THE UZBEKS
by Mark Dickens
Please note that this paper was originally written before the breakup of the USSR, so it reflects the preindependence situation in Uzbekistan
INTRODUCTION
The West has become increasingly aware over the past several years of the
multiethnic nature of the Soviet Union. Ethnic tensions that have surfaced recently
have served to highlight the fact that the USSR is in fact a union of many different
nationalities and that the Russians, although they are the most numerous group, are
not the only inhabitants of this, the largest country in the world. One of the largest
of these non-Russian nationalities is the Uzbek nation. In fact, the Uzbeks are the
third most populous ethnic group in the USSR, their numbers surpassed only by the
Russians and Ukrainians. As such, they are also the largest non-Slavic group in the
country and the largest Turkic group in the world after the Anatolian Turks. Their
numerical size, coupled with their strategic location, make them a very important,
though relatively unknown component of the Soviet Union. This paper will outline
some of the more important aspects of the culture of the Uzbeks, in order to
understand more about this group which, in light of current trends in the USSR,
could play a very significant role in the future of the Soviet state.
HISTORY1
Due to the general absence of reliable historical documents, it is very difficult
to trace the early history of the Turkic peoples accurately. As a result of centuries of
migration and invasion, there has been much ethnic mixing over the last two
millennia, both amongst the various Turkic tribes, as well as between the Turks and
various Mongol tribal groups. Thus, it is often difficult to say with certainty where a
given group originally came from or when it became distinct from the other groups
surrounding it. We do know that the Turkic peoples, along with the Mongols, to
whom they are related both racially and linguistically, originated in what is now
southern Siberia and Mongolia. The area south of them, now known as Central
Asia, was originally populated by predominantly Iranian-speaking peoples. As the
Turks, who called themselves "Oghuz," began to move west and south from their
ancestral homelands, an enormous Turkic Khaganate, known as the Gokturk
1
For a more detailed description of Uzbek history, see Shirin Akiner, Islamic Peoples of the Soviet
Union (London: Kegan Paul, 1983), 266-274.
1990 Mark Dickens
1
Empire, was established by the mid-sixth century AD. It stretched from the Ural
Mountains to Mongolia and extended south into Central Asia, known then in the
West as Transoxiana ("The Land Across the Oxus"). As a result of the Arab
invasions in the late seventh century, much of the population of Transoxiana
converted to Islam.
Later on, Turkic tribes comprised a large portion of the Asiatic hordes of
Genghiz Khan (1167-1227) which swept across the Eurasian steppe into the Middle
East and Europe. Many of these tribes continued to settle in Central Asia. As a
result of these successive Turkic migrations into that area, the population had
become a rich mixture of both Iranian and Turkic blood, with the latter element
dominating. After the death of Genghiz Khan, his empire was divided up amongst
his sons into various hordes. One of these, located on the Volga, came to be known
as the Golden Horde. These Turks maintained a predominantly nomadic existence
as their ancestors had done for centuries before. Under one of their rulers, Khan
Uzbek (1282-1342), they converted to Islam. Further to the south, in Transoxiana,
the great Central Asian Turkic conqueror Timur, known in the West as Tamerlane
(1336-1405) gained control of the lands which had previously been under the
domination of other Mongol hordes, including the White Horde, as the first step in
his plan of world conquest.
In the middle of this somewhat confusing scenario, the Uzbeks emerged as a
distinct ethnic group in the fifteenth century. Prior to this time, we know little about
them, although it seems that they were some sort of tribal grouping within the
Golden Horde and it is most likely that they had taken their name from Khan Uzbek
himself (his name means "lord of oneself"). Under Abul Khayr (1413-1469), a
descendent of Genghiz Khan through the khan's son Juchi, this grouping of tribes
split away from the rest of the Golden Horde. Moving south from the region
between the Aral Sea and the lower Volga, out of a desire to leave behind the
nomadic life of raiding and warfare shared by the vast majority of their Turkic
brethren and to adopt a more sedentary lifestyle along the prosperous trade routes
that linked Europe to China, they soon subjugated the land of Transoxiana.
In 1500, Muhammad Shaibani Khan (1451-1510), Abul Khayr's son, captured
Samarkand, the capital of the Timurid dynasty, which had been founded by Timur.
Although there was a period of struggle between the Uzbeks and Babur (14831530), the Turkic prince who became the founder of the Moghul Empire in India,
the Uzbeks eventually took over control of the area from the various Mongol-Turkic
tribes who had themselves previously conquered the indigenous Iranian inhabitants
of the area. The Uzbek Khanate that was established by the Shaibanids lasted until
the end of the sixteenth century, reaching its height under Abdullah Khan, who
1990 Mark Dickens
2
ruled until 1598. By this time, the Uzbeks had begun to mix with the previous
inhabitants of the area, both Persian and Turkic, and many of these non-Uzbeks
living in the area began to be called by the name "Uzbek" also. However, although
they stayed in Transoxiana, the Shaibanids were not able to maintain their political
dominance over the area. The Shaibanid dynasty died out with the death of its last
ruler, Abd ul-Mu'min, in 1655 and the area was subsequently ruled either by the
Persians or by various smaller Turkic khanates.
The Uzbeks continued to play a key role in the three most important khanates
that arose, those centered in Bukhara, Khiva, and Kokand. These khanates were
established in the late eighteenth century and later came under Russian control in
the wake of the Tsarist conquest of Central Asia in the nineteenth century. Bukhara
(captured in 1868) and Khiva (1873) both became vassal states, while Kokand
(1875), along with Tashkent (1865) and other important Uzbek cities were
incorporated into the Governorate-General of Turkestan ("The Land of the Turks"),
as the area was then known.
As a result of the Russian Revolution, Turkestan became an Autonomous
Soviet Socialist Republic in 1918 and Bukhara and Khiva both became People's
Republics in 1920. In an effort to overcome the aspirations of both the Muslim
Communists, intent on setting up an independent Turkic republic, and the panIslamic forces behind the so-called Basmachi revolts, Moscow subsequently divided
up Central Asia into five Soviet Socialist Republics, one for each of the five
dominant ethnic groups in the area. The Uzbek SSR was declared on October 27,
1924.
In the wake of both the Russian conquest of Central Asia and the subsequent
advent of Soviet power in the area, especially the latter, more than half a million
Uzbeks fled south to join their Turkic kinsmen in northern Afghanistan. Up until the
Soviet invasion of that country in 1979, they and their descendents formed the bulk
of the Uzbek population in Afghanistan.2 During the Second World War, many
Soviet Uzbeks, along with other Central Asians, deserted from the Red Army and
joined the German war effort. Some of these were subsequently able to escape to the
West after the war, later to be joined by Afghan Uzbeks fleeing as refugees from the
Soviet invasion of their country. However, the vast majority of Uzbeks still reside in
the USSR: these Uzbeks will form the primary focus of this paper.
2
David C. Montgomery, "Uzbek," Muslim Peoples: A World Ethnographic Survey, ed. Richard
Weekes (Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1978), 461.
1990 Mark Dickens
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GEOGRAPHY
The majority of Soviet Uzbeks currently live in the Uzbek SSR, which is also
known as Uzbekistan. Covering 172,740 square miles (447,400 km2), it is a land of
great geographic variety, ranging from the snow-capped peaks of the Tien Shan
mountains in the east to the low-lying Ust Urt Plateau and the Aral Sea in the west.
In between, a large part of Uzbekistan is covered by the arid desert known as the
Qizil Qum ("Red Sand"), thus necessitating massive irrigation projects in order to
provide the much- needed water for the agricultural regions which make up half of
the land in the republic and which are so vital to its economy. The most fertile of
these regions are the Ferghana and Zarafshan valleys. The most important
agricultural product is cotton,3 although other crops are grown and livestock also
plays a key role in the economy. In addition, there are also large reserves of natural
gas, petroleum, coal, and various rare metals and other minerals underground.
Uzbekistan is roughly bounded by the two major rivers which flow from the
Tien Shan into the Aral Sea: the Syr Darya (formerly known as the Jaxartes), which
flows just north of the republican border, and the Amu Darya in the south (formerly
known as the Oxus). The republic borders on the Kazakh SSR to the north, the
Kirghiz and Tajik SSRs to the east, Afghanistan to the south, and the Turkmen SSR
to the west. Its continental location results in a climate which is majoritively dry,
warm and sunny, with minimal rainfall. Long, hot summers, with temperatures up to
104° F4 alternate with short, cool summers (although temperatures have been
recorded as low as -36° F in the mountains). The capital of Uzbekistan is Tashkent
(estimated 1986 population - 2,073,0005), the fourth largest city in the USSR. Other
major cities include (from east to west) Andijan, Ferghana, Kokand, Samarkand,
Bukhara, Khiva, and Urgench. The western third of the republic (165,600 km2),
comprising the lowland area around the Aral Sea, contains the Karakalpak
Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. However, the Karakalpaks, after whom the
ASSR is named, only made up 1.9 percent of the population of Uzbekistan in 1979.6
DEMOGRAPHY
The Uzbek population in the USSR has risen dramatically since the beginning
of this century, as is evidenced by the figures given in the six censuses which have
3
Uzbekistan is the third largest single producer of cotton in the world and supplies half the total cotton
production of the USSR.
4
Termez, in southern Uzbekistan, is the hottest place in the USSR, having recorded summer
temperatures of up to 122° F - Geoffrey Wheeler, The Peoples of Soviet Central Asia (London: The
Bodley Head, 1966), 11.
5
Europa Year Book 1988: A World Survey, Vol. II (London: Europa Publications Ltd., 1988), 2689.
6
Europa Year Book 1988, 2757.
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been conducted under the Soviet regime. In 1926 the figure was 3,904,622. In 1939,
it was 4,844,000. By 1959 it had risen to 6,015,416. The figure climbed to
9,195,093 in 1970 and 12,455,978 in 1979. The 1989 census gives a figure of
16,686,240.7 Between 1959 and 1970, the Uzbek population increased by 53
percent, between 1970 and 1979 by 35.5 percent and between 1979 and 1989 by
34.0 percent.8 During the same time intervals, the Russians in the USSR only
increased 13 percent, 6.5 percent and 5.6 percent respectively.9
The annual rate of growth for the Uzbeks in the period 1979-1989 was 2.97, a
rate only matched by the Turkmen and only exceeded by the Tajiks, who had an
annual growth rate of 3.82 during the same period.10 As a result of this high growth
rate (nearly six times that of the Russians, whose rate was only 0.55 during this
period), the Uzbeks have risen from comprising 3.80 percent of the Soviet
population in 1970 to 4.75 in 1979 to 5.84 in 1989.11 In 1979, Uzbeks comprised
28.5 percent of all Soviet Muslims.12 In 1980, the crude birth rate in Uzbekistan was
35.6 per 1000 population, second only to Tajikistan (36.9) and well above the
national average (19.2).13 The most recent republican figures (1987) show an
increase to 36.9 per 1000.14 Between 1959 and 1969, the average crude birth rate for
the Uzbeks was 45.2 per 1000. For the Russians during this time, it was 19.0.15
These statistics graphically illustrate the disproportionate population growth trends
in the Soviet Union which are currently resulting in the Slavic nationalities
(Russians, Ukrainians, and Byelorussians) slowly losing their majority in the Soviet
population to Central Asian Muslims. Because of their position as the largest of
these groups, the Uzbeks are undeniably the leaders in this trend, referred to by
some Russians as "the yellowing of the population."
As noted above, the vast majority of Soviet Uzbeks currently live in the Uzbek
SSR (84.8 % in 197916). Most of the rest live in the Tajik SSR (7.0 % in 1979), the
Kirghiz SSR (3.4 % in 1979), the Kazakh SSR (2.1 % in 1979), and the Turkmen
7
Figures for 1926, 1959, 1970 and 1979 from Akiner, Islamic Peoples, 275; for 1939, Michael
Rywkin, Moscow's Muslim Challenge: Soviet Central Asia (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1982), 68; for
1989, Ann Sheehy, "Russian Share of Soviet Population Down to 50.8 Percent," Radio Liberty Report
on the USSR, Vol. 1, No. 42, (1989), 2.
8
Alexandre Bennigsen and S. Enders Wimbush, Muslims of the Soviet Empire: A Guide (Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1986), 48; Sheehy, "Russian Share," 2.
9
ibid.
10
Sheehy, "Russian Share," 2.
11
ibid, 3.
12
Murray Feshbach, "Trends in the Soviet Muslim Population: Demographic Aspects," The USSR and
the Muslim World, ed. Yaacov Ro'i (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1984), 76.
13
ibid, 79.
14
Europa Year Book, 2757.
15
Feshbach, "Trends," 80.
16
Bennigsen and Wimbush, Soviet Empire, 54.
1990 Mark Dickens
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SSR (1.9 % in 1979).17 Thus 99.3 percent of Soviet Uzbeks lived in Central Asia in
1979 (the remainder reside in other Soviet republics, chiefly the RSFSR and the
Ukrainian SSR). In 1979, Uzbeks constituted 68.7 percent of the population of the
Uzbek SSR (the estimated 1988 population of the republic was 19,600,00018). The
next largest group was the Russians (10.8 %), followed by the Tatars (4.2 %), the
Kazakhs (4.0%) and the Tajiks (3.9 %). Other groups represented in Uzbekistan
include Karakalpaks, Koreans, Kirghiz, Ukrainians, and Jews.19 In 1970, 77 percent
of Uzbeks living in the Uzbek SSR lived in rural areas, whereas 23 percent were
urban.20
In addition to the Soviet Uzbeks, there are also Uzbeks living outside of the
USSR. The largest group of these, between 1,000,000 and 1,500,000, is found in
northern Afghanistan (in the provinces of Maimanah, Mazar-i-Sharif, and
Kataghan). As noted above, most of these Uzbeks fled there either after the Russian
conquest of Turkestan or in the wake of the Bolshevik Revolution.21 It is unknown
how many of these have been killed or forced to flee into Pakistan as refugees since
the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. The other significant group of nonSoviet Uzbeks can be found in Xinjiang province22 in the People's Republic of
China: approximately 15,000 - 18,000 live in this region which is adjacent to Soviet
Central Asia.23 Another 2,000 Uzbeks live in Turkey. Finally, there are communities
of Uzbeks living in various Western countries, including Germany, Britain, Canada,
and the U.S. In total, then, there are probably over 18 million Uzbeks in the world.
