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Jumping together: apprenticeship
learning among elite trampoline
athletes
a
a
Ole Lund , Susanne Ravn & Mette Krogh Christensen
a
a
Institute of Sport Science and Clinical Biomechanics, University
of Southern Denmark, Campusvej 55, DK-5230, Odense M,
Denmark
Version of record first published: 01 Mar 2013.
To cite this article: Ole Lund , Susanne Ravn & Mette Krogh Christensen (2013): Jumping together:
apprenticeship learning among elite trampoline athletes, Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy,
DOI:10.1080/17408989.2013.769508
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17408989.2013.769508
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Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy, 2013
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17408989.2013.769508
Jumping together: apprenticeship learning among elite trampoline
athletes
Ole Lund∗ , Susanne Ravn and Mette Krogh Christensen†
Institute of Sport Science and Clinical Biomechanics, University of Southern Denmark,
Campusvej 55, DK-5230, Odense M, Denmark
Downloaded by [Ole Lund] at 04:12 02 March 2013
(Received 7 February 2012; final version received 5 November 2012)
Background: Elite athletes often take part in group trainings and use teammates as
learning resources. Despite this, research on the training and learning of elite athletes
tends to characterise this training and learning as primarily individual.
Purpose: This study, explores interrelated learning processes among elite athletes by
exploring the performance-related learning that takes place between elite trampoline
athletes in their training environment. The case will be made that such learning may
be described most accurately as apprenticeship learning.
Participants: The research focuses on a case study involving two Danish synchronised
trampoline jumpers, Daniel and Peter, and their training as part of the Danish national
trampolining team.
Data collection: The data were generated through participant observation. During 10
days of observations, the principal researcher held informal talks with the athletes and
the coach and took descriptive field notes. At the conclusion of the observation
period, each athlete submitted to an individual, semi-structured interview.
Data analysis: A theoretical reading of the data was carried out to facilitate
interpretations that went beyond observations and the athletes’ own descriptions, in
order to reach a deeper understanding of how practice facilitates learning.
Results: We encircle the athletes’ interrelated learning processes by introducing the
training environment of the national team and situations in which the athletes guide
each other verbally or by jumping together.
Discussion: We argue that the practice of the Danish national trampolining team can be
considered a community of practice. Taking point of departure in our theoretical
perspective we discuss how verbal and tacit bodily exchanges between athletes
become opportunities for learning.
Conclusion: In a practice containing varied resources for learning, we show that athletes
can be each others’ performance analysts, guiding each other through the use of
metaphors and cues which disclose the practical meaning of how to overcome
specific practical challenges. We also show that the athletes can be each others’
sparring partners when they perform their sport together. In this form of interaction
they directly feel and impact the other’s performance, which means that both athletes
encounter opportunities for learning.
Keywords: elite sport; trampoline; apprenticeship learning; embodied skills; guided
rediscovery; scaffolding; community of practice
∗
Corresponding
†
author. Email: olund@health.sdu.dk, ole.lund@gmail.com
Mette Krogh Christensen has moved affiliation during the peer-review process. Her new affiliation is:
Center for Medical Education, INCUBA Science Park – Skejby, Aarhus University, Brendstrupgaardsvej 102, byg. B, DK-8200 Aarhus N, Denmark, Email: mkc@medu.au.dk, Phone:
+4586205227.
# 2013 Association for Physical Education
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O. Lund et al.
Introduction
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An important factor in the development of elite athletes is the training group . . . The less
experienced athletes learn from the more skilled, and those who are pushing to get to the
top challenge the more skilled athletes on a daily basis. (T. Brisson, quoted in Starkes and
Ericsson 2003, 293)
This quote from Therese Brisson, Olympic gold medallist and World Champion in ice
hockey, implies that elite athletes use teammates as learning resources in apprenticeshiplike interactions. Despite this, research on the training and learning of elite athletes tends
to characterise this training and learning as primarily individual (Ericsson 2003). A few
studies have explored apprenticeship learning in sports at the elite level, with such
studies often examining either mentoring in coach education (Culver and Trudel 2006;
Cushion 2006; Jones, Harris, and Miles 2009), or the athlete –coach relationship (Loquet
2011). A smaller group of studies has addressed the learning processes which occur
within athlete – athlete interactions. This is examined, for instance, within university
sports teams (Galipeau and Trudel 2006), elite youth football teams (Christensen,
Laursen, and Sørensen 2011), and an elite sailing milieu (Henriksen, Stambulova, and
Roessler 2010). The majority of research into apprenticeship learning takes as its point
of departure contexts other than elite sport (Lave and Wenger 1991; Barab and Plucker
2002; Kirk and Kinchin 2003; Rovengo 2006; Standal and Jespersen 2008). In order to
further clarify how the athlete – athlete relationship facilitates performance-related learning
in an elite sport setting, we have studied the training of two synchronised trampoline
jumpers in their elite training environment. Our aim is to shed light on these athletes’ interrelated learning processes and clarify how the athletes become each others’ resources for
learning. Furthermore, the case will be made that this learning may be accurately described
as apprenticeship learning.
