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ProtoSociology
An International Journal of Interdisciplinary Research
Volume 30, 2013
Concepts –
Contemporary and Historical Perspectives
www.protosociology.de
© ProtoSociology
Volume 30/2013: Concepts – Contemporary and Historical Perspectives
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Contents
© 2013 Gerhard Preyer
Frankfurt am Main
http://www.protosociology.de
peter@protosociology.de
Erste Aulage / irst published 2013
ISSN 1611–1281
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Volume 30/2013: Concepts – Contemporary and Historical Perspectives
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Kolumne
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ProtoSociology
An International Journal of Interdisciplinary Research
Volume 30, 2013
Concepts—Contemporary and Historical Perspectives
Contents
Concepts, Sense, and Ontology
What Happened to the Sense of a ConceptWord? ................................
Carlo Penco
6
Sense, Mentalese, and Ontology ............................................................. 29
Jacob Beck
Concepts Within the Model of Triangulation ......................................... 49
Maria Cristina Amoretti
A Critique of David Chalmers’ and Frank Jackson’s Account of
Concepts ................................................................................................ 64
Ingo Brigandt
he Inluence of Language on Conceptualization: hree Views .............. 89
Agustin Vicente, Fernando Martinez-Manrique
Representations, Contents, and Brain
Views of Concepts and of Philosophy of Mind—
from Representationalism to Contextualism ........................................... 108
Soia Miguens
Changes in View: Concepts in Experience .............................................. 124
Richard Manning
Concepts and Fat Plants: NonClassical Categories, Typicality Efects,
Ecological Constraints ............................................................................ 152
Marcello Frixione
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Contents
Concepts in the Brain: Neuroscience, Embodiment, and
Categorization ........................................................................................ 167
Joseph B. McCafrey
Recalling History:
Descartes, Hume, Reid, Kant, Ockham
Conceptual Distinctions and the Concept of Substance in Descartes...... 192
Alan Nelson
he Concept of Body in Hume’s Treatise ................................................ 206
Miren Boehm
Conceiving without Concepts: Reid vs. he Way of Ideas ...................... 221
Lewis Powell
Why the “Concept” of Spaces is not a Concept for Kant ........................ 238
homas Vinci
Ockham on Concepts of Beings ............................................................ 251
Sonja Schierbaum
On Contemporary Philosophy
Paradoxes in Philosophy and Sociology
Note on Zeno’s Dichotomy .................................................................... 269
I. M. R. Pinheiro
he Epigenic Paradox within Social Development ................................. 281
Robert Kowalski
Contributors .......................................................................................... 308
Impressum ............................................................................................. 310
On ProtoSociology ................................................................................. 311
Published Volumes ................................................................................. 312
Digital Volumes available ....................................................................... 317
Bookpublications of the Project .............................................................. 318
Volume 30/2013: Concepts – Contemporary and Historical Perspectives
© ProtoSociology
What Happened to the Sense of a Concept-Word?
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Concepts, Sense, and Ontology
© ProtoSociology
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Carlo Penco
What Happened to the Sense of a ConceptWord?
Carlo Penco
Abstract
In this paper I shall outline a short history of the ideas concerning sense and reference of
a concept-word from Frege to model theoretic semantics. I claim that, contrary to what
is normally supposed, a procedural view of sense may be compatible with model theoretic
semantics, especially in dealing with problems at the boundary between semantics and
pragmatics. A irst paragraph on the paradox of the concept horse will clarify the attitude
concerning the history of ideas that I assume in this paper. In the second paragraph I will
discuss some misunderstandings in the shift from the sense/reference distinction in Frege to
the intension/extension distinction in model theoretic semantics. In the third I will show how
a particular interpretation of the Fregean sense of a concept word (and of cognitive sense in
general) may be of interest for model theoretic semantics.
Introduction
Discussion on concepts both in philosophy and psychology have produced so
many new ideas on the topic, that it becomes diicult to make any comparison
between contemporary debates and the Fregean worries. After recent criticism
of concepts as natural kinds (Frixione 2007, Macherie 2009) cognitive scientists, philosophers and psychologists are proposing new ways of treating diferent aspects of cognition in humans and other animals; are concepts developed
from a prelinguistic ability to classify? How do they develop in children? If
we do not deine concepts as natural kinds, shall we deine them as functional
kinds? shall we deine them epistemically, semantically o by their origin? (see
for instance Sainsbury-Tye 2011). Although some Fregean “problems” are still
confronted, the contemporary debate on concepts seems to go far away from
the original terminology used by Frege, that attracts mainly exegetic confrontation (we have excellent examples in Künne 2010 and Textor 2011). A possibility
to ind new suggestions in Frege’s analysis of concepts may take two trends:
on the one hand we may work on how his complex distinction of “levels” of
concepts present psychologists and computer scientists with new problems (cf.
