Chapter 4 Results

Digital Capitalism and Distributive Forces, 2022

So far, we are still searching for a digital capitalism that is analytically defined by more than its digital means (see Chapter 2). Marx would associate the altered, now digital means with the level of phenomena, the materiality of which must by all means be taken seriously. And yet, he would only proclaim a new stage of capitalism if the economic principles as such had altered in some way or another. Consequently, our search ought to continue by investigating what lies 'behind' the phenomena and venturing into the domain of economic principles. At the same time, the fundamental economic principles of capitalism must remain in place to some extent if the term capitalism is still to apply. At least with regard to use value and exchange value, we have seen that this is the case (see Chapter 3): both sides of value and their relation to one another do not disappear in digital capitalism; instead, what becomes clear, quite paradoxically, is that human labour continues to be the crucial factor for the generation of exchange value and the appropriation of use value even in the (allegedly) new type of capitalism. And indeed, some intriguing shifts do become apparent. However, one question raised by all diagnoses of digital capitalism remains unanswered: what new aspect is really underlying the fact that many things are becoming (more) digital? What would be the justification for a discourse on digital capitalism in which the 'digital' were to refer not only to the-without question, utterly dramatic-otherness of the means, but also signal a more fundamental economic shift within capitalism? The platform economy, as a new form of marketplace, appears to constitute an important-yet inconclusive-response by digital capitalism. Whether or not we are seeing only a temporary formation of monopolies, which may be swiftly brought under control by government regulation and market competition-both of which constitute common self-descriptions of democratic states and economic actors-is impossible to say at this point. 1 For now, it seems promising to continue

The change from horse to tractors in wood transportation began in the 1960s. Today's structure based on a forwarder was first established 30 years ago. Since then, productivity increments based on technological refinements have at most been at the level of few per cents per year. The felling and preparation of wood assortments has witnessed the replacement of hand- saws by one-man chain saws during the 1960s resulting in the doubling of the productivity per man-hour. By the end of the 1990s fully mechanised harvesters ten doubled the man-hour productivity of harvesting. At this stage the productivity limits of mechanisation were mainly reached. The increased demands of capital caused changes in the business model and many forest workers became independent entrepreneurs. Because of short production series of costly spe- cial machines modern harvesting is a capital-intensive industry. Since 1990, information technology has also shifted the former wood procurement companies' tasks to the harvesting entrepre- neurs. This has increased the productivity of the whole wood procurement chain. In spite of the excellent productivity developments, the wood procurement entrepreneurs face increasing profitability problems. The net result of enterprises has decreased from nine percent to five in just three years. The situation requires improvements in the organisational structures and business models of these firms, as well as the networking of businesses. A lack of qualified drivers also places demands on efficient recruitment and education. Entrepreneurs need to improve their management skills. While the role of the forest industry is crucial as a customer, it is also vital in supporting, planning and control of the workload of the wood procurement entrepreneurs. The development of competitiveness is the key notion of the research.

2000

SSRN Electronic Journal, 1998

This essay is a reinterpretation of the debate over the origins of the factory system. In the end, it argues, the explanation for the rise of the factory system lies in the realm of organization, but not in the qualities of organization envisaged by either the quot;radicalquot; view or the transaction-cost view. Drawing on the recent explanations of Clark and Lazonick, the paper suggests that the explanation lies in the volume effect rather than the division-of-labor effect of increasing extent of the market. The essay closes with some musings on the logic of both efficiency and exploitation in historical explanation.

Japanese yearbook on business history, 1986

This article uses concepts from the literatures of industry architecture and the product life cycle model to analyze the evolution of entrepreneurial opportunities in the US broadcasting sector. Using the literature on industry architecture, it analyzes the specific events that led to the emergence of vertical disintegration and entrepreneurial opportunities where these events impacted on an interaction between capabilities and transaction costs. Second, by analyzing the number of firms in multiple layers, it shows how the numbers of firms depend on economies of scale, the number of submarkets, and the number and size of firms in adjacent layers. The interaction between different layers suggests that more analyses of multiple layers within an industry are needed. JEL classification: L1, O1.

Proceedings of the European Conference on Innovation and Entrepreneurship 2021, 2021

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Studies in Industrial Organization, 1989

This should not he entirely surprising, since Marshallian theory (or, more correctly, post-Pigovian theory) takes the equilibrium firm as a constituent given. It would be unfair to expect any theory to explain its own assumptions. (On the difference between the Marshaltian and Pigovian versions of the firm, see Moss [1984].) 'O For example, the optical stepper, a device used in the photolithography of semiconductors, is produced by firms with specialized capabilities (like GCA near Boston) or by firms specializing in similarhut non-complementaryactivities (like camera-manufacturer Nikon).