann 2007: 220, Fig. 7.1). His own discussion acknowledges that crucibles for smelting have been found to be larger than melting crucibles (ibid.: 218), which do not get much smaller than those found at Tell edh-Dhiba>i and depicted in the Mereruka scene. The almost 498 chaPter 33: early Bronze age r efining of coPPer complete absence of slag in the Tell edh-Dhiba>i crucibles also militates against their use for smelting, as do the attendant Old Kingdom tomb casting scenes. THE HYPOTHESIS It is hypothesized that the crucibles depicted in the Old Kingdom tomb scenes were in fact originally used for refining copper at remote arid smelting sites, and were taken to Egypt by metalworkers to carry out refining in association with the production of sheet copper for the fabrication of prestige copper artifacts. The copper brought to Egypt may have been the unrefined material of black copper and slag. There could be many reasons for this change of industry structure. It may have been political, reflecting a change in control of the industry, or at least the refining and fabricating phases of it. Alternatively, the refiners may have been attracted by the availability of charcoal in Egypt—allowing production levels to increase—or they may have just preferred the comforts of Egypt to the privations of the desert. Elsewhere it has been suggested that the technology associated with the Tell edh-Dhiba>i crucibles further developed in Egypt, as did their shape (Davey 2009b). This implies that the refining of copper within Egypt became less important after the Old Kingdom. APPARENT ABSENCE FROM THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORD The fuel efficiency of these crucibles suggests that their technology was appropriate for regions where charcoal was difficult to obtain because fuel sources were limited or trade routes were long. Their presence may therefore be expected in at least Mesopotamia, the Levant, the Sinai and the deserts of Egypt. Our knowledge of these crucibles indeed comes from these areas, but the occurrence of such crucibles is limited. There are a number of reasons why these crucibles have not been identified at smelting and metalworking sites. The crucibles’ ceramic fabric was refractory and therefore may have been carefully managed and not discarded. Crucibles were used repeatedly until they disintegrated and their remnants would have been ground up as grog for new crucibles. The asymmetric crucible shape makes fragments difficult to identify. Even archaeometallurgists have shown little interest in these objects and few are likely to recognize their fragments. WADI SERABIT EL-KHADIM Experiments conducted at the Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology with replicas of the Tell edh-Dhiba>i crucible revealed that their failure mode was to break horizontally across the lower portion—thus creating a sherd in the shape of crucible fragment No. 614/8 from Tell edh-Dhiba>i (Fig. 33.2). Fragments of this shape can be described as having lamp-like spouts and could be reconstructed to form shallow bowls similar to the crucibles discovered at Tell el-Dab‘a (Philip 2006: 199–204), rather than the taller Tell edh-Dhiba>i crucibles. Of the 40 crucible fragments found by the Tel Aviv University expedition to the caves of Wadi Serabit el-Khadim, Beit-Arieh published two similar shaped fragments (1985: 111, Fig. 13: 6–7) (Fig. 33.5). Most archaeologists analyzing such objects would assume that they were originally bowl crucibles, but Beit-Arieh correctly compared them to the Tell edh-Dhiba>i vessels. Both the Tell edh-Dhiba>i and Wadi Serabit el-Khadim finds date to the early second millennium while the Old Kingdom tomb images date to the third millennium. They therefore do not directly support the chronology of the hypothesis. However, metallurgical traditions were long running. The Tell edh499 christoPher John Davey Fig. 33.5: Wadi Serabit el-Khadim crucibles, examples Nos. 1 and 2 (Beit-Arieh 1985: Fig. 13: 6–7) compared to example No. 3, the fragment from Tell edh-Dhiba‘i (Davey 1983: No. 614/8). Dhiba>i technology does seem to have been present in Mesopotamia from the early third millennium (Davey 1983; 2009a), and there is no reason to assume that the metalworkers of Wadi Serabit el-Khadim could not also have been the bearers of a long-standing metallurgical tradition. The finds certainly point to a wide distribution of the technology in the arid regions of the ancient Near East. In this context it is worth noting that the equipment found at Wadi Serabit el-Khadim, including foot operated pot-bellows, clay molds, etc., closely parallels that found at Tell edh-Dhiba>i (Davey 1988). EGYPTIAN WORDS FOR CRUCIBLE There are two words for crucibles found in the Old Kingdom tomb inscriptions, ds and bd (bḏ.t), and they are often used in parallel. Miller (1990) has discussed ḏs (ds) vessels in the context of beer consumption at Deir el Medina. He argues that vessels of the same name were used as separation vessels to refine copper and he envisages a “metaphorical