Brandom 2009); on the other hand we may work on the history of ideas1 and
1 Following Dummett’s distinction between history of ideas and history of thinkers given in
Dummett’s Origins of Analytic Philosophy.
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look inside the development of semantics after Frege, trying to reconstruct
some of Frege’s ideas in a new setting. I will follow the second trend, pointing
out a blind spot in contemporary semantics, due to a failure to engage with
the Frege’s conception of the sense of a predicate—or in his terminology, a
“concept-word” (Begrifswort).2
In this paper I will try to show the compatibility of a procedural interpretation of the Fregean sense of a predicate with contemporary model theoretic
semantics. I don’t claim that Frege cannot suggest alternative perspectives in
semantics and theories of meaning; however, as Eva Picardi (2005, 35) remarks,
it is diicult to accept that radically diferent interpretations of Frege—such
as representationalist vs. inferentialist theories—“did equal justice to Frege’s
central concerns”. Picardi 2005 has shown some diiculties of strong inferentialism to keep some basic Fregean desiderata; on the other hand most people
agree that model theoretic semantics, although it has been developed on the
track of Frege through Carnap, apparently abandoned some Fregean requirements on cognitive aspects. Nevertheless I think that some of Frege’s most
debated views on concepts are either preserved in new settings, like lambda
calculus, or could be developed inside model theoretical semantics. I will then
present (1) an assessment of one of the most famous problem concerning the
Fregean theory of concepts as exemplifying a way to see its compatibility
with develoments of logics after him; (2) a short historical presentation of
the evolution of semantics after the Fregean distinctions of sense and reference for predicates in front of the “anomaly” of the original Fregean tripartite
classiication; (3) a use of the Fregean requirement on the sense of predicates
that impinges upon the problem of the boundary between semantics and
pragmatics.
1 Frege on Concepts as “Objects of a Special Kind”
Frege’s original theory of concept is grounded on his analogy between concepts
and functions: “what is called in logic a concept is connected with what we
2 Although Frege distinguished concept words and relational words, we may accept the traditional view according to which the term “concept” can be used as common designator for
properties and relations (Carnap 1956, p. 21); analogously “predicate” can be used as expressing one-place predicates and n-places relations: “Human” is a one place predicate, but the
concept of “Assassin” is expressed by a relation, that is by a two place predicate (unless we
want to include other variables as suggested by Fillmore).
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Carlo Penco
call a function … a concept is a function whose value is always a truth value”
(FC 15) Presented in this way the theory is certainly original with respect to
the past; historically, it is a generalization of the idea of function. Stripped
of its prose it can be considered the origin of the “classical” view, where connectives can be considered as functions from truth values to truth values and
predicates as functions from individuals to truth values: Px represents a function that has the value true when completed with a singular term referring
to an object falling under the concept P, or belonging to the class denoted
by P.
A great deal of the philosophical discussion on Frege’s theory of concept has
been devoted to his theory of the non-deinability of (the notion of ) a concept.
Frege gives a semantic deinition of objects and concepts as what is referred to,
respectively, by singular terms (proper names) and predicates (concept words).
Predicates or concept words are for Frege unsaturated expressions, i.e. patterns
given by a sentence fragment that needs to be completed by a singular term, as
with “… is a horse”.3 However, in natural language, we are almost compelled
to refer to concepts using the deinite article: “the concept horse” How can we
make the connection between the expressions “… is a horse” and “the concept
horse”? How can we say that the concept horse is a concept? Our grammar
suggests that an expression composed with the deinite article “the” (a deinite
description) is a singular term, whose reference is an object and not a concept;
therefore we should paradoxically assert “the concept horse is not a concept”.4
his has been called “the paradox” of the concept horse. Frege (1892b: 201)
concludes that concepts are “objects of a special kind”, and asks the reader to
accept this incongruence of natural language. Coming back on the issue years
later, Frege (1906: 210) insists that grammar may mislead us, given that using
a deinite description to refer to concepts is “a mistake language forces upon
us”. However informal elucidations should be enough to clarify the intention
of the writer in order to understand the sharp distinction between concepts
3 On concepts as sentence patterns see footnote 15. Concepts are also usually expressed in
natural language by words with an indeinite article, like “a horse”. Textor (2011, 227–229)
remarks that the idea of concepts as sentence fragments or patterns (rooted in Bg §9) and
as common names coexist in Frege, although diferent authors have chosen to favour one or
the other conception to repair Frege’s theory of predication. Textor (2011, 235–38) seems to
favour the common name version and a revision of what he calls “sentence remainder” view.
However Frege’s later insistence on “unsaturatedness” of concepts is a reminder of chemical
analysis and seems to be fully coherent with the early deinition of concept words as patterns
extracted by sentences.