We concentrate the analysis on performance-related learning, and specifically focus on
how the athletes develop their jumping technique when interacting with each other. This
form of learning includes working with the ability to adjust their technique to the performances of their sync-partner when practicing synchronised jumping.
Theoretical framework
We adopt an embodied and socially situated learning perspective, which is used to facilitate
interpretation and discussion of the findings presented in this study. According to this perspective, learning is a two-way undertaking, in that it is both embodied and social. Learning
is embodied in sofar as learning changes the individual’s embodied dispositions and skills –
what can also be conceptualised as the habitus:
An agent’s habitus is an active residue or sediment of his past that functions within his present,
shaping his perception, thought, and action and thereby molding social practice in a regular
way. It consists in dispositions, schemas, forms of know-how and competence, all of which
function below the threshold of consciousness. (Crossley 2001, 83)
At the same time, learning is social insofar as the individual is always socially positioned
and oriented, which means that certain forms of learning are facilitated, while others are
inhibited (Hodkinson, Biesta, and James 2008).
Theories on apprenticeship learning offer a means of understanding how people learn
without being formally taught. The relationship between a skilled performer (e.g. the
teacher) and a less-skilled performer (e.g. the learner) is a fundamental feature of
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Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy
3
apprenticeship learning. For example, the concept of guided rediscovery (Ingold 2001;
Downey 2005) describes how an observing learner can be drawn in and guided by a
skilled performer’s example. The learner’s observations can facilitate learning when they
influence his perspective during his own attempts to imitate and rediscover the exemplified
skills in his own actions. The skilled performer can also actively support learning via pedagogic scaffolding – that is, the teaching techniques a skilled performer might use, to
enable a learner to engage in practice (Ingold 2000; Downey 2008b). In the course of interacting with the learner, the skilled performer can scaffold the learner’s actions, supporting
them by extending the learner’s scope of opportunities for action. The metaphor of scaffolding emphasises how the functional apprenticeship relationship is a mutual process of adaptation insofar as the skilled performer is sensitive to the learner’s needs and supports the
learner’s performance with adapted actions.
Lave and Wenger’s (1991) concept of situated learning is based on analysis of several
studies into apprenticeship learning. They found that learning opportunities emerge from
various sources. Rather than perceiving learning as being a unidirectional process, Lave
and Wenger emphasise the reciprocity of social learning with their term communities of practice (CoP) (1991; Wenger 1998). A CoP is a group of people who share a passion for a given
enterprise, and who develop their expertise in this area by interacting on a frequent basis. The
participants in a CoP learn from sustaining (1) mutual engagement in their (2) joint enterprise
and negotiating meanings through use of their (3) shared repertoire (Wenger 1998).
(1) Mutual engagement means that participants in the CoP actively engage with one
another. In this way, the participants continuously develop their mutual
relationships.
(2) A joint enterprise is the common goal the participants share while participating in
the CoP, and they continually negotiate the goal of the community.
(3) A shared repertoire includes the practices, discourses, stories, routines, tools, and
symbols that develop through the sustained negotiations of those participating in
the CoP.
But learning from participating in a CoP may not be as neat and tidy as it might seem
(Culver and Trudel 2008). CoPs, as well as apprentice learning-relationships should not be
regarded as symmetrical and homogenous social settings. These practices are saturated with
power relations that shape what the participants learn (Hodkinson, Biesta, and James 2007,
2008). Some participants have more experience in participating than others; therefore they
might be better at exemplifying how to operate in practice. Often this gives these participants greater authority and power in setting the standards for the practices, knowledge or
values that emerge and are perceived as valuable and normal (Barker-Ruchti et al. 2012).
Hodkinson, Biesta, and James (2007) further emphasise that learning within a CoP does
not occur in a vacuum, but is affected and enabled by forces emanating from structures
operating beyond the specific CoP, as these forces are mediated by the actions of the
participants.
Consequently, the experiences of participations will vary among the participants in the
CoP depending on their disposition and relations within the group. The characteristics of
participants’ dispositions and relations in-turn will impact their individual opportunities
and barriers for learning (Cushion 2008; Hodkinson, Biesta, and James 2008).
This theoretical framework provides a lens through which we will explore the learning
processes among the elite trampoline jumpers in the training environment of the Danish
national team.
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O. Lund et al.
Method
Our investigatory method is generally characterised as being qualitative and explorative.
Our aim has been to be sensitive to and make sense of the athletes’ learning experiences,
while also examining events and interactions transpiring between the athletes, and particularly between the athletes during practice.