ETHNOGRAPHY
Ethnically, the present Uzbek population can be seen as a composite of the
different peoples who have inhabited what is now Uzbekistan over the past two
millennia. "The Uzbek nation has been formed of three ethnic layers: the urban
population, the descendents of the pre-Shaibanid Turkic tribes, and the descendents
of the Shaibanid Uzbek tribes."24 The first layer is comprised of the indigenous
Iranian population of the area who were subsequently turkified by the influx of
Turkic tribes into the area in the first several centuries of our era. The presence of
this element in the ethnic makeup of the Uzbeks has resulted in them actually being
culturally closer to the Tajiks, who are of Persian stock, than to the other Turkic
17
ibid, 54.
Europa Year Book, 2757.
19
Akiner, Islamic Peoples, 276- 278.
20
ibid, 277.
21
Bennigsen and Wimbush, Soviet Empire, 51.
22
Formerly known as Sinkiang and pronounced "shin-jong".
23
Akiner, Islamic Peoples, 286.
24
Bennigsen and Wimbush, Soviet Empire, 57.
18
1990 Mark Dickens
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peoples of Central Asia. Furthermore, physiologically, both the Tajiks and the
Uzbeks are very similar in appearance.
The second layer of the Uzbek nation is comprised of those Mongol-Turkic
peoples who lived in Transoxiana prior to the Shaibanid invasion in the fifteenth
century. The final layer is, of course, that of the Shaibanid Uzbeks. The result of
such an ethnic intermixture is that one can see a blending of both Persian
(Caucasoid) and Asiatic (Mongoloid) features in most Uzbeks, although the
tendency towards one or the other is more pronounced in certain areas.
However, this tendency towards mixing has not extended to non-Islamic
peoples, specifically Russians. Few Russians settle in rural areas; often there are
separate European and native sections in towns and cities; the two groups have
little, if any, social contact outside of work; and the occurrence of mixed marriages
between Uzbeks and Russians or other Europeans is very low, and then only in
urban contexts, primarily amongst "Russified" Uzbeks. David Montgomery, an
American who studied in Tashkent on three separate occasions, commented that
even in that most cosmopolitan of Uzbek cities, although he was assured that
intermarriage between Muslims and Europeans was "frequent," most of his contacts
"were hard pressed to give a specific example.... Intermarriage appeared to be more
an urban phenomenon among the more educated and upper classes.... Reportedly
inter-ethnic marriages in rural areas are quite rare, and then usually between a
Muslim man and a European woman. In such instances the woman is expected to
adopt the Uzbek language, dress, customs and the Islamic religion."25
The French scholars Alexandre Bennigsen and Marie Broxup have identified
three levels of ethnic consciousness amongst Central Asians: "a subnational, clan or
tribal consciousness; a supranational religious (Islamic) or ethnic (Turkic)
consciousness, and a national consciousness. The subnational and the supranational
are both deeply rooted in the culture of Central Asia and the Caucasus. The national,
on the other hand, is a Soviet creation forced upon the population in 1924, with the
aim of dividing the Muslim territories and thereby securing Russian control."26
Thus, prior to 1917, identification at a subnational level, primarily as a member of a
particular tribe or clan or possibly as a subject of one of the rival khanates, or at a
supranational level, as a Turkestani or, more simply, a Muslim, was much more
common than identification at the national level as an Uzbek or Kirghiz or
Turkmen.
25
David C. Montgomery, "Return to Tashkent," Asian Affairs, Vol. 66. No. 3 (1979), 299 (this article
appeared in two parts in AA: Vol. 66, No. 2 and No. 3).
26
Alexandre Bennigsen and Marie Broxup, The Islamic Threat to the Soviet State (London: Croom
Helm, 1983), 135 - see 136-140 for further discussion of this issue.
1990 Mark Dickens
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A further distinction was made between the nomadic and sedentary population
of what is now Uzbekistan. The latter were called 'Sarts' by the Russians, a group
which represented a "cross between the aboriginal Tadzhik (Iranian) inhabitants and
their Uzbek (Turkic) conquerors,"27 whereas the former were referred to as Taze
(pure) Uzbeks. The subsequent grouping together of all these elements into an
Uzbek nation is primarily a phenomenon of the Soviet period. In general, it has been
a successful strategy, and most inhabitants of Uzbekistan today identify themselves
as Uzbeks, although there are still some who maintain their tribal identity, referring
to themselves by such names as Kypchaks, Mangyts, Karluks or Lokays.28
A final note should be made about the policy of the Soviet government in
regard to the ethnic identity of the Uzbeks. The Soviets have actively encouraged
the appropriation by the Uzbeks of many aspects of Central Asian culture that
technically do not belong to them, due to their rather late arrival on the scene. Thus,
prominent Central Asian personalities who were either Arabs, Persians or members
of other Turkic tribes, such as "the Father of Algebra" Al-Khwarizmi (780-847);
"the Second Aristotle" Al-Farabi (c. 870-950); the great philosopher, geographer,
and mathematician Al-Biruni (973-1048); "the Prince of Philosophers" Ibn Sina, or
Avicenna (980-1037); Timur; his grandson Ulugh Beg (1394-1449); the great
Central Asian poet Mir Ali Shir Nava'i (1441-1501); and Babur, are all considered
to be Uzbeks simply because they lived in what is today Uzbekistan. Hence, their
accomplishments are counted amongst the accomplishments of the Uzbek people.
Although this is not strictly accurate from a historical point of view, there can be no
doubt that contemporary Uzbek culture has been shaped by all of the various
peoples who have either inhabited or invaded the area where they now live: the
Persians, the Arabs, the Turks, the Mongols and, of course, the Russians.
RELIGION29
The Uzbeks are Sunni Muslims of the Hanafi school of Islamic law.30 Prior to
the advent of Islam in Central Asia, many of the original inhabitants of Transoxiana
were either Nestorian Christians or Zoroastrians (there were also some Buddhists,
although this faith was more popular amongst the Uighurs and other peoples in
Eastern Turkestan). Further north, amongst those Turkic tribes who still followed a
27
Wheeler, Peoples, 13.
For more information on these tribal groups, see Bennigsen and Wimbush, Soviet Empire, 57f.
29
For more information on the general state of Islam in the USSR, see Alexandre Bennigsen and
Chantal Lemercier-Quelquejay, Islam in the Soviet Union (New York: Praeger, 1967), especially 138152, 171-183.
30
There are four schools of orthodox Islamic law: Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi'i, and Hanbali, named after
four early Islamic legal experts.
28
1990 Mark Dickens
8
more nomadic way of life, shamanism and animism held sway until the coming of
Islam.
Islam was first introduced to Central Asia by the armies of the expanding Arab
Empire, who crossed the Oxus River (today known as the Amu Darya) in 673 AD
and had conquered most of the territory by 715. Under both the Arab Caliphate and
the Persian Samanid dynasty that took over control of the area from the Arabs,
"Mawarannahr" ("The Land Beyond the River") soon became a major cultural
centre of the Muslim world. Bukhara, Khiva, and Samarkand became the home of
many distinguished scholars, scientists, and theologians. Al-Bukhari, who
assembled one of the most important collections of the Hadith (the oral traditions of
Muhammad, second only to the Qur'an in terms of scriptural authority in Islamic
theology), came from Bukhara, as his name implies. However, much of the spread
of Islam throughout Central Asia was due more to the activity of Arab traders and
Muslim mystics, known as Sufis, than it was to the sword. In fact, two of the most
significant Sufi brotherhoods (known as tariqa31) in the whole Islamic world were
founded in what is now Uzbekistan: the Kubrawiya, founded by Najmuddin alKubra (1145-1221) in Khiva and the Naqshbandiya, founded by Bahauddin
Naqshband (1318-1389) in Bukhara.
As noted above, the Mongol Horde, from which the Shaibanid Uzbeks
emerged, had converted to Islam under Khan Uzbek. By the time that the tribe
bearing his name conquered Transoxiana, the area was of course already solidly
Muslim. Islam had grown from the religion of the Arab invaders to become the faith
of virtually all Central Asians. Under the Mongols, who had a surprisingly tolerant
attitude towards religion in general, a number of other faiths had continued to
survive, albeit as minority enclaves. However, Timur, who had inherited their power
base in Central Asia, had been a fanatical Muslim and, as such, had ruthlessly wiped
out the vestiges of other religions, such as Nestorian Christianity, that remained in
his domains. Islam has remained to this day as the primary cultural glue that holds
the area together.
Islam, unlike most other faiths, is far more than a religion. It is a cultural
system in itself which does not recognize such notions as separation of Church and
State or the distinction between sacred and secular. All of life is intended to come
under its influence. Thus, the ethnic identity of Central Asians, whether or not they
consider themselves to be devout Muslims, is inextricably linked to Islam, resulting
in "a national-religious symbiosis within the Muslim umma (community), a merging
31
The singular is tariqat.
1990 Mark Dickens
9
or overlapping of ethnic and religious sentiments and loyalties that reappears in all
aspects of Central Asian existence."32
Naturally, prior to 1917, Uzbek society was more obviously Islamic than it is
today. The five pillars of Islam (the shahada or confession of faith; the five daily
prayers, known as salat; fasting during the month of Ramazan; zakat, the mandatory
contribution to the poor; and the pilgrimage to Mecca, known as the haj) were all
widely practiced. The justice system was based on the shariat (Islamic law)
supplemented by adat (customary laws, such as the payment of the kalym or bride
price, the practice of early marriage, and polygamy) and the courts were presided
over by qazis (Muslim judges). Rich land owners often donated land to waqfs
(endowments to be used for religious or charitable purposes). Religious authorities,
including muftis (scribes), ulemas (scholars), imams (mosque prayerleaders),
sheikhs (holy men) and hajjis (those that had made the pilgrimage to Mecca)
abounded.
Religious festivals played a major role in pre-Soviet Central Asia. One of
these was Kichik Bayram (called Eid al-fitr in Arabic), which celebrates the
breaking of the Ramazan fast. Another even more important feast was Qurban
Bayram (Eid al-adhu), the commemoration of Abraham's willingness to sacrifice his
son. The birth of Muhammad was also often celebrated. Most of the significant rites
of passage in Uzbek society were also inextricably linked with Islam, the chief of
these being circumcision, the marriage ceremony and the traditional funeral.
Obviously, the mosque played a key role in pre-Soviet Uzbek society. Besides
functioning as the meeting place for Friday worship and the daily prayers, it was
often the location of the local religious school, known as a mekteb, or, if it was a
larger mosque, possibly a medressah (a school of higher education for Muslim
clerics and scholars). "In 1900, it was estimated that in Turkestan alone, without
counting the khanates of Bukhara and Khiva, there were 1,503 congregational
mosques and 11,230 parish mosques with a total of 12,499 imams to minister to
6,000,000 persons, that is, one mosque for every 471 believers."33 The city of
Bukhara, in 1914, had 364 mosques (only one of which remains open today34)
Samarkand had 23 medressahs and 62 mosques before 1917 (again, only one
mosque remains open today35). Thus, Uzbek society was well endowed with both
religious leaders and buildings.
32
Rywkin, Muslim Challenge, 84.
Geoffrey Wheeler, The Modern History of Soviet Central Asia, (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson,
1964), 186.
34
Violet Conolly, "'Jubilee Year' in Central Soviet Asia," Asian Affairs, Vol. 58, No. 2 (1971), 167.
35
Robin and Michelle Poulton, "A Recent Visit to Bukhara and Samarkand," Asian Affairs, Vol. 63,
No. 3 (1976), 302.
33
1990 Mark Dickens
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As in many other parts of the Muslim world, most Uzbeks have traditionally
followed what is called folk Islam: Islam mixed with certain pre-Islamic, animistic
practices. Thus, the use of divination and amulets was common in traditional Uzbek
society. In an effort to obtain barakat (blessing) from God in matters such as
healing, financial prosperity, and the retrieval of lost animals, Uzbeks would travel
to mazars (shrines or holy places linked with past saints and holy men) in order to
pray and conduct various religious rites. These shrines have traditionally been
overseen by the Sufis.
Obviously, the advent of Russian rule in Central Asia brought some changes,
but all in all, little was done to limit the cultural influence of Islam under the tsarist
administration. The Russians were primarily concerned with economic and political
control of the area, and hoped that, by adopting a policy of indifference to Islam, it
would simply wither away. Thus little changed before the Bolshevik Revolution.
Although the new Bolshevik government inaugurated in 1917 was
ideologically opposed to all religion, Islam was considered to be perhaps the
greatest threat, "since it had its own distinctive social, educational and judicial
systems, all of which were regarded as militating against material progress [and
thus] it was regarded as infinitely more pernicious and objectionable than any
branch of Christianity."36 However, this opposition to Islam could not be openly
stated until the Soviets had gained control of the area. Therefore, one of the first acts
of the new Bolshevik government was to assure the Muslims of the now-defunct
Russian Empire that "your beliefs and customs, your national and cultural
institutions, are declared free and inviolable!... Know that your rights, like those of
all the peoples of Russia, will be protected by the might of the Revolution!"37
Events were to prove otherwise. At first, during the time of the Civil War
(1917-1920), the Soviets adopted a fairly liberal attitude towards religion. However
the Bolsheviks realized that a compromise could never be reached with the Muslim
clergy, who tended to be very conservative and opposed to any type of reform,
whether instituted from within Islam or without. Thus, once power had been
consolidated in Central Asia, the new regime began to erode the influence of the
religion by attacking some of its less crucial elements first. A propaganda campaign
was initiated to dissuade believers from practices such as the wearing of veils by
women, pilgrimages to Sufi shrines, religious festivals and circumcision. Some of
these campaigns were violent, but more often than not they were presented in a
rational and "scientific" way. During the early 1920's, the approach often fluctuated
between one of restriction and concession. Thus, religious schools were initially
36
37
Wheeler, Peoples, 97.