extension” of the term to much larger vessels “used to skim clarified beer off the dregs and sediments.” While there is a possibility of a circular argument, it can be concluded that there is a complimentary need for separation and refinement for both brewing and metallurgy, and that utensils called ds were used in both instances. The other term used to describe crucibles is variously spelled bd, bḏ, or bḏ.t. There is a similar word for bread molds, but where the meaning is crucible, the hieroglyphs normally include a crucible determinative (Fig. 33.6). Scholars have differed when translating these terms. Weeks (1994: 35, Fig. 30) ignores the crucible determinative and translates bḏ as “mold,” (tomb of Iymery, 5th Dynasty, Giza, G 6020, LG 16, PM III,1 171 [3]), while in the tomb of Senezemib: Mehi (5th Dynasty) (Giza, G 2378, LG 26, II/E PM, III. 1.2 88 [6]) Brovarski (2001: 145, Fig. 116b) translates the same hieroglyphs as “crucible”. The tomb of Mehu (6th Dynasty) (Saqqara, II/N, PM III. 2.2 620 [11]) has different hieroglyphs, bḏ3 and no determinative, and so may actually refer to a mold, though Altenmüller emended the hieroglyphs and translated it as “crucible” (Altenmüller 1998: 146f, Pl. 42). Weeks’ rendering of bḏ as “mold” has been accepted by Hannig, who also defines bḏ and bḏ.t as “schmelztiegel” or “melting pot” (2003: 430), as does Scheel (1985: 157). Receptacles in ancient Egypt are commonly referred to as ds and so the term may logically also signify a crucible. The other word, bḏ, is less straightforward. There is no reason to link bread molds with crucibles and there are no other parallel Egyptian terms; the range of spellings used in the inscriptions is also interesting and may point to a loan word. The Semitic word bdd (Heb ‫ ;בדד בד‬Arabic ‫ )ﺒﺪ‬means “separate,” “separation” or “scatter.” This raises the possibility that the vessel’s name may have originated from a Semitic environment where such vessels were used for refining, that is separating 500 chaPter 33: early Bronze age r efining of coPPer 1 2 3 Fig. 33.6: Hieroglyphics referring to crucibles (1 and 2) and mold (3). 1. Senezemib: Mehi (Brovarski 2001: 145, Fig. 116b); 2. Iymery (Weeks 1994: 35, Fig. 30); 3. Mehu (Altenmüller 1998: 146f, Pl. 42). copper metal from slag material. If the word was not Egyptian, it would explain the range of spellings used to try and represent the correct sound. The range of later Semitic words translated as “refine” (‫צרף‬ ‫ );זקק‬are often used in the context of gold and silver and so they may not be relevant to the Early Bronze Age copper refining terminology. In fact Notebaart argues that ‫ זקק‬primarily refers to washing, i.e., sluicing of alluvial gold (2012: 141). The possible association of the terms used for “crucible” in Old Kingdom tomb inscriptions with the idea of separation may add weight to the hypothesis that the Mereruka—Tell edh-Dhiba>i crucibles were originally used for separating copper from slag. It may also point to an origin outside Egypt in a Semitic language environment. CONCLUDING COMMENTS The Mereruka–Tell edh-Dhiba>i crucibles and their complex operation have raised questions about their function and origin since they were discovered. Why create melting pots that could not hold a liquid? The proposal that these crucibles were originally devised as reaction vessels to undertake the refining of copper offers a solution to this problem. The hole in the side of the crucible—that would otherwise be quite awkward—was partially blocked by a removable barrier above which there was an opening into the reaction zone and through which the operation’s progress could be monitored. It was also the means whereby the center of the fire inside the crucible could be ventilated and oxygen could be applied to the surface of the molten metal. The Old Kingdom tomb images depict the occasional use of a cover on the crucible. Experiments have demonstrated that the temperature within the crucible rises rapidly when a lid is used, but more importantly, it may also promote and regulate reducing conditions within the crucible to limit copper losses during the refining process. The depiction of this process in Old Kingdom tombs indicates that the refining process common at smelting sites was also carried out in the Nile Valley. There is a range of plausible reasons why the metalworkers may have moved to Egypt. The fact that the shape of the crucible they brought with them became the hieroglyph ideogram for metalworkers demonstrates their significance in the development of the Egyptian metalworking industry. Furthermore, it provides an enduring view of a process that was used at arid zone smelting sites for refining copper. The rareness of these vessels may partly be explained by the re-cycling of the crucible fabric and the difficulty to identify them. With greater recognition of the crucible shape by archaeologists, it is probable that Wadi Serabit el-Khadim will not be the only site to yield fragments of these refining crucibles. 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