We have adopted the case study as our methodological framework (Flyvbjerg 2001). As
Flyvbjerg emphasises, ‘The case study produces the type of context-dependent knowledge
that research on learning shows to be necessary to allow people to develop from rule-based
beginners to virtuoso experts’ (Flyvbjerg 2006, 221).
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Participants
The study focuses on two athletes, Peter and Daniel,1 participating in the training environment of the Danish national trampoline team. Peter, age 31, is regarded as the best and most
experienced trampoline athlete in Denmark. He has more than 10 years experience competing at an international level, having participated in several World Cups, European and
World Championships, as well as the Olympic Games in 2004 and 2008. Daniel, age 19,
is Peter’s synch-partner. He is regarded both as the second best trampoline athlete in
Denmark, and as someone who is still up and coming. Together, Peter and Daniel were
runners-up at two World Cups in 2010. In addition to Peter and Daniel, the national
team consists of their coach and 4 – 5 other athletes around the same age as Daniel, who
participate in the daily training regimen.
Data generation
The empirical data has been generated through participant observation (Spradley 1980) and
semi-structured interviews with the two participants (Kvale and Brinkmann 2009). The
observations were made over 10 days of practice attended over the course of one year.
During these sessions, the principal researcher was engaged as a ‘passive participant’
(Spradley 1980, 59). This means he was present at the training sessions as a bystander,
taking part in several informal conversations with the athletes and the coach before and
after sessions and between training intervals. Field notes were taken at the time, mostly
in the form of cues and short sentences, and these were further developed into more detailed
descriptions within hours after having made each observation. The notes include both
descriptions of transpiring events, conversations, and preliminary theoretical reflections.
The interviews covered topics relating to the athletes’ feel for timed and mistimed
jumps, how this was learned during individual and synchronised practice, and their relationship. The observations made during training contextualised the interviews and gave the
principal researcher some actual and shared situations to reference during the interviews,
and to have the athletes elaborate on.
The principal researcher audiotaped the interviews. However, as he wanted to keep the
athletes’ turn of phrase present in the analysis he chose not to transcribe quotations from
the interviews right away. Inspired by the alternative method of data management suggested
by Halcomb and Davidson (2006) the principal researcher listened to the interview recordings
several times in order to develop notes about the themes being raised in the interviews. This
phase was followed by content analysis used to elicit common themes in the interview data
and the themes were discussed with the other research team members. The final stage of data
management involved a thematic review and relistening to the audiorecordings to ‘identify
illustrative examples with which to demonstrate the meaning of the themes from the
Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy
5
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participants’ perspective’ (Halcomb and Davidson 2006, 42). These examples were transcribed verbatim in order to present the data in papers. The interviews were conducted in
Danish. The principal researcher translated the excerpts provided in this paper into English.
Data analysis
How and what the athletes learn did not directly manifest itself at the moment during which
the observations were made. Furthermore, the athletes were not able to describe fully how
their learning came about. It thus required interpretation on the part of the researchers to
make sense of the observational and interview data. In this sense, the analytical process
can be regarded as hermeneutical.
The principal researcher analysed the data through a theoretical reading (Kvale and
Brinkmann 2009), which means that the theoretical framework was used to facilitate
interpretations of the data and discussions of the findings. He attempted to interpret what
might go beyond the observations collected and the athletes’ own descriptions in order
to reach a deeper understanding of how practice facilitates learning.
To be thoroughly versed in all aspects of the case has proven to be of great importance.
Following data collection, the principal researcher repeatedly reviewed field notes and listened to the interviews to obtain a close familiarity and overall feel for the case. In reviewing the data, the principal researcher identified situations and themes that characterised
certain aspects and processes of learning within the athletes’ practice sessions, such as
the exchanging of knowledge through verbal cues, feeling each other while jumping
together. Throughout this process, the principal researcher played the devil’s advocate
(Kvale and Brinkmann 2009) by looking for disconfirming data, questioning his own
reading, and developing and testing interpretations in dialogues with co-researchers.
Sporting background
The sport of trampolining is based on a gymnastic tradition, in which the aim is to standardise and homogenise complex movements (Barker-Ruchti 2006). In its competitive form,
elite trampolining athletes perform short routines of ten different rotational skills, such as
somersaults and twists, while bouncing on a trampoline. The trampoline bed is rectangular,
4.28 by 2.4 m in size, and enables elite athletes to jump as high as 9 – 10 m in the air,
depending on the elasticity of the trampoline bed.
In synchronised trampolining, two athletes perform identical routines simultaneously,
on adjacent trampolines. Performance of the full routine takes approximately 20 s. The athletes’ performances are judged and scored based on synchronisation, aesthetics, execution
and the degree of difficulty. The most important criterion of judgment is that the athletes are
synchronised in their actions. Fewer points are deducted for a lack of synchronisation and
individual errors if the pair continues to bounce at the same height and in rhythm. Thus the
task demands that athletes develop an ability to perform as a homogenous social body
during the routine.