Cited in Wheeler, Modern History, 188.
1990 Mark Dickens
11
abolished in 1918, but were then reinstated in 1922. However, by 1927, almost all
of them had disappeared. In the same year, the Islamic courts were deprived of all
power. By 1930, all waqf properties had been confiscated by the State.
Around 1927, a direct frontal attack against Islam was launched which was to
continue until the time of the Great Purge of 1937. One of the vanguards of this
attack was the Khudasizlar Jamiyati (The Union of Godless Zealots) which had
90,000 members in the Uzbek SSR in 1932.38 Among other things, the government
prohibited the haj and zakat and denounced Ramazan. The daily prayers were made
almost impossible to perform, due to the government control of much of everyday
life. Throughout the Soviet Union, antireligious propaganda was conducted with
what can only be described as a religious passion. Muslim clergy were accused of
being "parasites of society" and "counter-revolutionaries" and liquidated. Mosques
were closed by the thousands, many of them being converted into museums of
atheism or youth clubs. In 1905, there had been 25,000 mosques and over 50,000
clerics in the Russian Empire.39As a result of the anti-Islamic campaigns of the
Soviets, the figures for the entire Soviet Union had been reduced to about 400 and
between 2,000 and 3,000, respectively, by the time of Khrushchev.40 Over thirty
years later, despite the phenomenal growth in the number of Soviet Muslims, the
number of official mosques and clergy has not increased at all.41
These measures certainly had a devastating effect on Soviet Islam, but the
religion which had shaped the entire culture of the Central Asian peoples was not
entirely wiped out. Recognizing that it could not exterminate the faith, yet desiring
to control its practice, the Soviet government, in 1942, granted Islam official legal
status in the USSR and established four Spiritual Directorates for Islam in the
country, each under the chairmanship of a mufti. One of these is the Spiritual
Directorate for Central Asia and Kazakhstan, which has its headquarters in
Tashkent.42 Since that time, the government has attempted to follow a less
aggressive, more subtle approach to Islam involving more scientific methods, such
as higher education, in order to achieve its goal of diminishing the influence of the
religion in the Soviet Union. At times, such as during the Second World War, when
the State needed the support of Soviet Muslims, Islam has gained ground, but at
38
Bennigsen and Lemercier-Quelquejay, Soviet Union, 150.
Bennigsen and Broxup, Islamic Threat, 71.
40
ibid, 48.
41
Marie Broxup, "Islam in Central Asia Since Gorbachev," Asian Affairs, Vol. 74, No. 3 (1987), 286.
42
The other three Directorates are the Directorate for Sunni Muslims of European Russia and Siberia
(Ufa, Bashkir ASSR), the Directorate for Sunni Muslims of the Northern Caucasus and Daghestan
(Buynaksk, Daghestan ASSR), and the Directorate for Sunni and Shi'a Muslims of Transcaucasia
(Baku, Azerbaijan. SSR).
39
1990 Mark Dickens
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other times, especially under Krushchev's anti-religious campaign, the Muslims
have lost concessions given to them earlier.
In seeking to discern the current state of religious activity amongst the
Uzbeks, we must look at both "official" Islam, represented by the Spiritual
Directorate and "parallel" Islam, represented by the Sufi brotherhoods. Certainly, as
has been noted by Western observers, "compared to other Central Asian republics,
official Islam in Uzbekistan enjoys a privileged position."43 Of the four Directorates,
the one in Tashkent is undoubtedly the most important: it plays a key role in
Moscow's efforts to convince the Muslim world that Communism and Islam are
entirely compatible. Most delegations of foreign Muslims that visit the USSR start
off in the Uzbek capital, frequent Islamic conferences are held in the city, and, since
the establishment of the Directorates, the Tashkent mufti has been the major
spokesperson for official Soviet Islam, frequently heading up Soviet Muslim
delegations to Muslim countries.
Furthermore, the Central Asian Directorate oversees most of the few Islamic
publications that are allowed in the USSR, including several editions of the Qur'an
and Al-Bukhari's Hadith, as well as the journal Muslims of the Soviet East, which is
published in Arabic, Persian, English, French and Uzbek (although the latter is in
the now-obsolete Arabic script, not the Cyrillic script currently in use).44 The
Directorate is also in charge of a museum of rare Islamic manuscripts, including a
copy of the Qur'an from the seventh century which reputedly belonged to Osman,
the third Islamic caliph (the title given to the successors of Muhammad) and which
was recently returned to the Directorate by the republican government: "Thousands
cheered and wept as the invaluable holy book was moved from a museum to the
new headquarters mosque."45
In addition to the Directorate, Uzbekistan is also the location of the only two
medressahs to reopen in the Soviet Union since all such seminaries were closed
after the Revolution: the Mir-i-Arab medressah in Bukhara (founded in 1530) and
the Imam Ismail al-Bukhari medressah in Tashkent (also founded in the midsixteenth century). These are currently the only places where Muslim clergy may be
trained in the USSR and they are hence fairly strictly controlled by the State. In
light of this, it is not surprising to learn that, out of 28 subjects studied, only six
have anything to do with religion, the rest being concerned with "Soviet sciences."46
43
Alexandre Bennigsen and S. Enders Wimbush, Mystics and Commissars: Sufism in the Soviet Union
(London: C. Hurst & Co., 1985), 153.
44
Akiner, Islamic Peoples, 285.
45
Richard N. Ostling, "Islam Regains its Voice," Time, April 10, 1989, 65.
46
Nancy Lubin, "Assimilation and Retention of Ethnic Identity in Uzbekistan," Asian Affairs, Vol. 68,
No. 3 (1981), 280.
1990 Mark Dickens
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Uzbekistan's prestigious position as far as "official" Islam is concerned may
also be gauged by the number of official clergy and working mosques in the
republic. The republic certainly has a higher proportion of State-sanctioned clergy
than any other Muslim republic.47 One Soviet source gives a 1982 estimate of 150
official mosques, compared with only twenty in Tajikistan and four in
Turkmenistan.48 However, although there are comparatively more mosques in the
Uzbek SSR than in the other Central Asian republics, it must be kept in mind that
this number is only a small fraction of the pre-Soviet situation and that most of
those who attend the Friday prayers are older men, although young people and
women may also be seen there. The instances of individuals fasting during the
month of Ramazan or performing the five daily prayers are extremely rare. Only a
token number of Soviet Muslims are currently permitted to go on the haj.
Despite the diminished level of religious activity, however, the three main
religio-cultural rites of circumcision, the religious wedding, and the Muslim funeral
ceremony are almost universally observed by Uzbeks. In addition, the major
Muslim festivals are still celebrated by many. Although fasting is rare during
Ramazan, Eid al-Fitr is commonly celebrated with an iftarlik (fast- breaking party),
to which friends and neighbours send iftar (fast- breaking food), which is carefully
prepared to ensure that it does not become haram (unclean). Many also attend the
mosque for morning prayers during Eid al-Fitr.49
In an attempt to offset the influence of Muslim rituals in Uzbek society, the
Soviets have attempted to replace some of them with secular alternatives, such as
civil weddings and funerals and agricultural festivals which fall at the same time as
traditional Muslim festivals. In addition, according to locals, "the Soviet
government always schedules the best TV programs during religious holidays."50
However, these attempts have had limited success, and then only amongst more
urbanized, Russianized Uzbeks. Perhaps more successful is the continuous atheistic
propaganda which students receive at all levels of schooling. Courses on scientific
atheism are mandatory and students are asked to write on subjects such as "My
Relationship towards Religious holidays and towards Religion Itself." "Apparently,
if an essay is anything but antireligious, the student is kept after school for
consultation and asked to rewrite it. There may also be repercussions later when he
or she is applying for a job."51
47
Broxup, "Since Gorbachev," 288.
Cited in Bennigsen and Wimbush, Mystics, 153 - for names and locations of major mosques, see
Bennigsen and Wimbush, Soviet Empire, 60.
49
Abdullah Watani, "Ramadan in Soviet Central Asia," Islamic World Review, Vol. 6, No. 70 (1987),
60f.
50
Lubin, "Assimilation,"280.
51
ibid, 280.
48
1990 Mark Dickens
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What of "parallel" Islam, represented by the Sufi tariqa.? These mystical
brotherhoods, which run clandestine mosques, medressahs, and houses of prayer,
perform traditional religious rites, oversee the shrines and conduct underground
propaganda against the Soviet regime, are certainly present in Uzbekistan.52 Indeed,
the Tashkent mufti has published several fetwas (legal pronouncements) against the
practice of visiting Sufi shrines.53 Uzbek newspapers acknowledge the existence of
thousands of "pseudo-mullahs" (presumably Sufis) in the republic.54 T.S. Saidbaev,
a Soviet authority on Islam "has noted the existence in Tashkent of a sect calling
itself 'The People of the Qur'an' and which was urging its fellow Muslims to resume
all the traditional practices of their religion."55
However, since "official" Islam is much "healthier" in the Uzbek SSR than in
the other Central Asian republics, there is less of a perceived need for "parallel"
Islam and so the Sufis do not exert as much influence as they do in other parts of the
USSR. "In Uzbekistan, the working mosque with its imam-khatib [preacher], and
not the holy mazar with its Sufi sheikh-guardian, is still the real centre of the
spiritual and religious life of the believers."56 At the same time, it should be noted
that the Sufis have played a key role in the past history of the Uzbeks. Mir Ali Shir
Nava'i and most of the other medieval Central Asian poets were members of the
Naqshbandiya tariqat.57 Sufis were part of the ruling establishment in the khanates
up until the beginning of Soviet rule. Interestingly enough, they have also been
represented in "official" Islam under the Soviets: despite the fact that they were
loyal to the Soviet State, the first two muftis of the Tashkent Directorate, Ishan
Babakhan ibn Abdel Mejid Khan (1943-57), and his son Ziauddin Babakhanov
(1957-82) belonged to the Naqshbandiya, and it is likely that the third mufti,
Shamsuddin Babakhanov (1982-89) was also a member58 This helps to explain why
the official Islamic establishment in Central Asia has been less harsh on Sufis than
elsewhere in the USSR.
Folk Islam, with which the Sufis are often associated, is still alive and well in
Uzbekistan. Often, while more "orthodox" practices have dwindled in popularity,
those practices which are more rooted in the pre-Islamic "folk" culture, such as the
wearing of amulets in order to ward off the evil eye, have survived. Certain
occupations have patron saints, such as the Tashkent taxi-drivers, whose patron is
52
Bennigsen and Wimbush, Mystics, 31-36; Soviet Empire, 61f.
Bennigsen and Wimbush, Mystics, 41f.
54
Broxup, "Since Gorbachev," 288.
55
James Thrower, "The Survival of Islam in the Soviet Union: The Forgotten Muslims of Central
Asian and Kazakhstan," The Scottish Journal of Religious Studies, Vol. 8, No. 2 (1987), 117.
56
Bennigsen and Wimbush, Mystics, 153.
57
ibid, 8.
58
ibid, 2, 45.
53
1990 Mark Dickens
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the prophet Daud (the biblical David).59 There are a number of important shrines in
the republic, to which pilgrimages are still made.60 That this, as well as other
practices, is of concern to the government is evident by a December 1979 article in
Pravda Vostoka, a republican newspaper which, while reporting "tremendous
successes in overcoming the vestiges of religion [in Uzbekistan]," noted that the rite
of circumcision as well as religious weddings and burial services still prevailed, as
did certain folk practices: "One encounters also worship in holy places and appeals
to tabibs [faith healers] and mullahs to cure illnesses and ailments."61
It is interesting to note that pilgrimages are even made to some shrines which
have been converted into anti-religious museums, such as the tomb of Bahauddin
Naqshband, the founder of the Naqshbandiya, in Bukhara.62 Shahimardon is a
former shrine that has been converted into a memorial to Hamza Hakimzadeh
Niyazi (1889-1929), the Uzbek Communist poet who was murdered at that site in
1929 by a mob for attempting to make it into a Red Museum. On a visit to this site,
David Montgomery observed "bushes onto which were tied strips of coloured cloth.
My associate from the Academy of Sciences said, with apparent embarrassment,
that a few old men did these foolish things as prayers. However, judging by the
number of cloth strips and bushes involved and also by the steepness of the trail, I
feel that numerous people of a wide range of ages came to hang their prayers in an
echo of a pre-Islamic tradition at a long ancient holy site."63
Having observed the variety of religious activity going on in Uzbekistan, we
might ask what percentage of Uzbeks are true believers. One gets different estimates
from different sources; Nancy Lubin, an American who studied in the republic for a
year was "told emphatically that the number of believers in Uzbekistan is around
60-70 % of the total population" by the Tashkent mufti, but was also "told equally
emphatically that the proportion was not above 5-6 %" according to local
government officials and academics.64 Certainly, this is a difficult question to
answer, precisely because being a Muslim is so closely tied to the whole ethnic
identity of the Uzbeks and, as noted above, Islam is a religion which applies to all
areas of life. This identification of religion with ethnicity is brought out by some
comments given in response to a 1965 survey in the native corner of Tashkent
which attempted to find out the level of religious observance amongst the
59
Bennigsen and Wimbush, Soviet Empire, 62.
For a list of the shrines in Uzbekistan, see Bennigsen and Wimbush, Mystics, 153-156.