4 Frege (1892b: 196) does not use the term “paradox”, but speaks of awkardness of language or
linguistic dissonance, or, more literally, an “indeed unavoidable linguistic hardness” (freilich
unvermeidbare sprachliche Härte).
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and objects (functions and arguments) on which the construction of his formal
system is grounded5.
Frege required “a pinch of salt” of us in order to understand the diference
between objects and concepts, remarking that not everything in a formal system can be explained, and that the elucidations of the signs preceding the
presentation of the formal system are informal introductions, that cannot be
expressed in terms of the formal system. Among many discussions (starting
with Dummett 1973 until Davidson 20056) we ind two extreme positions: on
the one hand Crispin Wright claims that the paradox is not solvable unless we
reject the application of the notion of sense and reference to predicates; on the
other hand New-Wittgensteinians claim that Fregean elucidations are plain
and “robust” nonsense. Both criticisms seem overstated.
On the one hand Wright 1998 claims that Frege’s use of a singular term to
refer to concepts clashes with his requirement for which two expressions with
the same reference should be inter-substitutable in all extensional sentences
salva veritate, and in all sentences salva congruitate (reference principle); in fact
singular terms (“the concept horse”) and concept words (“… is a horse”) have
diferent grammatical roles and cannot substituted salva congruitate.7 here5 In speaking of “objects of a special kind” Frege (1892b: 201–202) refers to the hierarchy of
concepts (that anticipates Russell’s theory of types) and to the distinction between properties
and characteristic marks of concepts. In the hierarchy we may have concepts as arguments of
other concepts; this does not blur the distinction between concept and object, because the
second level concepts contain as arguments irst level concepts that require empty places for
individuals.
6 Dummett (1973, 212 f.) claims that, if not solved, would be “a reductio ad absurdum of Frege’s
logical doctrines”; his original solution, based on the use of second level concepts (ibid. p.
214), has however been challenged and it has been often considered not completely satisfying. Davidson’s book on predication tries to show that what Frege wanted to say is given
correctly inside a Tarskian theory of truth; therefore what Frege wanted to say with the idea
of incompleteness should be reduced to the disquotational schema: “F” is true of x if Fx.
On Davidson’s interpretation see Picardi 2008 for her subtle and clear distinctions between
Frege’s, Dummett’s and Davidson’s viewpoints. Another very signiicant treatment of the
subject is the one given by Parsons 1986, that discusses the confusions arising from mixing
informal language and formal requirements. He claims that Frege’s justiication for accepting
that any phrase beginning with the deinite article must refer to an object is not well grounded
even in his proper view (Frege himself recognize that “the horse is a four legged animal” does
not refer to an individual).
7 Concerning the conclusion drawn from the reference principle Textor (2010, 255) claims that
“the argument is not persuasive, for two expressions a and b might not be intersubstitable
salva congruitate in all sentences and yet have the same reference.” he conclusion that “… is
a horse” and “the concept horse” have diferent reference is not warranted by the argument.
According to Textor, that predicates may refer is supported by inferences with existential
generalization like “Hans is a man. herefore there is something which Hans is, namely a
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Carlo Penco
fore, in the end, Frege was mistaken: singular terms refer, but predicates don’t8.
Wright criticizes Dummett’s attempt to solve the “paradox” inding a way
to express the second order expression “concept horse”, but the discussion
may probably be stopped before the beginning. One problem with Wright’s
interpretation is that he wonders “how exactly Frege is to communicate his
semantic proposals about predicates”; he asks for a “decent semantic theory”
(Wright 1998, §III) while Frege explicitly considers his elucidations something
where exactness cannot be attained, because—used to introducing his formal
system—they are not part of it. Instead of conceding Frege to give an informal
introduction to the basic concepts of his semantics, Wright looks for a formal
analysis, and comes to the conclusion that Frege’s basic mistake is the application of the sense/reference distinction to predicates (concept words). Wright
requires a strict formalism exactly where Frege was supposing that no formal
deinition is required: we cannot give deinitions for primitive elements of the
system. (E.g. Frege 1906: 301; 1924: 290). Wright is correct in saying—after
Frege—that singular terms and predicates behave diferently, and we may refer
to predicates indirectly, by giving their extension. In fact we may use extensions
(classes) as the semantic value of predicates (as contemporary semantics does);
but this does not abolish the possibility of speaking of concepts.9 We touch
here a point in which—as Textor (2011, 253) remarks—“reference as what we
want to speak about and reference as semantic role come apart”. Speaking of
the reference of a predicate is not only deining a semantic value in a formal
system, but also—basically—a reminder for the distinction between a function
and its extension, distinction on which Frege was insisting in all his remarks
on the idea of function. We might be content to claim that, in our informal
elucidations, we need to refer to entities that are not objects, but concepts.