Trampoline is a relatively small sport in Denmark. There are approximately 2500 active
athletes and about 500 of these athletes participate in national trampoline competitions.
Results
In an attempt to avoid divesting this case of its rich complexity we have chosen to present
the results as a comprehensive description divided into three major sections, which encircle
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the athletes’ interrelated learning processes: (1) An introduction to the training of the
national team, (2) Guiding each other, and (3) Jumping together. Our intention is that
the richness of the descriptions will allow the reader to discover their own path inside
the case and interrogate our interpretations of it (Flyvbjerg 2006).
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An introduction to the training of the national team
Training takes place in a high-ceilinged gymnasium in a large elite sports complex in the
southern part of Copenhagen. The gymnasium is divided into two parts. In one, four
large trampolines take up the majority of the gymnasium floor. The edges of the trampolines
and the floor around them are covered with safety mattresses, implying that the athletes do
not always land in the red square in the middle of the trampoline mat.
Each training session lasts two hours, and training takes place three days a week; on the
other days, athletes practice at their respective clubs. The training is led by the Danish
national team coach, who has been in that position since 1986. Prior to assuming this
role, he was an elite trampoline athlete himself.
Peter is more than 10 years older than the other athletes, and he holds a distinctive status
within the national team. Being the most experienced athlete, and having achieved the best
results in national, as well as international competitions (the last 15 years) positions him at
the top of the hierarchy in the team. He also maintains this position by continually showing
that he is the best, for instance, by practicing routines that has a higher degree of difficulty
than what is practiced by the other athletes in the actual training. Daniel has been considered
the next best jumper for a number of years, and is thus the natural first choice to be Peter’s
synchronic partner.
The coach has devised a general training plan, which takes into account the competitions the athletes will participate in during a season. He does not explicitly dictate the substance of a given training session, as each largely follows routines and relationships
ingrained in the athletes, which he has helped to establish over the years. The athletes themselves often take the initiative to complete the warm-up and start training their routines.
This part of the training usually takes place on just two of the four trampolines. The athletes
are split into two smaller groups around the two trampolines, and take turns jumping. The
athletes either practice their individual routine, their synchronised routine or shorter combinations of specific jumps. The athletes decide the order in which they will practice their
jumps during training, the only stipulation being that they must complete a certain number
of jumps in the course of a given session.
The number of athletes makes it impossible for the coach to evaluate each jump made
by each athlete. This does not mean, however, that these unobserved jumps go unevaluated.
The athletes emphasise the fact that they are immediately aware of how they are performing
while jumping. They are able to feel and take notice of where they hit the trampoline, their
height, and the ease or unease with which they make the rotations. Daniel described how he
can feel how much energy he is able to transfer from one jump to the next, which in turn
allows him to identify whether or not his take-off is optimal. Furthermore, all of the athletes’ jumps are recorded by a stationary camera and replayed on a video screen, with a
delay which allows the athletes to watch and evaluate their jumps immediately after
having performed them. There is also a mutual expectation that the athletes help and
advise one another. Our data suggests that this mutual expectation and willingness to
help each other can be considered a routine that the coach has helped implement in the training. This way the athletes are encouraged to gain from each other’s expertise, and at the
Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy
7
same time it creates better opportunities for the coach to work concentrating with one or two
athletes at the same time.
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Guiding each other
Although the athletes have various training histories and training routines of varying
degrees of difficulty, they have developed a certain repertoire of comparable practical
know-how. This enables them to carry out complex movement patterns on the trampoline.
As an example, Daniel explained that he performs each jump by ‘just starting it’, whereupon the jump is carried out by what Daniel referred to as his ‘habits’.
The practical know-how of the athletes seems to have conditioned them with a certain
means for valuing the jumps. The principal researcher observed that the athletes sometimes
spontaneously agreed, applauding certain performances. In this way, they demonstrated a
shared and culturally conditioned practical sense for correct technique, rendering them sensitive to the types of details often overlooked by the uninitiated (including the observing
principal researcher). The training thus seems to be permeated by certain aesthetic and technical ideals. As was explained by Peter, this means that the athletes train in relation to the
same ‘standard’, because they are being judged according to the same aesthetic and technical criteria.
The athletes’ sense for the correct technique, conditions them with a background of
shared knowledge. This shared knowledge enables them to then discuss performances
and experiences, a common habit among the athletes in between their exercises on the trampolines. Athletes thus make themselves understandable to each other, and can offer applicable suggestions for how a jump can best be corrected. The coach deliberately allows the
athletes to guide each other; as he pointed out, doing so gives him the opportunity to concentrate on an individual athlete for a longer period of time.