61
Yaacov Ro'i, "The Impact of the Islamic Fundamentalist Revival of the Late 1970s on the Soviet
View of Islam, " The USSR and the Muslim World, ed Yaacov Ro'i (London: George Allen &
Unwin,1984), 154.
62
Bennigsen and Wimbush, Mystics, 98.
63
David C. Montgomery, "Once Again in Tashkent," Asian Affairs, Vol. 70, No. 2 (1983), 144.
64
Lubin, "Assimilation," 279.
60
1990 Mark Dickens
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population: "I am a believer because as an unbeliever I should be a public laughing
stock"; "I believe because my parents were believers and because one cannot go
against one's parents"; "I am a believer because I am a Muslim."65
Thus, although official Soviet sources would estimate that only 20 percent of
urbanized Uzbeks are believers,66 it is impossible to know how close this figure is to
reality. In general, most younger Uzbeks seem to fall into the middle category of
belief; they are neither "militant atheists" nor "staunch believers." One study by an
Uzbek academic concluded that "almost all Uzbek youth feel a religious marriage
ceremony and circumcision are essential; most participate in Muslim festivals and
holidays; and many often visit 'holy places,' whether out of their own volition or
because of parental pressure." However, "probably only a very small number
believe in or have any conception of Allah, and few know the contents of the
Koran."67
It is the older Uzbeks who tend to be more devout, but this does not mean that
the practice of Islam will necessarily die out with the death of these older believers.
On the contrary, there is a trend, very disturbing for the Soviets, of non-believers
and even atheists turning back to Islam once they reach the age of 40-45, a
phenomenon which has even been recorded amongst staunch Party members.68 As
one Uzbek told Montgomery, "My father externally conformed to the Party's views
on religion during his working years so that he could support his family. Allah
understands this. Now, having given his younger years to the government, he is
giving his older years to his religion. My life will be the same."69 Thus, the ranks of
Islam are constantly being filled from below, as it were.
The conclusions of Lubin are pertinent here: "In summary, the religious
situation in Uzbekistan is marked by an ambivalent and contradictory official
policy, and the effects of this policy have been equally ambiguous. Today, most of
Uzbekistan's population, young and old alike, seem to conduct their daily lives
somewhere in the hazy area between officially sanctioned and illegal religious
practices.... Instead of eradicating religion, the policies more often than not have
simply institutionalized duplicity."70 However, recently, there have been indications
that conservative Islam is far from dead in Uzbekistan. The September 26th 1982
edition of the newspaper Soviet Uzbekistani reported on two recent activities which
Sufis were probably behind: an illegal "religious learning course" taught by a "false
65
Bennigsen and Lemercier-Quelquejay, Soviet Union, 182.
Michael Rywkin, "National Symbiosis: Vitality, Religion, Identity, Allegiance," The USSR and the
Muslim World, ed. Yaacov Ro'i (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1984), 8f.
67
Lubin, "Assimilation," 280.
68
Bennigsen and Broxup, Islamic Threat, 143.
69
Montgomery, "Return," 297.
70
Lubin, "Assimilation," 281.
66
1990 Mark Dickens
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mullah" [Muslim cleric] which had attracted believers "as light attracts moths"71 and
the trial of eleven "fanatical crooks" accused of printing and distributing "thousands
of copies" of a pamphlet titled "About the Islamic Faith" in Tashkent.72
This resurgence of Islam was brought out even more graphically by the
revelation that 270 women had burnt themselves to death in the republic over a two
year period (1986-1987) in protest against being "sold" in marriage in exchange for
a bride price, a practice which, although it is not technically Islamic, is considered
by many to be part of the traditional Muslim culture.73 A scandal erupted in 1989 as
demonstrators in the streets of Tashkent protested against mufti Shamsuddin
Babakhanov, chairman of the Tashkent Directorate, whose reputation was summed
up by one elderly Uzbek: "Our mufti is a terrible man. He drinks, he smokes, he
plays billiards, and he's been photographed with prostitutes in Sochi. There are five
Islamic laws and he breaks them all." As a result of the public outcry, Babakhanov
was forced to resign.74
LANGUAGE
Uzbek is a Turkic language. The Turkic language family is divided into four
subgroups: Northwestern, Northeastern, South-western, and Southeastern. Uzbek
belongs to the latter group (sometimes called the Karluk or Chagatay group), along
with Uighur, the language of the majority population in Xinjiang province in China.
Uzbek shares a number of significant linguistic features with most of the 63 other
Turkic languages that are spoken from the Mediterranean to northeastern Siberia,
including its extensive use of agglutination in word formation, its highly predictable
verbal paradigms, its verb final word order, the influence of Arabic and Persian in
its lexicon and, in some dialects, its utilization of vowel harmony. Due to the great
uniformity in Turkic languages, both diachronically and synchronically, a speaker
of Uzbek, with a little extra study, is able to understand a large number of the other
Turkic languages, especially those spoken elsewhere in Central Asia. Conversely,
approximately 60 percent of the Uzbek lexicon is common to all Turkic languages,
and a further 25 percent can be figured out by a speaker of another Turkic language
with some adjustments, leaving only 15 percent of the vocabulary which is uniquely
Uzbek.75 Uzbek is a very expressive language with a rich tense system which
enables its speakers to be very precise in their communication.
71
Bennigsen and Wimbush, Mystics, 87.
ibid, 91.
73
Angus Roxburgh, "Soviet scandal that almost got away" The Sunday Times, 12 Feb. 1989, B6.
74
ibid.
75
Personal correspondence with Dr. Andras J.E. Bodrogligeti, Dept. of Near Eastern Languages and
Literatures, UCLA.
72
1990 Mark Dickens
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Uzbek is considered to be the linguistic and literary heir of Chagatay, the
classical Turkic language which was spoken in Central Asia during the medieval
period and was in use as a literary language from the early fifteenth to the early
twentieth centuries. Chagatay had died out as a written medium by the time that
Soviet power was consolidated in Central Asia. It was replaced by Uzbek, which
had first appeared in literary form in the eighteenth century. In keeping with the
Soviets' efforts to include pre-Shaibanid culture as part of the Uzbek heritage,
Chagatay is today referred to by Soviet scholars as "Old Uzbek." In addition to
Chagatay, both Arabic and Persian had important sociological functions in Uzbek
society prior to the Soviet period. Both were used amongst the intelligentsia as
languages of literature and higher learning. In addition, the former functioned as the
language of religion and the latter as the language of the court. As a result of their
influence, about 60-65 percent of the Uzbek lexicon consists of words from these
two languages. This situation has resulted in numerous occurrences of Arabic and
Persian synonyms for native Turkic words.
The many Uzbek dialects which are still spoken can be roughly classified into
two groups: those spoken in the central urban centers (including the Tashkent
dialect, which forms the basis of modern literary Uzbek) which have lost the vowel
harmony which is so characteristic of Turkic languages, and those which have
preserved it. The latter group includes both northern dialects which have been
influenced by Kazakh and southern dialects which have been affected by Turkmen.
Prior to the 1920's, Uzbek was written in the same version of the Arabic script
that Persian is, namely, with the addition of four letters for sounds found in Persian,
but not in Arabic.76 However, this script was inadequate for expressing the rich
vocalic inventory characteristic of all Turkic languages, since it only has letters for
three vowels and these are only recorded when they are long vowels. Extra letters
for sounds not found in Turkic languages, as well as the different forms of the
letters depending on their position in the word, further complicated its use as a
writing medium. All this provided the Soviets with a good rationale for changing
the writing system, a strategy which was not without a political motivation. The first
major change came in 1923, as the Arabic script was modified by removing
unnecessary letters and expanding the vowel inventory with the addition of
diacritical marks.77 The next step came in 1928, when the Uzbeks, along with about
70 other Soviet languages, adopted a Latin script very similar to the one that had
recently been adopted in Turkey. This script was changed somewhat in 1934, as a
result of the selection of the Tashkent dialect of Uzbek as the standard literary
76
The alphabet had been slightly modified in 1865.
This script was very similar to the one which is currently used to write the Uighur language in
Xinjiang.
77
1990 Mark Dickens
19
language. The Latin script was much better suited to Uzbek, but the situation was
short-lived. The final switch was made in 1940, when the Cyrillic script, with the
addition of four letters for sounds not found in Russian, was adopted. This change,
which was also carried out amongst the other Central Asian nationalities at the same
time, was a crucial move which paved the way for the subsequent implementation
of Soviet linguistic policy in Central Asia.
Soviet linguistic policy mirrors the "divide and conquer" strategy that resulted
in the delimitation of the Central Asian republics along national lines and the
subsequent attempt to develop a unique national culture for each nationality in the
area. Thus, the Soviets have engaged in a certain amount of language engineering.
Moscow has attempted to influence the Uzbek language in a number of ways, in
keeping with the three stated aims of its overall linguistic policy in Central Asia:
First, 'the "completion" and "enrichment" of existing languages, the
widening of their scope and the transformation of tribal and
community languages into developed national languages with a rich
terminology and vocabulary'; secondly, the removal of the large Arabic
and Persian loan vocabulary inherited from the Muslim conquests; and
thirdly, the establishment of Russian as 'a second native language'.
These aims if achieved would have the effect of [1] preventing the
formation of a single Turkic literary language which might aid in the
creation of a united Turkic and Muslim national movement, and of [2]
the Russian language being used by all sections of the population.78
"The 'completion' and 'enrichment' of existing languages" and the development
of "national languages" needs to be properly understood. It is not primarily an
altruistic act of kindness on behalf of the Soviet authorities. As noted above, there is
great similarity between the Central Asian Turkic languages. Thus, part of the
overall Soviet strategy has been to artificially differentiate the languages of the area
so that what is in fact a gradual continuum of dialects is made to appear more like a
patchwork quilt of quite different languages. This is the essence of "completion"
and "enrichment". The political advantages of such a situation are quite obvious.
One aspect of this strategy is revealed in the choice of the Iranized Tashkent dialect
as the basis for standard modern Uzbek. By choosing a dialect that has lost its vowel
harmony, the Soviet linguistic planners have set Uzbek apart somewhat from the
rest of the Turkic languages in Central Asia which have retained it. Another
manifestation is apparent in the way the Cyrillic script was applied to the various
languages in the area: there are many instances where a given sound in two related
Turkic languages which had been represented by the same letter in the Arabic
alphabet was represented by different letters in the modified Cyrillic scripts that
78
Geoffrey Wheeler, Racial Problems in Soviet Muslim Asia (London: Oxford University Press,1962),
36f`.
1990 Mark Dickens
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these languages subsequently received, thus helping to artificially differentiate
them.
The desire to remove Arabic and Persian loan words, while at the same time
promoting "Russian as a second native language" is an obvious attempt to cut off
the Uzbeks and other Central Asians from their natural ties with the rest of the
Islamic world and to reorient their cultural allegiance to Russia. The adoption of the
Cyrillic script has certainly helped in this process, facilitating the introduction of
Russian words into Uzbek, as well as making the learning of Russian that much
easier. However, the anticipated results have not been forthcoming. Russian words
have been promoted at the expense of words of Arabo-Persian origin, especially in
the lexical areas of technology and politics, but there has not been a massive
switchover yet. The latter still form such a large part of Uzbek vocabulary that to
completely purge them from the language is virtually impossible, and where they
have been dropped, Uzbek linguists, instead of adopting Russian terms, have often
resurrected old Turkic words. The percentage of Russian words in the Uzbek
language did rise from 2 in 1923 to 15 in 1940,79 but at present, they only comprise
6-7 percent of the lexicon,80 and that number is decreasing, not increasing. Attempts
to influence Uzbek and other Turkic languages with Russian morphology and
syntax have been even less successful
In the area of Russian language education, there is no doubt that far more
Uzbeks are fluent in Russian than before 1917. The language is indispensable for
anyone wanting to pursue higher education or work for the government or the
Communist Party, as well as being the medium of communication in the Soviet
Army. In addition to Uzbek and several other languages spoken in the republic,
radio and television programs are broadcast in Russian and Russian journals and
newspapers are produced in Uzbekistan. However, Uzbeks have not pursued the
knowledge of this language with the fervor that Moscow had hoped for, and where
they have, it has been out of a recognition of the pragmatic benefits of doing so, not
out of any love for the Russian language per se. The number of Uzbeks identifying
Russian as their first language is negligible: 0.53 percent in 1970, and 0.63 in 1979.
The percentage claiming "a good knowledge" of Russian as a second language
seemed to rise dramatically between 1970 (14.5) and 1979 (49.3).81 Western
analysts have expressed scepticism about this latter figure, suggesting that it was
either doctored or reflected a desire amongst Uzbeks to express a greater knowledge
79
Rywkin, Muslim Challenge, 94.
Personal correspondence with Dr. Bodrogligeti.
81
Rywkin, Muslim Challenge, 98.
80
1990 Mark Dickens
21
of Russian than they actually possessed. The most recent census figures confirm
these suspicions: the figure is back down to 23.8 percent.82
It should be noted that there is a definite difference between the rural and
urban population in this area: "Despite great efforts to promote the learning of the
Russian language, many rural Uzbeks do not know Russian.... Some young Uzbeks
enter the university not knowing any Russian.... On the other hand, there are urban,
upper-class Uzbeks who have a minimal knowledge of the Uzbek language and are
more comfortable speaking Russian. These families speak Russian at home and
acknowledge that their children might never learn Uzbek."83 Those that need to will
continue to learn Russian, but the vast majority still consider it to be largely
irrelevant to their lives. The central government has stepped up efforts to teach
Russian in schools as a result of proposals from the 1979 Tashkent conference "The
Russian Language: The Language of Friendship and Cooperation of the Peoples of
the USSR." At the same time, on a local level, "every year, more and more items of
Western and Soviet literature are being translated into the native languages of
Uzbekistan, and local printing houses are putting out increasing numbers of
newspapers and journals in the local dialects."84 In closing, we might note the
observation of Michael Rywkin, a noted authority on Central Asia: "The conclusion
is clear: better educated Muslims do learn Russian as an indispensable tool for their
own advancement, but linguistic Russification has not taken place, and local Turkic
languages are undergoing a real revival."85
EDUCATION
As noted above, what is today Uzbekistan was for many years a bastion of
learning in the Islamic world, although the area had reached its cultural climax
before the arrival of the Shaibanid Uzbeks. In fact, the medressah actually had its
origin in Bukhara in the tenth century. A number of Central Asian scholars have
made significant contributions to Western culture, including the great
mathematician Al- Khwarizmi and the philosopher and physician Avicenna. Timur's
grandson, Ulugh Beg was not only a patron of the arts, but also a prominent
academic himself. Among the greatest accomplishments of medieval Islam is his
observatory, remnants of which can still be seen in Samarkand. In fact, this ruler
was even recognized in Europe as one of the most prominent astronomers of his
time.