On the other hand, since the connection between Frege’s “elucidations”
and Wittgenstein’s remarks on the unsayable discussed by Geach 1976 and
man” (p.235).
8 his conclusion is coherent with what Parsons 1986 (451) said about Frege’s claim that both
names and predicates refer: “names refer to objects and predicates refer to concepts. So reference must be a relation that sometimes takes an object in its second place and sometimes
takes a concept in its second place, his would make reference a relation of mixed type, and
such relations are not allowed in Frege’s type theory.”
9 Although Wright criticizes Dummett’s interpretation, his conclusion is very similar to what
Dummett says in 1973, 243: “Frege’s attribution of reference to incomplete expressions appears
in the end unjustiied”; the main motivation is that this attribution cannot be shown to play
any signiicant role in the Fregean account of the sense of a predicate: “the role of predicates
is not to pick out a concept … but, rather, to say something determinate about objects” (ibid:
244). In the end predicates refer by “force majeur”, which may be interpreted as saying (as
Textor (2010, 249 comments) “in short: they don’t refer”.
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later by Diamodn 1988, many authors, mainly “New Wittgensteinians”, began to theorize the “inefability” or “nonsense” of philosophical elucidations
(the elucidations of Tractatus itself, or the elucidations in the introduction to
Frege’s Begrifsschrift). Certainly Frege was well aware that the basic concepts
of the theory are not part of it and called the words “concept” and “function”
with the term “pseudo-predicates”, and used to speak of “nonsense” (Unsinn)
about attempts to deine primitive elements of his system until his latest writings10. Wittgenstein in the Tractatus called “object” and “function” “formal
concepts”—i.e. not genuine, empirical concepts—that “show” their function
in the use of the formalism. Anticipating Quine’s motto, Wittgenstein used
to say that the correct use of the word “object” is expressed in the formalism
by a variable.11 However, although both Frege and Wittgenstein used the term
“nonsense” (“Unsinn”), it is plain that Frege used it in special cases, where the
grammar of language clashes with theoretical intuitions as in the case of “the
concept horse”. Instead of accepting the attempt to recognize the limitations of
the grammar of our natural language to express some basic ideas of the formal
system, the New Wittgensteinans consider that what elucidations attempt to
say always issues in plain nonsense.
Frege’s aim (followed to the extreme in Wittgenstein’s Tractatus) was more
modest, and asked for informal agreement on basic concepts of his formal
theory: “since deinitions are not possible for primitive elements, something
else must enter in. I call it elucidation. It is this, therefore, that serves the
purpose of mutual understanding among investigators, as well as of the communication of the science to others.”12 I am not alone in thinking that the so
10 “what is simple cannot be analysed and hence not deinied. If, nevertheless, someone attempts a deinition, the result is nonsense. All deinitions of functions belong to this category” (Frege 1924: 290)
11 Although we need some steps to get to Quine’s “to be is to be the value of a bound variable”, we can trace Quine’s motto back to some suggestions given in Wittgenstein 1921 §
4.12721–2: “Every variable is the sign for a formal concept. (…) hus the variable name ‘x’
is the proper sign for the pseudo-concept object. Wherever the word ‘object’ (‘thing’, etc.)
is correctly used, it is expressed in conceptual notation by a variable name. For example, in
the proposition, ‘here are 2 objects which … ’ it is expressed by ‘($x,y) … ‘. Wherever it is
used in a diferent way, that is as a proper concept-word, nonsensical pseudo-propositions
are the result. So one cannot say, for example, ‘here are objects’, as one might say, ‘here
are books’. (…) he same applies to the words ‘complex’, ‘fact’, ‘function’, ‘number’, etc.
hey all signify formal concepts, and are represented in conceptual notation by variables.”
12 Frege 1906: 301. Although in later writings Frege made an explicit distinction between
metalanguage and object language, probably—in the early writings—he simply thought
that what can be said in elucidations given in natural language has a pragmatic value of
communication. Elucidations should therefore not to be considered part of “metalogic” (as
metalogic is intended today).
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Carlo Penco
called “paradox” of the concept horse is not really a paradox13, but what the
“second” Wittgenstein would have called a “misunderstanding” due to the
grammar of our natural language. Even in speaking of “nonsense” we should
need a pinch of salt.
In what follows I suggest an attitude where some basic Fregean ideas can be
considered not only as such, in contrast with logical systems developed after
him, but also for their value to illuminate and being illuminated by more
recent developments.