Due to his experience and expert power, Peter has assumed the role of unofficial and
informal coach during training. Peter fulfils this role by commenting, correcting and
guiding the performances of the other athletes. At the same time, the other athletes
signal their acceptance of his status by continually seeking Peter’s advice.
Peter’s distinctive status is also evident in his partnership with Daniel. Daniel explained
that he admires Peter’s flexibility and stability, which enable him to correct his jumps in
very difficult situations (e.g. when landing at the edge of the trampoline). Peter assists
Daniel with developing his stability by standing next to the trampoline as Daniel jumps
and providing short cues to guide Daniel’s jumping:2
. . . He just shouts . . . ‘Arms up!’ and ‘Up with your toes!’ and ‘Look down!’ . . . ‘Push it
forward!’, ‘Tighten the hip’ and ‘Down with the arm!’ . . . [The shouts are] typically made
. . . in the phase from when I straighten myself and land in the trampoline again. (Daniel)
But not all of the advice Peter offers to Daniel is followed. Against Peter’s advice and unlike
the other athletes, Daniel has gained several kilos of muscle mass in his upper body, a result
of bench press-training during the last year; this despite both Peter and the coach having
told him that this might not be conducive to the flexibility, stability, and the rotational abilities needed on the trampoline.
As already indicated, the athletes seem to possess a finely-tuned sense of what constitutes correct or improper technique, but this does not mean that every detail of the techniques is outlined and that the training comes down to merely following the detailed
technical rules to the letter. Peter recounted an event which transpired during a training
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camp with the French national team, during which he entered into discussion with one of
the French athletes about a specific jump. The French athlete argued that, instead of ‘blocking his shoulder’, Peter ought to ‘fling his arm’. Peter was intrigued by the phrase and
worked with the concept for a while. It improved his jump, and he shared this new and valuable description of a technique with the other Danish athletes, even though he maintained
that it was ‘completely non-technical’, meaning that this way of thinking about the jump
was against what was seen as correct technique.
It is in the above described training environment that Peter and Daniel train their synchronised routine again and again. Below, we describe how the two athletes engage and
interact during the short amount of time it takes to perform the routine.
Jumping together
The key element in the athletes’ training is repeating and working with different routines.
The coach, Peter and Daniel emphasised that frequently repeating their synchronised
routine enhances Peter and Daniel’s practical understanding of the other’s jumping style;
furthermore, it contributes to a shared understanding which, under optimal conditions,
enables them to perceive and respond to the other’s movements in a more immediate
manner. This is what the athletes refer to as having a ‘sixth sense’ for each other. Peter
clarified:
. . . We land on the trampolines together and take off together [but] I know that I will be below
him in the next jump. I just know it. And this is when it is perfect. So I land a little before [him]
. . . Then I try to jump higher . . . and he may try to come down a bit. And already in the take-off
we know if [our jumps will] match again . . . It is rather strange. [But] it is something about
being able to sense the dynamics in some way. (Peter)
During synchronised training, the individual athlete must pay attention to not only his own
jumps but also to the jumps of his partner, and especially to the sounds of the two trampolines. The athletes explained that when two trampolines sound like one, then they know that
they are synchronised.
Peter always leads the way to begin the routine. He takes the first jump and shouts
‘Yes!’ when the athletes have reached the appropriate height to begin their rotations. If
Daniel does not respond, the athletes will begin to rotate upon the next take-off. If
Daniel responds with a ‘No!’ the athletes will jump straight up-and-down once more
before Peter makes another call. The coach explained that Peter makes these calls
because he has the better feel for the right height at which to initiate the rotations.
While making observations at practice sessions, it became obvious that good timing
cannot be pre-planned despite the fact that the order of jumps is set in advance. Sometimes
the athletes had to abort their routine halfway through or make sudden adjustments. In other
instances, the athletes completed their routine with no noticeable difficulties. There is an
undeniably delicate point between well-timed and mistimed performances. Daniel indicated
that trampoline jumping is a continuous act of ‘compensation’, and that ‘trampolining is
also about making errors. Everyone makes errors. So it is about hiding these in the best
possible way, and getting through it as well as you possibly can’. It seems to be easier,
however, to make the needed compensations when jumping individually. When jumping
together, the athletes have to agree on the compensation in order to maintain their
timing. For this reason, the athletes devise a pre-arranged series of shouts, which they
use to retain a shared understanding, should the timing be broken or the athletes feel
they might lose their mutual timing in the next jump.
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Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy
9
One reason the athletes might lose their timing can be traced back to Daniel’s struggles
with maintaining stability, meaning that the height of Daniel’s jumps can vary quite inappropriately. He explained that he sometimes loses focus, and becomes inattentive to the
dynamics created by his and Peter’s simultaneous movements.