82
Sheehy, "Russian Share," 3.
Montgomery, "Once Again," 142.
84
Lubin, "Assimilation, 282.
85
Rywkin, Muslim Challenge, 99.
83
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However, despite the high level of learning going on in academic circles, the
vast majority of the common people still remained illiterate. If common people were
exposed to any education at all, more likely than not it consisted of rote
memorization of the Qur'an in Arabic in the mekteb, although some, especially those
studying in the medressah, also had access to the Persian and Turkic classics.
Furthermore, it was primarily the male inhabitants of the large towns and cities that
benefited from this: opportunities for women to receive education were almost nonexistent. This situation did improve somewhat during the nineteenth century,
however, so that by mid-century, there were 1,800 mektebs with a total enrollment
of 150,000 and 180 medressahs with 15,000 students in the Bukharan khanate86 and
in 1867, the city of Kokand, with a population of 80,000, was reported to have
15,000 students in 15 medressahs.87
Efforts were made in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, under the
influence of the Tatar reform movement known as Jadidism (jadid is Arabic for
"new"), to modernize Islamic culture through new methods of teaching which were
closer to the European model. Thus, Usul-i-Jadid (New Method) schools were set
up in many parts of Central Asia. At the same time, the Russians also established a
number of different schools for locals, including Russian schools, to which both
Russian and Muslim children were admitted, and Russo-native schools, "whose
object was to acquaint Muslim children with Russian culture through the medium of
their own language, and also with the elements of the Russian language."88
Although the Jadid schools were more popular than the Russian ones, neither made
a significant impact on the vast majority of the population which was still illiterate.
"It is... probable that in 1880... not more than 1 percent of the Muslim population
was literate. At the time of the Revolution, it was not more than 3 percent."89
Obviously, with the introduction of Communist rule in Central Asia, such a
vital sphere as that of education could not be left in the hands of religious elements.
However, Muslim schools were not entirely phased out until compulsory primary
education was introduced in the early 1930's. Quite apart from their political
motivations in secularizing and Sovietizing the education system, it cannot be
denied that Moscow has vastly improved the state of education among the local
population. "There can be no doubt that the standard of literacy and of higher and
technical education in Central Asia is far higher than that of any Muslim country in
86
Edward Allworth, "The Changing Intellectual and Literary Community," Central Asia: 120 Years of
Russian Rule, ed. Edward Allworth, (London: Duke University Press, 1989), 351.
87
Wheeler, Peoples, 23.
88
ibid, 99.
89
Wheeler, Modern History, 198.
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the world and indeed higher than of any Asian or African country with the
exception of Japan and Israel."90
Certainly, one of the most impressive accomplishments of the Soviet regime in
Central Asia has been the virtual eradication of illiteracy. In 1959, the literacy rate
in the Uzbek SSR in the 9-49 age group was given as 98.1.91 Including all age
groups and leaving out the figures for non-Uzbeks living in the republic, the actual
literacy rate for the Uzbeks at that time was 51.0 percent.92 Today, literacy is almost
universal amongst Uzbeks. There are currently 286 newspapers published in the
republic, 195 of them in Uzbek, as well as 88 periodicals, 32 of them in Uzbek.93
There are two universities in the republic, Tashkent Lenin State University and
Samarkand Ali Shir Nava'i State University, as well as several institutes for the
training of teachers, doctors, agriculturalists and other specialists. Whereas in years
past Russians formed a large percentage of students in institutes of higher education
in the republic, about two thirds of these students are now Uzbeks.94
THE LITERARY ARTS95
As a result of the crucial role that Transoxiana played in the medieval Islamic
world, Central Asians have a long literary heritage. Prior to the Soviet period, this
was primarily expressed in terms of poetry, including written versions of the great
oral epics which the area has produced for centuries. Obviously, in light of the
general illiteracy in the area, written literature was only accessible to a very small
percentage of the population. Thus, the vast majority of people received their
exposure to literature through listening to recitations of the oral epics. Many of
these, such as Alpamysh, Dede Korkut and Koroghlu, were not just the possession of
one group, but were shared by all the Central Asian peoples, including the Uzbeks.
Prior to the fifteenth century, most literature in Central Asia was written in
Arabic or, more often, Persian. The Turkic dialects were not considered appropriate
for literary purposes. However, that all changed as a result of Mir Ali Shir Nava'i,
considered to be the poet laureate of the Uzbeks, even though he lived prior to their
advent in Transoxiana. Nava'i made Chagatay, the precursor of literary Uzbek, into
a great literary language. Babur wrote his memoirs (the famous Babur-nama) in the
same language and the earliest Uzbek rulers, including Muhammad Shaibani Khan,
90
ibid, 198.
E. Glyn Lewis, Multilingualism in the Soviet Union: Aspects of Language Policy and Its Implications
(The Hague: Mouton, 1972), 175.
92
ibid, 57.
93
Europa Year Book, 2757.
94
Lubin, "Assimilation,"283.
95
For a more detailed account of Uzbek literature, see Edward Allworth, Uzbek Literary Politics, (The
Hague, Mouton, 1964).
91
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composed poetry in it.96 At this time, most literature was poetry, although lines of
prose did occur in some of the epics.
As the Russians advanced on Turkestan, many poets wrote verses denouncing
the invaders and appealing to the Muslims to repel the foreigners. Later on, towards
the end of the nineteenth century, although Chagatay was still being used, some
Uzbek poets began to write in their own tongue. Among these were Muhammad
Amin-Hoja Muqimi (1850-1903) and Zakirjan Furqat (1858-1909), who wrote both
about traditional themes, especially that of romantic love, and the impact of Russian
culture on the Uzbeks in poems such as Gimnaziya (The Russian School), Rus
Askarlari tarifida (About Russian Soldiers), and Elektrik lampochkasi haqida
(About the Lightbulb).97 As a result of the growing Russian influence, some Uzbek
poets such as Furqat and Hamza Hakimzadeh Niyazi began to write prose as well as
poetry in the early twentieth century. By this time, Uzbek had replaced Chagatay as
the main literary language.
During the first years of the Soviet period, Uzbek writers, many of them
former members of the Jadid movement, played a major role in helping the
Bolsheviks consolidate power in Central Asia. Some of these, such as Niyazi, who
headed up the Uzbek Union of Godless Zealots, became the victims of fellow
Uzbeks angered at the changes that Communism brought to their way of life.
Others, such as Abdalrauf Fitrat, Abdullah Qadiri (1894-1939), and Abdulhamid
Cholpan (1898-c.1938) along with many other members of the Uzbek intelligentsia,
were subsequently liquidated in the Stalinist purges of the 1930's, due to their panTurkic and even anti-Russian sentiments.
As with all other aspects of Uzbek culture under the Soviet regime, literature
has been subject to significant restrictions. In general, writers have had to conform
to the dictates of Socialist Realism, in order that their works may be a tool in the
hands of the State for "building Socialism". Furthermore, in keeping with the
Stalinist formula "national in form and socialist in content," each nation has been
urged to develop its own unique "national literature". Writers have been given clear
guidelines for both style and content. Accepted themes have included those of
"socialist industrialization," "life on the kolkhoz," atheism, and the emancipation of
women. Authors have also been exhorted to follow the example of exemplary
Soviet writers. For the Uzbeks, these include both Russians, like Gorky, and fellow
Uzbeks, such as Aybek (1905-1968) and Hamid Alimjan (1909-1944).98 In
96
For more information on Nava'i, see Barry Hoberman, "Chaucer of the Turks," Aramco World, Vol
36, No 1 (1985), 24-27.
97
Allworth, Literary Politics, 28.
98
Robert J. Barrett, "Convergence and the Nationality Literature of Central Asia," The Nationality
Question in Soviet Central Asia, ed. Edward Allworth (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1973), 23.
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particular, "Uzbeks have been expected to admire the Russian past but not their
own, and to regard Russian poets as part of their pre-revolutionary heritage and
originators of the Uzbek literary movement."99
Of course, in order to ensure that the literature being produced is acceptable to
the regime, all writers who wish to publish must also belong to the Uzbekistan
Soviet Yazuchilari Soyuzi (The Union of Soviet Writers of Uzbekistan). The primary
medium for getting literary exposure is the journal published by the Union, known
as Sharq Yulduzi ("Star of the East"). One of the former presidents of this Union,
Sharaf Rashidov (1917-1983), went on to become the First Secretary of Uzbekistan
from 1959 to 1983, as well as an alternate member of the CPSU Politburo.
Besides many of the finest Uzbek writers themselves, there were other
casualties of the Stalin era. One of these was Alpamysh, one of the great Central
Asian epics considered to be a significant part of Uzbek literary heritage. Its
content, having to do with the struggle between Central Asian Muslims and the
Buddhist Kalmyks, another Soviet nationality, was denounced in 1952 as "a work
inspired by Muslim fanaticism and chauvinism."100 Literary works praising the
Soviet leaders and the Russian people in general were also common during this
time. A popular practice was to take a traditional folk tale or legend and to
substitute the name of Lenin or Stalin for the name of a historical or legendary
Central Asian figure.
There have undoubtedly been attempts to Russianize Uzbek literature, a trend
promoted by certain members of the native elite, such as Rashidov: "The works of
many of our writers in recent years give proof of their growing literary maturity...
They are mastering the rich experience of the Russian world and classics... Russian
literature with its revolutionary traditions, deep love of humanity, and its true
popular spirit is considered the real university where Uzbek writers attain their
literary expertise and mastery."101
However, despite Soviet efforts to regiment Uzbek literature to conform to the
ideology of the State, Uzbek writers have not forgotten their literary heritage. As a
result, they have been criticized in their writing for endeavoring "to create works
imitating foreign Oriental literature" (in other words, their writing sounds too much
like that of the rest of the Muslim world, especially Persian literature) and thus
"imitating only the sentimental, romantic treatment in them," a method of writing
which "produces no positive results" and "leads away from socialist realism."102 As
Edward Allworth, a prominent Western authority on Central Asia, has noted:
99
Allworth, Literary Politics, 100.
Rywkin, Muslim Challenge, 101.
101
Cited in Barrett, "Convergence," 25.
102
ibid, 29.
100
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"Soviet Russians did not want their own poets, like Pasternak and Anna Akhmetova,
to create non-political, intimate, lyric verses. They could still less tolerate Uzbek
poems about peacocks, roses, nightingales, and lovers. Such subjects were regarded
by militant critics as an unpleasant legacy from the past."103
Other authors, in exploring themes from the past, have not been diligent
enough in denouncing the old Muslim customs and promoting the new Communist
ones: "The writer must not only expose old customs and mental attitudes, but he
must also see and accept the new forces in life that are fighting against them."104
One Western observer has summed up the present situation in the Central Asian
literary community as follows: "While neglecting themes of contemporary,
industrial life dominated by machines and production plans, Uzbek, Kazakh, Kirgiz,
and other Central Asian writers appear to be obsessed... with the rediscovery of their
own ancient past, a theme until so recently restricted to exposures of earlier political
tyranny and social stagnation."105
Thus, during the 1970's, many historical novels were written by Uzbek
authors, including "such works as Abil Yaqubov's The Treasure of Ulugbek,
Mimushin's The Architect, Pirimqul Qairov's Starry Nights, and the first two
volumes of Mirzakalan Ismaily's Fergana before the Dawn."106 One of the boldest
of these to emerge recently is Olmas Qoyalar (The Immortal Cliffs), by Mamadali
Mahmudov, a novel about the Russian conquest of Central Asia. "His novel
insistently express love for the homeland - a homeland distinct from Russia - that
requires protection from Russia by every Central Asian. Therefore, the fiction
excoriates those who collaborate with the invading Russians, calling the traitors
'serpents' (ilan)."107 Not surprisingly, the novel was denounced by the Uzbek
Writer's Union.
Prior to the twentieth century, drama did not play a significant part in Uzbek
society. Wandering jesters, bards, itinerant comedians and even puppeteers who
acted out short roadside dramatic scenarios were not unknown before this time, but
it was only under the Jadid reformers that drama began to be institutionalized in the
first decade of this century. Many of these Jadids continued to be involved in the
medium under the Bolsheviks. Writers such as Fitrat, Cholpan, and Niyazi were
among these. As was the case with Uzbek poetry and novels, nationalistic
sentiments in some of the early works were criticized by the regime and many of the
playwrights subsequently vanished under Stalin.
103
Allworth, Literary Politics, 92.
Cited in Barrett, "Convergence," 30.
105
ibid, 28.
106
Rywkin, Muslim Challenge, 101.
107
Edward Allworth, "The New Central Asians," Central Asia:120 Years of Russian Rule, ed. Edward
Allworth (London: Duke University Press, 1989), 534.