A irst example is what happened of the Fregean suggestion that concepts
are “objects of a special kind” (he could have said “entities”). he suggestion
has been developed by Alonzo Church with the lambda notation, where we
may refer to concepts by an expression with bound variables which is formally
analogous to the iota operator for deinite descriptions (that Frege introduces
in Grundgesetze § 11). In fact, facing the problem of the paradox of “the concept
horse”, somebody might attempt to use a second order description operator
such as: iF: (x) (F(x) if Horse (x)), that is “the F such that for all x, x is an F if
x is an horse”. But Frege introduced the description operator for singular terms
would have not accepted it for predicates that need to be represented as insaturated expressions (see also Dummett 1973: 244). Church breaks this prohibition
and invents a new kind of operator, with the expression “lx. horse (x)” as a way
to expressing the concept horse. Contrary to Frege’s requirement, we have here
an expression that is not literally “unsaturated”, that is with a gap. Is Church’s
solution radically diferent from Frege’s? Certainly it is, from the point of view
of strict literal interpretation, but, nevertheless other aspects of Frege’s main
tenets seem to be represented, especially in lambda abstraction and lambda
application, including the sharp diference between concepts and objects, at
least in typed lambda calculus14. For Frege a concept may be expressed by a two
place predicate like “kill (x,z)”; this kind of predicate is a pattern “extracted”
from sentences like “Brutus kills Caesar” or “Cato kills Cato”.15 In a much
13 See for instance, for a clear argument on this, Picardi (2008, 16–17); also Weiner 2001, in her
wide discussion of the use of elucidations, seems to have a more “moderate” attitude than
the one entertained by “New-Wittgensteinians”.
14 he distinction between object and concept inds some space in the standard interpretation
of typed lambda calculus, given that an object is an element of E and a concept is a function
from entities to truth values (E à T).
15 A central tenet of Frege, since Begrifsschrift § 9, is the decomposition of a sentence into
diferent patterns: in the sentence “Cato killed Cato” we may see diferent patterns like
“Cato killed x”, “x killed Cato”, and eventually “x killed x” and “x killed y” (the concepts of
suicide and assassin). Here, as Dummett 1973 suggested, we need to consider not only the
component words, but diferent patterns that permit diferent inferences through quantiication (like “if somebody killed Cato he is to be blamed; x killed Cato; therefore x is to be
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analogous way, with lambda abstraction the concept of killing is “abstracted”
from sentences like “Bruto kills Caesar”, and it is deined in lambda notation
as a function with two arguments: lx ly. kill (x, y). With lambda application
we may “apply” this function to particular individuals, and get the value true
with those individuals that satisfy the function, as with:
lx ly. kill (x, y) (Bruto, Caesar), or
lx. kill (x, x) (Cato).
he procedure of lambda abstraction is ideally very similar to the decomposition of thoughts in Frege’s writings, and lambda application shows a procedure
which is not so diferent from the illing of an unsaturated predicate with a
singular term to produce a sentence. A problem is given by the fact that Frege’s
requirement imposes that a concept be expressed by an unsaturated expression,
and therefore the lambda formula (where all variables are bound to the lambda
operator) seems not to fulill this requirement. Discussing Church’s notation,
Burge (2005, 21) claims that the strict requirement of expressing concepts as
unsaturated entities is an error on Frege’s side, and his rejection of using a
singular term (like “the concept horse”) as standing for a concept “constitutes
one of Frege’s most serious mistakes”. Was it a mistake or just an apparent
paradox intended to throw light on a misleading aspect of natural language? A
more favorable reading might say that Church, with the technique of lambda
notation, has found a way for expressing the idea of “objects of a special kind”
Frege was striving to realize16.
blamed”). I will not discuss any more this relevant feature, on which—after Dummett—
there are many expository texts like Brandom 2009, Penco 2010a, 77–79 (in italian), Textor
2011, 84–99. his analysis seems not so dissimilar to the strategy of lambda abstraction and
lambda conversion.
16 Given that for Frege concept words have reference, but in natural language one cannot properly say what their reference is, his solution in formal language is that one cannot introduce a
concept word directly, but only using the concept within a sentence, as he does introducing
connectives (or the identity sign) and showing how they work. Church gives a solution in
an artiicial language that avoids the problem posed by natural language restrictions. Textor
2011 remarks that the standard objection to Burge (following Crispin Wright) is that concept words cannot be intersubstitutable with singular terms (see footnote 8 on the reference
principle). But the argument does not support the conclusion that “… is a horse” and “the
concept horse” difer in reference. his is a good point in favor of the idea that we can refer
to a concept with a kind of complete expression like the one devised by Church. Burge’s
attitude seems too drastic in speaking of a “major mistake” in Frege. here are independent
motivation (without appeal to the saturated/insaturated distinction) for avoiding proper
singular terms in order to refer to concepts. he fundamental point is that “the semantics of
concept words is disconnected from the notion of identity” (See on this pont Textor 2011,
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Carlo Penco
his example aims to show that our way of studying the relations between
Frege and his successors may not only concern the technical diferences between two systems, but also how fundamental Fregean ideas can be “preserved”
inside the new settings. In what follows I try to describe a piece of history of
ideas that shows an internal need of model theoretic semantics to go back to
the Fregean conception of the sense of a predicate as distinct both from reference and extension, recovering a tripartite distinction that has typically been
rejected in model theoretic semantics, with the “disappearence” of the sense of
a predicate in contemporary semantics.