Sometimes Daniel’s instability leads him to lose height on his jumps compared to those
of Peter. In these situations, Peter seems to be particularly adept at ‘regulating downwards’
(i.e. giving at the knees during his take-off to lower the height of his jump), thereby quickly
evening out the discrepancy between himself and his partner. This can be a physically
demanding task, and it often makes the following jumps more difficult. Daniel explained
that his awareness of Peter’s efforts to regulate down often lead Daniel to regain his
focus and resume attentive monitoring of the connection between their actions; Daniel
added that ‘often, this improves my jumping’.
In past years, Peter had been the stronger athlete of the two, and was capable of jumping
higher. This gave him the time necessary for regulating his jumps to ensure synchronicity.
In the interim, Daniel has improved his jumping technique and increased his strength,
which has pushed the balance of power towards the middle, with Daniel occasionally
out-jumping Peter. Daniel does not yet appear to be fully capable of controlling his
newly improved strength, however, which introduces insecurity to the athletes’ relationship, as Peter is uncertain of what to expect from Daniel during any given routine. In
certain instances, Daniel’s increased and unregulated power has forced Peter to conduct
the routine at heights greater than what he finds to be appropriate. On the one hand, this
often causes the pair to lose their timing, which has a huge negative impact on their
overall score in competitions. On the other hand, Peter feels they still have the potential
to exceed their past achievements, if at some point, they are able to smooth out their
timing when performing routines at unfamiliar heights because, as was previously mentioned, height is one aspect on which the athletes’ performances are judged.
Discussion
In this section, we discuss how the description of the athletes’ practice relates to our theoretical framework. This will in turn allow us to explore how the athletes become resources
for each others’ learning in the course of training. We propose that the Danish national
team’s practice can accurately be described as a CoP (Wenger, 1998). Using Peter and
Daniel’s practices as a point of departure, we will discuss how verbal and tacit bodily interactions between the athletes become opportunities for learning, and why these exchanges
can most accurately be described as a form of apprenticeship learning.
As described previously, a CoP exists when participants engage each other and negotiate how to make sense of their actions. Similarly, the athletes of the Danish national trampolining team not only share the same gymnasium, they actively engage with each other, for
instance, when observing each other’s jumps, discussing jumping technique or jumping
together as part of synchronised routines.
The athletes also share common goals, such as improving their trampolining skills and
posting good results in tournaments. Mutually they engage in negotiations over how to
take part and create meaning in these joint enterprises. This can involve making sense of technical details and negotiating the expression of techniques by interpreting them through one’s
personal style of jumping. Additionally, while engaged in practice, the athletes adopt and
reproduce a shared repertoire, developed over time by the athletes’ ongoing mutual engagement with and negotiation of the joint enterprises of practice. Aside from the actual performance of jumping techniques, the shared repertoire consists of a common language and shared
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aesthetic norms, which render the athletes understandable to each other in technical discussions and when performing jumps that the other athletes can recognise as a certain technique,
even when technique is coloured by an individual athletes’ style.
Wenger (1998) provides persuasive descriptions of the dynamics and interactions which
occur within CoPs, and of how these contribute to the learning of the participants. Less
attention is given, however, to the role that the participants’ embodied skills and dispositions play in this process. Wenger emphasises that ‘Practice does not exist in the abstract.
It exists because people are engaged in actions whose meanings they negotiate with one
another’ (1998, 73). Having established that the practice sessions of the Danish national
trampolining team constitute a CoP enables us to apply CoP theory in interpreting specific
interactions, which were observed between the athletes. Doing so will allow us to discuss
precisely how the athletes created opportunities to learn while talking with each other or
jumping together.
Being each others’ performance analysts
Our study reveals that the athletes guide their own performances through their feel for their
immediate jumping situation. Our study also indicates that this feel is influenced by the athletes’ articulations of practice – the verbal guidances they provide one another and the
opportunities for learning that this creates. This effect is apparent in different situations,
such as when Peter is encouraged by the French athlete ‘to fling his arm’, and when
Peter coaches Daniel while Daniel performs the jumps. The athletes’ articulations of
their practical understandings often consist of just a single word, and not a full-bodied
abstract description of how to complete a jump; even though the comments might
consist of just a single word, they can be seen to contain greater practical meanings (developed as part of their shared repertoire).
The conversation between the French athlete and Peter exemplifies how these two participants of different local CoPs share general norms and repertoires of skills. These commonalities form the basis for their subsequent negotiation of the practical meaning of one
specific jump. These negotiations are guided, on the one hand, by continuity (Wenger 1998)
– because both jumpers share a general understanding of what it means to perform the jump
– and are guided on the other hand by discontinuity (Wenger 1998), because each jumper
has a personalised means of performing the jump, and of articulating how they would do it.