104
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Although many of the works which have been produced under the Soviets are
undeniably propaganda, some of the subject material has come from traditional
Central Asian sources, including legends and the great oral epics. In addition, there
have been translations of both Russian and English plays (such as Hamlet). The
emergence of drama has, of course, also paved the way for the subsequent
development of the cinema, an even more effective propaganda tool. However, with
increased relaxing of censorship and a greater boldness on the part of Uzbek
playwrights, changes have come to this medium also.
MUSIC108
Traditional Uzbek music has been heavily influenced by the musical styles
and practices of the Middle East. Thus, the traditional instruments used, including
lutes (such as the tanbur and dombira), spike-fiddles (like the qobuz), woodwinds
(such as the nay and surnay), and percussion instruments (like the doira) are all very
similar to those occurring throughout the Middle Eastern cultural basin, which has
been so strongly shaped by Islam. Other aspects of traditional Uzbek music, such as
the use of minor keys, the general absence of harmony, the preference for smaller
ensembles, certain singing styles, and, until the Soviet era, the absence of written
notation, are also indications of Middle Eastern influence.
As with many cultures, Uzbek music has both a "classical" stream and a "folk"
one. The classical "art" music of the Uzbeks is based on the structure known as the
maqam, a pre-arranged basis for a musical performance which specifies the
melodies, rhythms, and tempos to be used, leaving little room for innovation. From
this Middle Eastern form developed a specifically Central Asian musical suite called
the shashmaqam (literally, "six maqams"). Uzbek folk music includes such Central
Asian characteristics as competitive songs, in which a boy and girl sing successive
verses in an attempt to lyrically outwit each other, and the singing of the great
Central Asian epic narrative poems, such as Farhad and Shirin and Layli and
Majnun. Traditionally, Uzbek music was performed in small ensembles, since the
different tunings of the instruments made certain combinations musically
impossible.
Since the coming of the Russians to Central Asia, music has undergone a
number of changes. Tashkent was a major cultural center of the Russian Empire
and, as such, Russian music early on had an influence on the urban elite. Under the
108
For more detailed information on Uzbek music, see Joanna Spector, "Musical Tradition and
Innovation," Central Asia:120 Years of Russian Rule (London: Duke University Press, 1989); Viktor
M. Beliaev, Central Asian Music, trans Mark and Greta Slobin (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan
University Press, 1975), especially 257-323.
1990 Mark Dickens
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Soviets, Uzbek music was subjected to a number of distinctly Western ideas,
including the formation of orchestras and choruses to play and sing traditional as
well as Western music. Musical notation was standardized and the musical
instruments were restructured to conform to Western musical scales. As native
music students were instructed in Western ways, such alien elements as
harmonization and bass lines were introduced. Uzbek operas and ballets based on
Central Asian literary themes and the oral epics were written.
An extensive recording industry has been established in Uzbekistan, and the
Tashkent branch of Melodiya (the Soviet recording company) turns out a steady diet
of both Western and Uzbek music, the latter including classical, folk, and
contemporary genres. The mass media are also effective ways of disseminating
music to the general population, although David Montgomery observed in 1982 that
"Tashkent radio and television broadcasts feature more of Soviet European type
music and performances than in previous years. There was still a large amount of
broadcasting in Uzbek and other Central Asian languages, but less of this
broadcasting featured folk and traditional music and dance."109 There are numerous
dance troupes which perform both Western and traditional dances. Amongst the
latter, perhaps the most famous is the all-female Uzbek dance company known as
Bakhor (Springtime).
OTHER ARTFORMS
Prior to 1917, fine arts such as painting and sculpture did not play a prominent
role in Uzbek culture, although there was a strong tradition in Central Asia during
the medieval Islamic period, especially under Timur, of miniature painting, book
illumination, and calligraphy. More popular amongst the common people were the
more functional "folk" artforms of carpet weaving, ceramics and embroidery.
The Russian conquest had a negative effect on these crafts. "First, the influx of
Russian trade goods in competition with local craft wares weakened and sometimes
destroyed local craft. Second, the demand in Moscow for art work from Turkistan
often had a deleterious effect on art styles and craftsmanship, since craftsmen did
not take the same pains with work destined for an alien and distant market as for the
face-to-face customers examining wares in the shops of the bazaar."110
Since 1917, art has been subject to the same dictates of Socialist Realism that
literature has. In place of the old guilds that artists and craftsmen belonged to in preSoviet days, the State has substituted unions for each artform. As with writers,
109
Montgomery, "Once Again," 139.
Elizabeth E. Bacon, Central Asians Under Russian Rule: A Study in Culture Change (Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1966), 109.
110
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membership is compulsory for those who want to have a market for their art.
Almost every artform is promoted on two levels: a Western "professional" one and a
traditional one. In general, the latter are still more popular with the local populace.
During the "cult of personality" which thrived under Stalin, artforms such as
carpetweaving and ceramics suffered from the tendency to feature portraits of
prominent political personalities, especially the great dictator himself. Today, this is
much less common and the subject matter for various kinds of artwork may vary
from a portrait of Lenin to a depiction of a legendary figure, from a scene of a
hydroelectric plant or a cotton collective to a landscape.
ARCHITECTURE111
Uzbekistan is the home of some of the finest architecture to be found
anywhere in the Muslim world. The most significant of these works are nearly all
religious buildings which originated during the Timurid dynasty and are heavily
influenced by Persian architectural styles. Although there are architectural
masterpieces in several cities, the most impressive of these are in Samarkand. One
of these is the Shah-i-Zinda (The Living Prince), the supposed tomb of Kussam ben
Abbas, who was alleged to be a cousin of Muhammad himself, martyred on the site
in the seventh century. It is a complex of sixteen mausoleums and other buildings,
rebuilt by the Timurids after the Mongol conquest.
Timur has also left his mark on the skyline of Samarkand in two monumental
structures, one largely in ruins today and the other fairly well preserved. The former
is the magnificent Mosque Bibi Khanum (The Old Queen), which was built so
hastily, between 1399 and 1404, that it began to crumble shortly after it was
finished. The latter is the Gur Emir (The Great Prince), built in 1404, the
mausoleum in which Timur is buried, which was originally adjoined to a
medressah. Its bulbous, fluted cupola is one of the most distinctive features of
Samarkand even to this day.
However, perhaps the most famous architectural complex in all of Central
Asia is located on the great square in Samarkand known as the Registan, initially
built by Ulugh Beg and subsequently added to in the seventeenth century. The
square is flanked by three medressahs: the Medressah of Ulugh Beg, the Medressah
Shir Dor ("Bearing Tigers," referring to the images which adorn its facade), and the
Medressah Tilla Kari ("Adorned with Gold," alluding to the original wall coverings
111
For more information on Central Asian architecture, see Edgar Knobloch, Beyond the Oxus:
Archaeology, Art & Architecture of Central Asia, (London: Ernest Benn Ltd., 1972), especially 107171; Arthur Sprague, "Modernizing Architecture, Art, and Town Plans," Central Asia:120 Years of
Russian Rule (London: Duke University Press, 1989).
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inside). The Registan is still a popular tourist attraction and the Soviets have put
together an impressive light and sound show that is shown at nighttime to highlight
the structures around the square. Outside the city, Ulugh Beg erected his
observatory, probably the best in the world at the time (it was built 1424-1428).
Only the gigantic slit in the earth which originally housed the sextant is left today.
There are also some very impressive architectural monuments elsewhere in the
republic, especially in the cities of Bukhara, Khiva, and Kokand. Although later
dynasties could not match the architectural opulence of the Timurids, the Uzbeks
continued to build great monuments. As late as 1910, the khan of Khiva, Sayyid
Muhammad Rahim Bahadur II, erected a 182 foot-tall minaret in his capital city.
As the Russians moved into Central Asia, they brought their architectural
styles with them. Some wealthy Muslims began to build residences in the Russian
style. At the same time, Russian architects were influenced by local styles. Once the
Soviets took over, Central Asian architecture came under the influence of
"Constructivism": "With a heavy emphasis upon function and rational planning, this
style was characterized by an almost complete lack of decoration and, at its best, a
fine integration of blocklike, geometric forms."112 Constructivism was succeeded by
Socialist Realism architecture, described by one author as "a ponderous,
anachronistic, and often vulgar revival of classicism in architecture... [which] has
left some of the most appropriate monuments to nonart which Communist Party
architects could have devised."113 One such example is the Ali Shir Nava'i State
Opera and Ballet Theater in Tashkent, described by the same author as evoking "the
image of a small-town 'First National Bank' decked out in the frivolities of
Hollywood's Moorish 'East'."114
As noted above, Tashkent has increasingly become a Russian city and this is
reflected in the architecture of the capital. Many of the older buildings were
destroyed in the wake of a serious earthquake in 1966, thus necessitating much
rebuilding, mostly of apartment complexes. Visitors to the republic in 1975
commented on the current architectural scene in the cities:
We saw far too many solid and ugly Soviet-style buildings, with
straight lines and square corners, and flat roofs covering an immense
concrete expanse. However we admired imaginative attempts to
recapture an Uzbek style of architecture: notably in Tashkent where
there is a conference-hall modelled on a caravanserai [the combination
hotel and stable which housed caravans travelling the old Silk Road] to
the extent that the tiled walls are built around a central hall... There is
in the centre of Tashkent a well-known tea-house (the Golubye
112
Sprague, "Modernizing," 508.
bid, 511.
114
ibid, 514.
113
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Kupola) whose roof and chimneys are built as blue domes, and where
you can eat 'pilau' and 'kebab' between columns behind delicate
fretwork screens.115
In recent years, the government has made great efforts to restore some of the
Timurid monuments, especially in the Registan. Trades such as the glazing of tiles
are still handed down from father to son and skilled craftsmen trained in these
artforms are being employed in the restoration projects. Interestingly enough,
modern technology has not been able to duplicate the exact color of the azure blue
tiles which cover the domes of many of these structures, such as the Gur Emir. The
restoration of these buildings has made the Uzbeks aware of yet another valuable
cultural contribution they have made to the world. As one student said in
conversation with Montgomery, "When you see these buildings, you realize that
even in the feudal times we were a people capable of great achievements. We still
are."116
DWELLINGS
As in any society, Uzbek dwellings reflect the social standing of their
occupants. While the differences between social classes was much more pronounced
before the period of Soviet rule, differences can still be seen between rural and
urban Uzbek houses. Traditionally, most Uzbek houses have consisted of a walled
compound surrounding an interior courtyard and the actual living space. This type
of dwelling can still be found in rural areas and in the older sections of most towns
and cities. Such a setting is ideal for housing the extended family networks that have
traditionally formed the basis of Uzbek culture. The courtyard also provided a place
where the women, who were traditionally separated from male society, could do
their chores, whether baking bread or tending animals, without being seen by men
who were not relatives.
Prior to modernization under the Russians, most cities resembled those of
medieval Europe, with the city walls enclosing a mass of narrow streets and
dwellings often rising two stories up. Houses with courtyards were less common in
the crowded center sections of these cities. Most houses had no windows looking
out on the street, the only access being provided by a gate. Inside, especially in the
homes of the rich, elaborate decoration often made up for the rather plain exteriors
of these dwellings. Most frequently, this decoration consisted of carved wooden
doors and walls finished in the carved plaster style known as ganch. Occasionally,
trees might even be painted on the walls. Floral motifs were common in this type of
115
Poulton, "Recent Visit," 307.
David C. Montgomery, "An American Student in Tashkent," Asian Affairs, Vol. 59, No. 1
(1972),38.
116
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decoration. Most homes were simply furnished. Traditionally, people have preferred
to sit on cushions and rugs on the floor. The latter were often woven by the women,
although this craft was also practiced by men.
Rural villages were for centuries comprised of mud-walled houses and narrow
alleys. This remains the norm amongst the Uzbeks of Afghanistan and such
dwellings may still be found in some rural areas of Uzbekistan. Since wood is a
scarce commodity in Central Asia, mud (or brick, if the owner could afford it) was
the most popular building material until this century, when cement began to be used
much more widely. Other significant structures in both villages and cities included
mosques, bazaars, and teashops. All three can still be found, although, as noted
above, there are far fewer mosques now than there used to be.
The coming of the Russians to Central Asia brought changes in the way that
buildings were built, as well as the way cities were laid out. Broad avenues and
brick buildings became common. Some of the locals, especially the rich, built
homes in the European style. "Double cities" developed, with the urban centers
containing both a native section and a European one, much the same as occurred in
India under the British. Under the Soviets, even further changes have occurred.
Thus, large apartment complexes have been constructed in the cities. However, the
suites are usually deliberately designed to be too small for the traditional extended
family to live together in them.
FOOD
Uzbek food is similar to that of the other peoples of Central Asia. Lamb is the
most common type of meat, although chicken, beef, fish, and various types of exotic
birds, such as quail, are also eaten. Due to the traditional Muslim prohibition on
eating it, pork is rarely consumed. Perhaps the most popular meal is pilau, a rice and
meat dish topped with carrots and raisins. Kebabs are also frequently eaten, as are
manti (steamed meat pies) and shurba (mutton soup). There are also several pasta
dishes. Uzbek bread, called cherak, is baked in round loaves. The vegetables and
fruits, especially grapes and melons, which the republic produces also play an
important role in the Uzbek diet. Most meals are accompanied by chai, or tea. With
the removal of traditional Islamic restrictions on drinking which have occurred
under the Soviets, the consumption of alcohol is much more commonplace now.
As with most Muslim peoples, meals are great social occasions, whether eaten
at home or in the local chaikhana (teahouse). Uzbeks in a rural setting, as well as
those who value the traditional way of doing things, eat sitting on the floor, with the
food served either on a cloth spread out on the floor or on a low table. Eating with
hands was originally used instead of utensils, although this practice is not so
1990 Mark Dickens
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common today. Of course, as a result of the different ways in which Uzbeks have
responded to Russian culture, one can now find a broad spectrum of practices, from
those who maintain the traditional ways to those, especially in an urban context,
who have totally discarded them, eating as the Russians do at tables and chairs.