2 Frege and the Intension/Extension Paradigm
he history of ideas in logic and semantics seems easy to trace, but being accustomed to contemporary ways of doing logic, memory of the transformation
of common ideas is often lost in the overlapping of diferent systems. I will trace
some comparison between old ideas and new ones, to get the feeling of how
much is lost and how much is preserved of the idea of the sense and reference
of a concept-word. Fregean concepts are functions from objects to truth value:
the concept “Human” is the characteristic function that selects all elements
of the domain and returns the True if the element is a human and the False
otherwise. In contemporary model theoretic semantics the idea of concepts
as functions can be presented in terms of set theory, where the domain is the
set of all possible worlds and the codomain is the set of extensions (classes of
objects belonging to possible worlds). Frege was not interested in modality, and
therefore we may ind diiculty to see the similarity of his view of concepts as
functions from individuals to truth values and the model theoretic view, where
concepts are functions from possible worlds to extensions. However, if this
seems too distant from Frege’s view, we may see the similarity if we represent
intensions as functions with two arguments, a possible world and an individual
at that world; a concept could then be conceived as a function from objects
and possible worlds to truth values (given that Px is true of the object a at a
possible world w where a belongs to the class selected by P at that world).17
256 and f.). Textor’s tries to show why Frege takes the paradox of the concept horse to be
unsolvable, but torelable.
17 To clarify the matter it may be useful to remark that for Curry’s Law we have the equivalence
between functions from possible worlds to classes and functions from the Cartesian product
of possible worlds and individuals to truth values: (PW à (EàT)) ßà ((PW × E) à T).
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According to Frege what corresponds to identity of objects for concepts is
extensional equivalence: two concepts are the same if they have the same extension (similarly two intensions are the same if they have the same extensions in
the same possible worlds). Frege’s most peculiar aspect, is his tripartite division
according to which predicates have a sense, a reference and an extension.18
his tripartite division is lost since the irst standard interpretation of Frege’s
semantics made by Church; in Church’s classiication concepts become senses
of predicates and classes become their references (or “nominata”):
Singular term
Predicate
Sentence
Sense
Individual Concept
Concept
Truth Condition
Reference
Object
Class
Truth value
Partly inluenced by Church’s classiication, philosophers began to use the term
“concept” to speak of the sense or meaning of a predicate. What is misleading
here is the mixed terminology: Church apparently follows Tarski (who taught
in Los Angeles) in considering the referent or semantic value of a predicate
to be a class, while in Frege the referent of a predicate was a function, a mapping—what Frege called “concept” and Russell “propositional function”. With
Church a concept is no more the reference of a predicate or concept word, but,
contrary to Frege’s ideas, its sense. his simpliication made people forget the
original notion of the sense of a predicate in Frege19.
Carnap seems to be uncertain on Church’s treatment of the Fregean notions:
on the one hand he claims that Church “is in accord with Frege’s intentions”
A suggestion on these lines is given also by Nortmann 2001, 182,192, who proposes however
a diferent solution to the sense of a predicate, on the track of Geach’s function theory of
the Sinn of predicates, criticised by Dummett 1973 and discussed by Nortmann at pages
192–94. Nortmann suggests also a possible way to treat senses of predicates in a “subjective”
manner (which seems to me a Fregean rendering nearer to Chalmers’ epistemic intensions)
where the sense of a predicate F represents the speaker’s personal criterion for F-hood.
18 he tripartite division is clearly presented by Frege in a letter to Husserl in 1891. One of the
irst to give attention to Frege’s tripartite division is Wiggins 1984, who inds in it conirmation of Dummett’s early insistence on sense and reference of predicates and the damages to
equate the sense/reference distinction to the intension/extensions one. However Wiggins,
proposes a repair of Frege’s theory, inserting some consideration about the copula that seem
very far from Frege’s attitude.