The French athlete’s metaphorical description of how he experiences the jump is a form of
verbal guidance that directs Peter’s feel for the jump in his training. The metaphor seems to
strike a nerve for Peter, generating an experience, which transforms Peter’s relationship to
his body in regards to the specific jump. Downey’s (2005) descriptions of how a metaphor
can shift one’s corporeal understanding of one’s own movements, and how it becomes ‘a
form of applied phenomenology: an analysis of how things are experienced that may facilitate a shift in an athlete’s perceptions’ (2005, 48), may be applicable to the learning process
Peter experienced in this situation.
The French athlete, however, does not transmit just unvarying knowledge to Peter,
enabling him to immediately actualise this metaphor. Peter has to rediscover (Ingold
2001; Downey 2005) what the metaphor means in relation to his own actions. This is
accomplished by practicing the jump, while having this metaphor in mind. As a result,
Peter’s exercises are seen to be guided by his foretaste of what flinging one’s arm is supposed to feel like.
The situation in which Peter is standing next to the trampoline and providing Daniel
with short cues as he jumps exemplifies how verbal guidances can have an immediate
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Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy
11
effect on a jumper’s performance. Being the more skilled practitioner, Peter seems to sense
and anticipate what Daniel must improve on, and this guides Peter in offering Daniel verbal
guidances. For Daniel’s part, his experience-based practical understanding of what the
verbal guidances mean allows him to shift his practical relation within the situation and
make instantaneous attempts to correct his actions.
From a CoP theory perspective, Peter and Daniel jointly facilitate Daniel’s learning by
being actively engaged in the joint enterprise of improving Daniel’s jumping, and by negotiating meaning around a shared repertoire of certain jumps – performed by Daniel – and
certain verbal guidances – provided by Peter.
Daniel seems to be actively engaged in discovering the meaning of Peter’s guidances,
because he wishes to perform with greater stability. Daniel’s enterprise does not come from
nothing. Different processes of normalisation (Barker-Ruchti et al. 2012) within and
beyond the CoP seem to have influenced Daniel. In part, his enterprise is shaped by experiencing Peter as a master of what it means to be stable on a daily basis. Peter exemplifies
what Wenger describes as a ‘paradigmatic trajectory’ (Wenger 1998, 156) – that is, a
living testimony to Daniel of what is possible, expected and desirable in performing the
synchronised routine. In part his enterprise is formed by experiencing how his instability
is detrimental to the performances of the two athletes during competitions, and in part
his enterprise is formed because an authority figure – the coach – articulates the fact
that Daniel’s instability is the main problem the team faces. These relations of power and
normalising processes thus seem to have conditioned Daniel to perceive stability as valuable and desirable, and have thus, oriented his learning process.
As highlighted in this section the athletes can act as a form of performance analysts
(Downey 2008a) when relating to the performances of their peers by emphatically
placing themselves in the others’ shoes, aiming at experiencing what they experience.
On this basis, they can use verbal guidances, such as metaphors and short cues to stimulate
a shift in the perceptions and actions of others, thereby creating new opportunities for the
other athlete to learn. Comparably engaging the other’s doings emphatically also seems
pivotal when learning to jump synchronised.
Being each others’ sparring partners
Our study indicates that Peter and Daniel’s ability to maintain synchronisation is developed when the athletes actively engage each others’ movements while jumping, for
instance, by listening to the sounds of both trampolines. The benefit of entering into an
empathic relationship like this seems to be that the athletes’ engagement in the routine
is guided not only by the feel for their own doings but also the doings of the other.
Thus they become sensitive to the changing meanings, which flow in the other’s movements, and constantly let the match between this and the way their own jumps feel
guide their actions. The tacit interaction itself thus, orients the two athletes’ actions
and becomes a resource for learning for both athletes to draw upon. This can be described
as an ongoing and reciprocal process of scaffolding (Ingold 2000; Downey 2008b), in
which both athletes attempt to adapt to and support each others’ actions. In this reciprocal
learning process the opportunities for learning are never fully determined by a prescription or by any individual participant, but are instead continually negotiated. The learning
of both jumpers comes to be defined by the participating athletes in the process of
pursuing synchronisation. In this training situation the athletes seem to be each others’
sparring partners – like two boxers, they immediately feel and impact each others’
performances.
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12
O. Lund et al.
Over time, both athletes seem to improve their feel for their partner and develop a
shared understanding of how the routine should be performed if they sustain this above
described mutual engagement in their practice. More specifically, they learn to recognise
the parts of the routine which might trouble their partner, to make sense of the other’s
sounds on the trampoline and how best to react, and how the calls must be made to properly
alert the other at the appropriate time. Optimally, this shared repertoire develops into a sixth
sense for each other, meaning that the athletes’ mutual timing is maintained under the
threshold of consciousness through immediate bodily adjustments in response to the athletes’ ongoing monitoring of their dynamic relationship.