CLOTHING
Before the Soviet era, Uzbeks traditionally wore either tunics (for the men) or
dresses (for the women) over baggy pants. In addition, boots and various types of
headgear, including skullcaps and turbans, were worn. Today, Western clothing has
by and large replaced traditional dress in public. However, almost all Uzbek men
and many women still wear the duppi or skullcap. Men's duppies are mostly black,
embroidered with white thread and are known as chust duppies, whereas those of
women tend to be more colorful. Even far from Uzbekistan, these duppies identify
the wearer as an Uzbek. Many women still wear the distinctive Uzbek dresses,
formerly made of silk, but now with the traditional patterns of alternating colored
stripes printed on to cotton fabric. Women, especially younger ones, frequently
wear their long, dark hair in braids and, although the paranja (a head to toe covering
for women) and the veil are things of the past, it is common to see older women
wearing scarves or shawls on their heads. Old men can still be seen wearing turbans
and long multicolored robes, known as chapans, in the streets of both villages and
cities. Indeed, most men have at least one chapan in their wardrobe, although
younger ones will only wear it on festive occasions or possibly in their own homes.
SOCIAL STRUCTURE117
Over the years since the Uzbeks abandoned their nomadic way of life, the
importance of the tribe and clan as the primary unit of allegiance has basically
vanished. However, sometimes the old structure of the elat (a subdivision of the
clan) is maintained in the kolkhoz (collective farm), the leadership essentially being
a Council of Elders, known as aqsaqals (literally, "white beards"). One survey done
in 1957 in the Khorezm region showed that "the make-up of the Uzbek kolkhoz
villages corresponded exactly to the clan (elat) divisions, and consisted of groups of
40 families descended from the same ancestor and regarding other Uzbeks as
'foreigners.'"118 Remnants of this old clan-consciousness can still be found, as
evidenced by this comment made by an Uzbek student to David Montgomery: "My
117
For a more detailed description of Uzbek society prior to the Russians, see Bacon, Russian Rule, 5691; under the Russians prior to 1917, 105-115; since 1917, 151-189.
118
Bennigsen and Quelquejay-Lemercier, Soviet Union, 198.
1990 Mark Dickens
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family is of the white bone [old nomadic tribal aristocracy] lineage; therefore we
can only marry into certain families.... Our parents help us to select a spouse so that
family prestige is maintained and that we are properly connected."119
Prior to the Soviet era, the basic unit of Uzbek society was the extended
family: in addition to the inclusion of grandparents, a typical family also included
married sons and their families. The society was strictly patriarchal, hierarchical,
and authoritative. Uzbek women, unless they happened to belong to a wealthy
family, had little hope for social advancement. They generally lived in seclusion, so
that wearing the veil was mandatory if they went outdoors, and they were
considered to be the property of their husbands or fathers. Marriage was generally
endogamous (within the tribe or clan) and was almost exclusively arranged by the
parents. It was very common for cousins to marry. A number of traditional but not
specifically Islamic customs relating to marriage were practiced, some of which
have been mentioned above. These included the payment of a bride-price (called
kalym), the practice of kaytarma, in which the bride was retained by the family until
the full bride-price was paid, and amengerstvo (customs of levirate or sororate120).
Girls were often married off at a very young age and the Muslim practice of
polygamy was practiced if the man could afford more than one wife.
All these practices were subsequently banned by the Soviet government. Other
customs, such as endogamy and the veiling of women, although not illegal, were
portrayed in official propaganda as backward and hence to be shunned. The
combined effect of proscription and propaganda has been a radical change in the
Uzbek social structure. However, such customs die hard. As late as 1954, a Western
visitor to Tashkent estimated that 5 percent of the women in the native part of the
city were still wearing the veil, although this practice seemed to have vanished four
years later, according to the report of another Western observer.121 During the
sixties, there were still reports of the seclusion of women and polygamy being
practiced, often amongst Party officials!122 These practices are extremely rare today,
although Montgomery did meet one individual who boasted of having three
wives.123
As noted above, the practice of kalym still occurs, although it is often in the
form of wedding gifts today. Although there is no hard evidence of the persistence
of marriage at an early age, the school truancy rates for teenage girls suggest that
119
Montgomery, "Return," 302.
The levirate is "the custom of marriage by a man with his brother's widow" and the sororate is
"subsequent or concurrent marriage with a wife's sister" (The Random House Dictionary of the English
Language, Unabridged Edition, 1966).
121
Bennigsen and Quelquejay-Lemercier, Soviet Union, 190f.
122
ibid, 190,192.
123
Montgomery, "Return," 298.
120
1990 Mark Dickens
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this is still practiced.124 In addition, although there is much greater freedom in the
selection of a mate than previously, Soviet surveys show that 88 percent of urban
Uzbeks and 92 percent of those in the villages still insist on parental consent for
marriage.125 Although there are undoubtedly many more women in the workforce
than there ever were prior to Soviet rule, traditional attitudes towards the role of
women still tend to predominate and Uzbek women still expect to raise large
families. In 1972, the average expected number of children was 6.26, compared
with 2.00 for the Russians.126
Of course, these traditional perspectives on the role of women are stronger in
the countryside than in the city. Montgomery notes that "the urban Uzbeks,
particularly the educated upper classes, limit their family size.... The growth of a
consumer economy is one of the reasons. Due to a wider range of economic choices
and material satisfactions, rather than by many children, personal status and peer
esteem can be attained by material possessions such as televisions, clothes, furniture
and cars, which do not require an increase in responsibility, loss of personal
freedom, and continuing expense as would many children."127
Prior to the Soviet era, the class structure of Uzbek society was much more
evident. Social status came from such things as family background, property
ownership, wealth, education, religious position, and employment with the
government of the khanates. There are some Western observers that would maintain
that, despite the Soviet government's goal of a classless society, there is still a social
hierarchy in Central Asia, although often one's status now depends on one's
relationship with the Communist Party. Montgomery also observed a sense of
superiority amongst some urban Uzbeks, especially those from Tashkent, in relation
to their rural kinsmen: "Particularly, some women feel themselves too good for
Uzbek men from other towns: 'They are not kul'turniy enough.' Some upper-class
Tashkent Uzbeks justified their cars, fine apartments, dachas (country houses) and
high salaries as a necessity and not an inequity: 'The rural people, the kolkhozniks,
do not need luxuries or much money; after all, they can have their own garden and
raise animals. City life is harder.'"128 Yet another phenomenon related to social
groupings is that of gap-ziyofat (discussion-hosting) groups. These are informal
gatherings, made up of close friends who are usually not related by blood. Meetings
may involve a musical performance or some other form of entertainment or perhaps
even religious rites. "These groups offer much mutual support in life cycle
124
Bennigsen and Quelquejay-Lemercier, Soviet Union, 188f.
Rywkin, "National Symbiosis," 9.
126
Feshbach, "Trends," 89.
127
Montgomery, "Once Again," 143.
128
ibid, 142.
125
1990 Mark Dickens
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transitions and crises such as births, deaths, circumcisions, marriage, illness,
education and job placement."129
URBAN LIFESTYLE
Most of the towns and cities in present-day Uzbek territory grew up in the
oases that dot the desert region, many of them on the banks of the major rivers in
the area. From the second century BC up until the time when it was eclipsed by the
sea routes as the major trade link between China and Europe, the Silk Road ran
through Transoxiana and many of these settlements were key staging posts for the
camel caravans that plied the overland trade routes. Thus, there is a long tradition of
trade in Central Asia and bazaars and markets have flourished in the area for
centuries. Their presence helped to support a large variety of different craftsmen and
the bazaars were traditionally divided up into sections according to the merchandise
being sold. Before the Soviet period, one could find almost anything one wanted in
the bazaar, including silk, yarn and fabric, jewelry, copperware, pottery,
leatherwork, rugs, agricultural tools, guns, cooking oil, meat, fruits and vegetables,
and baked goods. In addition to their stalls at the weekly markets, many craftsmen
had permanent shops set up in the towns.
The cities were also crucial for the administration of the khanates during the
period that they dominated the Central Asian political scene. Each had an
established bureaucracy, a court system, a police force and an army (although these
armies were no match for the superior Russian forces that they later came up
against). However, social conditions under the rule of the khans were not ideal. In
general, standards of health and sanitation were low. The society was distinctly
feudal and the khans themselves were frequently despotic, freely dispensing their
version of justice, in the form of torture and execution, to those who dared to cross
their will or displease them in any way. Thus, criminals, people accused of apostasy
from Islam and unwelcome British envoys were not infrequently hurled from the
top of a minaret, such as the Minar Kalan in Bukhara (210 foot tall ).
Recreation and entertainment amongst the city dwellers was primarily of the
spectator variety. Old men would sit around in the teashops, gossiping, telling
stories and playing games such as chess. There were also fights between animals,
such as cocks and rams, and professional entertainers, especially on bazaar days and
during the Muslim festivals. These included "musicians, dancers, comics,
puppeteers, acrobats, jugglers, stiltwalkers, and animal acts."130 Almost all of these
129
130
Montgomery, "Return," 296.
Bacon, Russian Rule, 87.
1990 Mark Dickens
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entertainers were men. Especially popular were the dancing boys, known as bachas.
One of the most exciting sports not only to watch, but also to participate in, was the
horsemanship game known as ulaq or buzkashi, in which teams of riders compete to
carry a sheep carcass around a post and across a goal line. Apparently, the game was
originally played by the Mongols with live prisoners of war. Of course, this form of
entertainment had to be played in wide open places outside the city and was also
popular with rural folk. Although alcohol is forbidden in Islam, it seems that
drinking was not entirely unknown, even amongst the khans, although those
imbibing had to do so discretely. Certainly, use of the water pipe was widespread,
with both men and women smoking nas (green tobacco). Less frequently, opium
and hemp (called bang) were smoked as well.
There can be no denying that the Soviet era has vastly improved the material
standard of living of the Uzbeks. This is especially true in the urban areas, which
have grown steadily as a result of the rapid development of industrialization in the
republic. As a result of the major emphasis on cotton cultivation in the republic, a
number of related industries, such as cotton ginning, cotton-seed oil and fertilizer
production, textile manufacturing and the production of agricultural machinery,
have developed. The cities provide access to the modern conveniences that are
available to Soviet citizens elsewhere in the USSR.
The higher educational institutions in the cities also open the door for more
and more Uzbeks to move into professional positions in industry, communications,
medicine, education, and administration. This is especially true of women, a radical
change from the past. For instance, in 1947, Uzbeks only comprised 3.9 percent of
the scientific workers in their own republic. In 1960, they made up 34.4 percent. By
1975, the percentage had risen to 48.1.131 Though this is still not proportional to
their share of the overall population, it is undeniably an improvement over the past.
Indeed, the increasing proportion of Uzbeks in positions of influence has the
Russian population of the republic worried. As David Montgomery has noted, as a
result of his stay in Tashkent, "with the rise in Uzbek qualifications the European
population is no longer assured of its domination of high level positions and must
now compete. Some Europeans cannot accept the fact that Uzbeks are qualified and
attribute their employment at high levels to bribes and other corrupt practices....
there were comments that once Uzbeks had become securely employed in positions
of authority and responsibility, they tended to favour only other Uzbeks for
employment."132
131
Steven L. Burg, "Central Asian Political Participation and Soviet Political Development," The USSR
and the Muslim World, ed. Yaacov Ro'i (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1984), 43.
132
Montgomery, "Return," 300.
1990 Mark Dickens
38
Perhaps the most significant aspect of urban life in Uzbekistan is the degree to
which the cities, and hence their residents, have been Russianized. This is especially
true of Tashkent, where there are as many Europeans as there are Uzbeks. Much of
the housing in the city is racially integrated, although there are older sections of the
city where few non-Muslims live. As a major administrative and industrial center in
the USSR, the Uzbek capital has probably felt the impact of the Russian culture
more than anywhere else in the republic. Thus, knowledge of the Russian language
is greater and adherence to Islam is more tenuous here. Yet, as Nancy Lubin
observes, "the long dusty roads of these cities,... the old men on donkeys competing
with buses and trolleys on the city's main thoroughfares; the young Uzbek boys
grazing their sheep in the university park - everything in the physical appearance of
Uzbekistan's cities suggests that they are not 'modern industrial centres' in any
familiar sense of the term, but rather, that elements of an ancient past still linger,
indeed still remain strong."133 Lubin also notes that this cultural duality extends to
all of the activities of Uzbek city-dwellers: "Local teenagers in the smaller cities of
the Fergana Valley may spend one evening celebrating a wedding or circumcision
strictly according to traditional and religious rules, and then spend the next evening
dancing Western rock and roll in Andizhan's local discotheque, or studying for
exams on scientific atheism."134
RURAL LIFESTYLE
"Uzbeks are for the most part a rural people. In Uzbekistan, approximately
two-thirds live in villages and towns with populations of less than 2,500."135 The
Uzbeks originally moved south into Central Asia in order to leave behind a nomadic
lifestyle and to adopt a more sedentary way of life. As a result, rural Uzbek life
differs from that of some of the other Central Asian peoples, chiefly the Kazakhs
and Kirghiz, many of whom still travel with their flocks and herds between summer
and winter pastures. In contrast, the rural Uzbeks are almost all agriculturalists,
most of them involved in working the land, although some also work in animal
husbandry. As noted above, irrigation was and still is crucial in order to support this
vital section of the Uzbek economy. Prior to the Soviets, most rural Uzbeks lived in
a village, called a qishlaq. Under the Soviet regime, many have been reorganized
into collective farms.
As noted above, the most important crop in Uzbekistan today is cotton.
Although cotton has been grown for a long time in the area, it was not until after the
133
Lubin, "Assimilation,"278.
ibid, 278.
135
Montgomery, "Uzbek," 462.