19 Dummett (1981, 252) ofers the standard interpretation: “the sense of a predicate determines
a mapping from objects to truth values, that is to say, a concept. he sentence is true or
false according as the object does or does not fall under the concept, that is according as it
is mapped by it on the value true or on the value false. he mapping of objects on to truthvalues is not the sense of the predicate, but its referent: the sense is, rather, some particular
way, which we can grasp, of determining such a mapping”
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when he regards a class as the nominatum (reference) and the property as the
sense of a predicate; however he remarks—against Church—that the sense/
reference distinction is not the explicatum of the traditional distinctions between comprehension and extension or between connotation and denotation
(as Church claimed). Carnap claims, on the contrary, that what correspond in
Frege to the traditional distinction between intension and extension is the pair
function/course of value20. his means that in Carnap’s view the proper place
for Fregean concepts (as functions from individual to truth values) should be
taken by intensions (in Kripke’s semantics, functions from possible worlds to
extensions), while the course of value is apparently corresponding to the extension itself. herefore if we accept possible worlds semantics, the intension of a
predicate seems to be a good explicatum of the Fregean concept–as–function,
of what was for Frege not the sense, but the reference of a predicate, that is a
concept as a mapping. A simple schema may help clarifying diferences and
analogies with the Fregean ideas of concepts as functions:
Singular term
Predicate
Sentence
Intension
function from p.w. to
f. from p.w. to
f. from p.w. to
Extension
individual object
class
truth value
Here it is vividly apparent that, as Carnap insisted against Church, the intension/extension dichotomy is not an explicatum of the sense/reference dichotomy. To give an example: if sense were identiied with intension, then
Kripke’s thesis that proper names have no “sense” would be false because apparently proper names have an intension (a constant function that gives the
same individual as extension in all possible worlds where the individual exists).
What happened then? In model theoretic semantics we have just lost sight of
the Fregean sense of a predicate: there is no space for it; it vanishes21. he game
20 he discussion with Church is developed in Carnap 1956, § 29; Carnap speaks—with a
Russellian terminology—of “the distinction between the value distribution of a propositional function and the propositional function itself ” (Carnap 1956, 126–27). Although
Frege distinguishes the course of values from an aggregate or collection of objects, there is
an apparent connection between courses of values and classes or extensions. What a course
of value would be? A set of ordered pairs like, for the concept “man” <Homer, the True>,
<Socrates, the True>, <Helen, the False>, <Plato, the True>, <Aristotle, the True>, <Ipatia,
the False>, <London, the False>, and so on. But the set of ordered pairs is just a way to
give the class of men. Frege was a Platonist; also if the extension for him “derived” from the
concept (from the truth function) which is the primitive notion, he probably thought that
courses of values (and the corresponding class of objects) exist independently. he priority
of concepts should be epistemological, not ontological.
21 his assertion is too strong, if we think to Carnap’s intensional structure as an attempt to give
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is diferent: Frege’s terminology of sense and reference is no more usable here:
what was in Frege the reference of a predicate (a concept as mapping), is now an
intension; what was in Frege a reference of a singular term (an object) is now an
extension.
Is the last simpliied schema an advantage over the Fregean presentation
of the diferent semantic roles of singular terms and general terms (concept
words)? A standard formulation of the original Fregean tripartite division we
have referred above (at footnote 19) is the following:
Singular term
Predicate
Sense
MOP of a object
MOP of a concept
Thought
Reference
Object
Concept
Truth value
Extension
Sentence
Class
(“MOP” is “mode of presentation”) Why did Frege insist that the reference of
a concept is not its extension? Is this tripartite analysis really useful? According
to Frege, yes, for at least two reasons: (1) in developing scientiic hypothesis,
we need to develop concepts (functions) that might not have extension: the
concept “planet that inluences the orbit of Neptun” is a concept under which
no object falls; but it is still a clear and sharp concept;22 (2) given that coextensionality is not suiciently ine grained to make distinctions among concepts,
we need a way to distinguish among equiestensional concepts. Taking Quine’s
example in “Two Dogmas”, if we consider only coextensionality of concepts
we have no way to distinguish between “having a heart” and “having a kidney”
(or “chordate” and “renate”), given that all animals with a heart have a kidney
and conversely. What makes these two concepts diferent? A irst answer is that
the concepts of chordates and of renates have diferent criteria of application:
something is a chordate if it has a heart and a renate if it has a kidney. According to the Fregean distinction, the diference is given by the sense of the
predicate, not by its “reference” (the concepts themselves) nor by its extension
(the class of chordates coincides with the class of renates). In Frege’s view we
may distinguish between coextensive predicates on the ground of their cognispace to the answer Frege gave to lack of substitutivity in belief contexts. However Carnap’s
idea has not been developed inside model theoretic semantics. A new attempt to recover the
idea of sense in indirect contexts is given by Kripke 2008, but it does not touches explicitly
the problem of the senses of the predicates.
22 “A concept word can be logically incontestable although there is no object to which it refers
through its sense and reference” (NS 135). For a wider discussion on the arguments used by
Frege to claim that concept words cannot refer to extensions, but to unsaturated entities see
Textor 2011, 245.