The interactions between athletes during synchronised jumps are subject to certain constraints. Norms and relations of power seem to influence the athletes’ interactions, and thus
their opportunities to learn. To be actively engaged in their synchronised routine means that
the athletes submit themselves to being influenced by the movements of the other, to the
composition of their routine and the aesthetic and technical norms of their sport. Furthermore, the athletes are ascribed specific functions in their pursuit of synchronisation:
Daniel has to submit himself to the directions of Peter early in the routine and deliver a
stable and controlled performance, while Peter’s primary task is to ensure synchronicity.
As already indicated, Daniel’s performance is not well-suited to this role, but expectations
of his functioning seem to affect him, and to be an important aspect of how he makes sense
of his performance during and after the event, and whether he feels his performance was
successful or not.
It is debatable whether performance-related learning in this situation is as strong for
Peter as it is for Daniel. Our data gives no clear answer in this regard, but the data suggests
that Daniel’s instability and strength places unusual demands on Peter, which might develop
the adaptability of Peter’s performance competences.
As highlighted in this paragraph the athletes can act as each others’ sparring partners
when they actively engage each others’ movements while jumping together. They immediately feel and impact each others’ performances and the interaction itself becomes a continually negotiated resource for learning for both athletes.
Conclusion and implications
An embodied and socially situated perspective of learning has proven useful in understanding the interrelated learning processes between elite trampoline jumpers. The athletes
become each others’ opportunities to learn in a variety of ways, although we have primarily
focused on two.
First, the athletes look to each other as discussion partners and performance analysts.
Their use of verbal guidances can disclose the practical meaning of how to overcome
specific practical challenges. Being conditioned by some of the same culturally elaborated
habits, the athletes can analyse the performances of their peers by emphatically placing
themselves in the other athlete’s shoes. On this basis, they can use metaphors or short
cues to stimulate a shift in the other athlete’s perceptions and actions, thereby creating
new opportunities for the other athlete to learn – in other words, they can lead the other
athlete in a process of guided rediscovery.
Second, the athletes can serve as each others’ sparring partners when they choose to
actively engage in a reciprocal process of scaffolding during synchronised performances.
In this form of interaction they immediately feel and impact the other’s performance.
The athletes are tacitly inhibited from completing certain movements, but stimulated to
perform others. No individual athlete is able to completely steer this process, so the
Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy
13
interaction itself orients the two athletes’ actions and both athletes encounter learning
opportunities. Frequent engagement in the ongoing and mutual process of scaffolding
leads the athletes to develop a shared understanding at the level of embodied habits, and
to become better able to maintain and reinitiate synchronisation.
These insights into athletes’ learning processes, which the coach deliberately allowed
room for, contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the ways in which apprenticeship
learning between elite athletes is carried out, and offers some insight into the benefits of
nurturing such apprenticeship learning processes. Against this background, it may be
suggested that the orchestration of elite athletes’ training could draw inspiration from the
following recommendations:
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.
.
.
Apprenticeships between athletes seem to be efficient learning resources for both
skilled and less-skilled athletes, on the condition that the athletes actively engage
in each other’s actions and are not left with the expectation that the benefits to be
drawn from apprenticeship learning processes will or can be realised regardless of
the way they interact.
Apprenticeships between athletes seem to be efficient learning resources because the
athletes share a practical know-how and understanding of aesthetic and technical
norms, which enables them to be each others’ performance analysts by placing themselves in the other athlete’s shoes, and experiencing what this other athlete is
experiencing.
The use of sparring partners seems to be a highly efficient training method, because
being engaged in their interactions has the effect of co-determining the individual athletes’ actions. Both athletes, thus, receive feedback about their relationship in a way
that is more immediate and constant than what can be conveyed via verbal guidances
from a coach or an athlete standing on the sideline.
However, these interrelated learning processes might only be effective and even possible in situations in which the athletes are working for mutual benefit and have a high level
of expertise.
In so far as this study is based on an exploration of one particular elite sport setting, it
would be an exaggeration to claim that the study presents a representative picture of how
elite athletes can use each other as learning resources. Future research will have to show
whether these interrelated learning processes also might represent important characteristics
of other CoPs within elite sport environments.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank the Danish national trampoline jumping team. In particular, we would like to
thank the two athletes, Peter and Daniel, and their coach, who kindly gave their time to participate in
the study and candidly shared their knowledge. We would also like to thank the two anonymous
reviewers for their constructive comments. We conducted the study with the aid of a research grant
from The Danish Council for Independent Research/Humanities. The study is part of a larger research
project known as From Talent to Expert, based at University of Southern Denmark.
Notes
1.
The real names of participants’ have been used. The participants have allowed the publication of
their real names. In accordance with guidelines laid out by the Danish Data Protection Agency,
their consent was obtained with the signing of a statement of consent.
14
2.
O. Lund et al.
Words and expressions in quotation marks and not accompanied by a citation are the words and
expressions used by the athletes or their coach during observations or interviews.
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