134
1990 Mark Dickens
39
Russian conquest that it became the chief crop. In order to better supply Russia's
expanding need for the commodity, an improved strain of American cotton was
introduced in the late nineteenth century. "Before the introduction of the American
variety, cotton had been grown by Uzbek and Tajik peasants on small holdings, as a
cash or barter crop supplementing grain and other food crops. Russia, with its
increasing demand for cotton, sought to convert the region to a one-crop economy,
turning all suitable land to cotton culture and shipping in grain from Russia."136 This
trend has continued under the Soviets, with more and more land being used for
cotton growing and less and less for grains, including rice.137 Besides cottongrowing, sericulture (silk worm harvesting) is also an important component of
Uzbek agriculture, as are the growing of various fruits (especially melons and
grapes), rice, tea, and some grains. Traditionally, animals have played a big role in
both agriculture and transportation. Astrakhan lamb skins, which come from the
famous karakul sheep, comprise a significant Uzbek export item. Horses, camels,
and donkeys were and still are used as beasts of burden. Of course, these have been
supplemented more recently by tractors, trucks, and buses.
Prior to the Soviet regime, rural society was feudal in nature, with poor
peasants working on land owned by rich peasants and landowners. Under the
Soviets, the initial stage of change came in the form of agrarian reform. "By the end
of [1925] it was claimed that in Uzbekistan all land holdings exceeding 135 acres
had been expropriated and redistributed."138 However, this reform was only a
temporary step toward the ultimate goal of collectivization. "In Uzbekistan alone
between 1930 and 1934 more than 40,000 kulak [rich peasant] holdings were
liquidated. By 1932 74.9 percent of the peasant households in Uzbekistan had been
collectivized."139 This percentage had increased to 99.2 by the end of the Second
Five-Year Plan in 1937.140 This collectivization campaign was an important step in
exerting Soviet control over the area, as Geoffrey Wheeler, a British scholar, has
noted: "By destroying the traditional system of land tenure and water rights the
Soviet regime struck at the roots of Muslim society and prepared the ground for the
supplementary campaigns aiming at political indoctrination and cultural
regimentation."141
However, at the same time, Michael Rywkin observes that "the role of private
plots in Uzbek agricultural production is actually increasing.... Soviet Uzbek
estimates are around 26 to 28.8 percent [of the gross output of the republic] and
136
Bacon, Russian Rule, 107.
For figures, see Rywkin, Muslim Challenge, 47.
138
Wheeler, Modern History, 136.
139
Wheeler, Peoples, 72.
140
Bacon, Russian Rule, 155.
141
Wheeler, Peoples, 73.
137
1990 Mark Dickens
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account for a quarter of a collective farmer's income."142 In almost every area of
livestock raising and crop production, the percentage of their income that Uzbek
farmers derive from privately owned means of production is considerably higher
than the USSR average.143 Indeed, there are definite economic advantages to living
in the country: "work on the cotton collectives pays huge rouble bonuses and
facilitates the rapid accumulation of funds."144 In addition, the rural lifestyle itself is
attractive to many Uzbeks. As one Uzbek educator, noting the tendency of students
of rural origin to accept jobs in the country rather than in the city, noted, "Perhaps it
is the housing; many Uzbeks have as their ideal to have a house with a courtyard
and garden plot, and maybe even a cow; modern urban dwellings are not that
appealing."145
In general, rural Uzbeks tend to be much less Russianized than their urban
kinsmen. Thus, knowledge of the Russian language is much lower than in the cities,
adherence to Islam and the more traditional customs is stronger, and social
interaction with Russians is minimal, since most of the Russians in the republic live
in the cities. However, even in rural areas, "many Uzbek families - and particularly
rural collective farmers - have cars, and almost all Uzbeks have TVs, radios, and
electricity."146
THE PAST AND THE FUTURE
The Soviets have attempted to manufacture a new cultural identity for the
Uzbeks. They have been successful to some extent. Certainly the process of
modernization that has taken place over the past seventy years has drastically
changed the shape of Uzbek culture. However, it seems that the Uzbeks, while
willing to benefit from some of the obvious material benefits of Soviet rule, have
not whole-heartedly abandoned their traditional way of living. On the contrary, if
anything, the attempt to suppress different aspects of their culture, such as language
and religion, has resulted in an even stronger affirmation of what it means to be
Uzbek. There is definite fascination with and appreciation of the past heritage of the
Uzbek people. As one Uzbek said to Montgomery, "We realize that tourists come
here to see Uzbeks and not more of Russia. Thus, their interest in Uzbekistan
encourages us to be more mindful of our music, dance, architecture and other
traditions."147
142
Rywkin, Muslim Challenge, 54.
ibid, 56.
144
Montgomery, "Return," 174.
145
ibid, 301.
146
Lubin, "Assimilation," 284.
147
Montgomery, "Once Again," 145f.
143
1990 Mark Dickens
41
It is certainly difficult to predict what the future shape of the USSR will be. It
no longer seems improbable that republics and maybe even whole sections of the
country could secede from the Union. In light of recent events, this appears to be
especially likely in the Baltic states and in the Caucasus. However, although Central
Asia has been much less turbulent during the same time that there has been ethnic
unrest elsewhere in the USSR, we should not therefore conclude that this reflects a
lack of interest in being free of Soviet rule. On the contrary, there almost seems to
be a silent strategy unfolding in Uzbekistan and the adjacent republics. Whereas
other sections of the country that had experienced various degrees of modernization
before 1917 can legitimately look back over the past seventy years and lament the
fact that they have lagged behind as a result of being part of the Soviet Union, there
is a very real sense in which the Uzbeks and other Central Asians, despite the
suffering they have experienced under the current regime, have been brought fully
into the modern world during the Soviet era. At the same time, they have been
rapidly growing in numbers, especially over the last three decades. They are now in
a much stronger position to actually form either separate nations or even one united
country. In light of this possibility, we might close with the following observation
by Alexandre Bennigsen and Marie Broxup:
At present, the Uzbeks are by far the largest and most developed group
among Central Asians.... The Uzbek Republic contains all the cultural
and historical capitals of Central Asia - Bukhara, Samarkand, Kokand,
Urgench, Shahrisabz and Khiva. The best Central Asian universities
(Tashkent and Samarkand) and scientific institutions (the Uzbek
Academy of Science in Tashkent) are in Uzbekistan, and so is the seat
of the Muslim Spiritual Directorate and the only working madrassahs
(Tashkent and Bukhara). The Uzbeks, not surprisingly, also have the
largest and most sophisticated native intelligentsia of Central Asia to
act as guardians of the national culture and the traditions of Central
Asia.... These advantages have allowed the Uzbeks to claim the
Muslim culture of Turkestan between the ninth and nineteenth
centuries as their own. Avicenna, Timur, Ulugh-beg, Ali-Shir Navai
and Emperor Babur are all claimed as Uzbeks, with the result that the
Uzbeks are promoting the merger of 'Uzbek' and 'Turkestani'
consciousness. The Uzbeks are now recognised as the leaders of
Central Asia by most other Central Asians, and while this role is more
psychological than economic or political, it is nevertheless certain that
the importance of the Uzbeks as the leaders of Central Asia - and
eventually maybe of all Soviet Islam - is growing. It is probable that by
the turn of the century the Uzbek nation, some 25 million strong, will
act as the pole around which other nationalities of Central Asia will
federate. If Turkestan is to be united again, as in the time of Timur, it
1990 Mark Dickens
42
will be around the great cities of Tashkent, Samarkand and Bukhara
once more, and under Uzbek leadership.148
148
Bennigsen and Broxup, Islamic Threat, 139f.
1990 Mark Dickens
43
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This article examines the reactions of Central Asian writers to the attempts of
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1990 Mark Dickens
44
This translation of the work of a prominent Soviet ethno-musicologist
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This book reviews the spread of Islam in what is today the USSR, the current
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This work outlines the history, organization, and activities of the Sufi
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This paper examines recent Soviet policy towards Islam under Gorbachev,
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This paper looks at the development of the Central Asian elite under the
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1990 Mark Dickens
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Conolly, Violet. "'Jubilee Year' in Central Soviet Asia," Asian Affairs, Vol. 58, No. 2
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This work discusses various aspects of the multilingual situation in the USSR,
especially the implications that this has for Soviet linguistic policies.
Lubin, Nancy. "Assimilation and Retention of Ethnic Identity in Uzbekistan," Asian
Affairs, Vol. 68, No. 3 (1981), pp. 277-285.
This article, the result of the author's residency in Uzbekistan for one year,
looks at the degree to which Uzbeks have been Sovietized, based on
observations in the areas of religion, language, and modernization.
Montgomery, David C. "An American Student in Tashkent," Asian Affairs, Vol. 59,
No. 1 (1972), pp. 28-40.
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This paper is the result of the author's period as an exchange student in
Tashkent during 1969 and discusses such issues as academic and social life at
the university and the social, cultural, and political attitudes of the Uzbeks.
Montgomery, David C. "Uzbek," in Muslim Peoples: A World Ethnographic Survey,
ed. Richard Weekes. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1978.
This section of Weekes' book gives a basic overview of Soviet Uzbek culture,
including areas such as religion, language, dwellings, clothing, food, and
recreation.
Montgomery, David C. "Return to Tashkent," Asian Affairs, Vol. 66, No. 2 (1979),
pp. 166-179 and Vol. 66, No. 3 (1979), pp. 292-303.
This article is based on the author's six month stay in Tashkent in 1977 and
1978 and deals with such issues as living conditions, food, transportation,
entertainment, politics, language use, religion and ethnic relations in the city.
Montgomery, David C. "Once Again in Tashkent," Asian Affairs, Vol. 70, No. 2
(1983), pp. 132-147.
This paper is based on the author's two-month stay in Tashkent during 1982
and comments on such things as modernization, food supply, ethnic relations,
religion, and the situation in nearby Afghanistan.
Ostling, Richard N. "Islam Regains its Voice," Time, April 10, 1989, pp. 64,65.
This article examines the current resurgence of Islam in the USSR,
highlighting some of the more significant factors involved.
Poulton, Robin and Michelle. "A Recent Visit to Bukhara and Samarkand," Asian
Affairs, Vol. 63, No. 3 (1976), pp. 299-311.
This paper is the result of a visit to Uzbekistan in 1975 and discusses current
conditions in Bukhara and Samarkand, including the economy, agriculture,
architecture, and the status of women.
Ro'i, Yaacov. "The Impact of the Islamic Fundamentalist Revival of the Late 1970s
on the Soviet View of Islam," in The USSR and the Muslim World, ed Yaacov
Ro'i. London: George Allen & Unwin,1984.
This article discusses the impact in the USSR of the revolutions which
happened in Iran and Afghanistan during the late seventies, especially in light
of the effects they may have on the population in Central Asia.
Roxburgh, Angus. "Soviet scandal that almost got away" The Sunday Times, 12 Feb.
1989, B6.
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This article deals with the fall from grace of Shamsuddin Babakhanov, the
Tashkent mufti, in February 1989 and the reasons why the Soviets did not
publicize this event widely.
Rywkin, Michael. Moscow's Muslim Challenge: Soviet Central Asia. Armonk, NY:
M.E. Sharpe, 1982.
This work deals with the potential problem that Central Asia poses to
Moscow, highlighting the economic, demographic, religio-national, cultural,
sociological, and political aspects of that problem.
Rywkin, Michael. "National Symbiosis: Vitality, Religion, Identity, Allegiance," in
The USSR and the Muslim World. ed. Yaacov Ro'i. London: George Allen &
Unwin, 1984.
This article examines the current vitality of Central Asian culture, including
the aspects of demography, private enterprise, social mobility, religious
customs, and nationalism.
Sheehy, Ann. "Russian Share of Soviet Population Down to 50.8 Percent," Radio
Liberty Report on the USSR, Vol. 1, No. 42, (1989), pp. 1-5.
This article discusses the results of the 1989 Soviet census, which reveal that
the Russians barely form half of the population, while the Central Asian
nationalities are growing rapidly.
Spector, Joanna. "Musical Tradition and Innovation," in Central Asia:120 Years of
Russian Rule. London: Duke University Press, 1989.
This article discusses various aspects of Central Asian music, including
performance practices, instruments, notation, and the changes that have come
since the Russian conquest.
Sprague, Arthur. "Modernizing Architecture, Art, and Town Plans," in Central
Asia:120 Years of Russian Rule. London: Duke University Press, 1989.
This article examines the influence of the Russians upon Central Asian art and
architecture, including the role of Socialist Realism.
Thrower, James. "Survival of Islam in the Soviet Union: The Forgotten Muslims of
Central Asia and Kazakhstan," The Scottish Journal of Religious Studies, Vol.
8, No. 2 (1987), pp. 108-120.
This is an overview of Islam in Central Asia from the time of the Arab
conquests to today, with a focus on the changing Soviet policy towards Islam
and the current situation.
Watani, Abdullah. "Ramadan in Soviet Central Asia," Islamic World Review, Vol. 6,
No. 70 (1987), pp. 58-61.
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This article, from a Muslim perspective, discusses how Ramazan ("Ramadan"
in Arabic) is celebrated in Soviet Central Asia.
Wheeler, Geoffrey. Racial Problems in Soviet Muslim Asia, 2nd ed. London: Oxford
University Press, 1962.
This book covers the situation in Central Asia from tsarist times to the present,
focusing on the Soviet Nationalities Policy, and the political, cultural and
economic impact of the Russians on the area.
Wheeler, Geoffrey. The Modern History of Soviet Central Asia. London: Weidenfeld
& Nicolson, 1964.
This work deals with the history of Central Asia, with an emphasis on the time
since the Russian conquest, and evaluates the impact of Soviet culture on the
native population.
Wheeler, Geoffrey. The Peoples of Soviet Central Asia. London: The Bodley Head,
1966.
This work covers much the same information as is contained in the author's
previous books, especially The Modern History of Soviet Central Asia.
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