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tive senses, that can be conceived as criteria of application or—basically—as
abilities to recognize instances of the concept (using a terminology introduced by
Strawson).23
However, if we consider concepts as intensions from possible worlds to extensions, there is no need of this tripartite analysis. Concerning (1), the concept
“planet that inluences the orbit of Neptun” is a function that refers (has as
its extension) to an empty set in all possible worlds in which no planet causes
perturbation of the orbit of Neptune. Concerning (2) possible worlds semantics reaches a similar result without the need of distinguishing reference and
extension: given that—in principle—we might have possible worlds in which
chordates are without kidneys, the concepts chordate and renate might be represented by two diferent intensions, that is two functions that give diference
extensions in some possible worlds.
Apparently, therefore, what Frege did with his machinery can be done inside
model theoretic semantics with more perspicuity and precision. he Fregean
system presented in his Grundgesetze der Arithmetik can be considered just
an anticipation of model theoretic semantics, with the idea of the sense of
a sentence as the thought that its truth conditions are satisied (Frege 1893,
§ 32). he paradigm of intension of a sentence as truth conditions, initiated
by Frege and established by Wittgensein, has become a central aspect of contemporary semantics, although in a new form. he Fregean subtleties seem to
evaporate in front of the complex machinery of model theoretic semantics and
what Frege’s logic can do seems just something that can be arranged in model
theoretic semantics, that does not “betray” Frege’s insights so much. In a way
model theoretic semantics seems to give all is needed. And Frege’s tripartite
classiication seems to be, as Davidson said, an idle wheel24. But this conclusion is misleading.
23 See Dummett 1973, 241. In fact knowing the criteria of application is knowing the characteristic marks of a concept, that are the properties of the objects falling under the concept. he
suggestion that in case of simple concepts, where we cannot individuate other component
concepts, criteria of application are abilities to recognize instances of the concept comes from
Strawson, as remarked by Textor (2011, 250).
24 Davidson (2005, 139), with a Wittgensteinian language, claims: “If we take predicates as
referring to entities we introduce a shadowy level of explanatory machinery between the
expressions and the work they do. […] But if predicates have a referent , this is in addition to
their sense and extension. his is the wheel that becomes redundant: to describe the semantic
value of a predicate is not to introduce another level of explanation.” his is an example of
the confusion stemming from an overlapping of terminologies, especially Church’s idea that
the sense of a predicate is its intension—as probably Davidson is assuming here. If we consider the intension as an explicatum of the reference and not of the sense of a predicate—as
I think to have shown reasonable—Davidson’s criticism becomes empty. herefore, what is
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3 he Sense of a Predicate as a Procedure Associated to a Function
he need of developing a formal semantic framework has been realized at
the cost of abandoning Frege’s worries concerning the cognitive dimension
of sense, to adhere more strictly to a semantic dimension, to use a distinction
made by Beaney 1996. In fact, after years of studies on Frege’s writings, many
authors ind it reasonable to accept a kind of “bifurcation of senses” that has
been forced upon Frege because of diferent worries: on the one hand worries
on the cognitive aspects linked to belief contexts where diferent expression
may bring out diferent thoughts, on the other hand worries on the semantic
aspects where diferent expressions may have the same truth conditions.25 To
put things in a simple way we may use Künne (2007, but also 2010:2/5): the
same truth conditional thought can be articulated in diferent ways. Diferent
ways of articulating the same thought pertain to the “cognitive” dimension of
sense26, partly abandoned in Frege’s later system. But this cognitive dimension
has always been a provocation for semantics. Semantics has been unable to give
a satisfactory answer to traditional Fregean problems such as the content of
belief contexts, on which Kripke 1979 concluded that our notion on “content
of assertion” is still awaiting a clariication27. New attempts to treat belief conmissing, and is really rejected by Davidson, is the Fregean conception of “cognitive” sense,
that—using Dummett’s terminology—is required for a “full blown” theory of meaning.
25 Here I refer to an almost standard interpretation of an ambiguity in Frege between a “cognitive” and a “semantic” conception of sense. See for instance Beaney 1996, but also Penco
2003, 2013 for a discussion. he term “bifurcation of sense” comes from Horty (2007,
56), who claims that “the role of stipulative deinitions shows that Frege’s notion of sense
should be factored into two components”, a semantic and a cognitive one, linked to the
psychological states of language users. his solution is reminiscent of so called “bifurcation
of content” between “narrow content” and “wide content”, but it has more speciic exegetic
aspect concerning the Fregean conception, that should deprive it of the “internalist” lavor
of narrow contents.
26 A warning on terminology is needed; according to Carnap—probably inluenced by the
Fregean contraposition between sense and tone—intensions represent the cognitive aspect
of meaning against the emotive aspect. he idea of “cognitive signiicance” or “cognitive
sinonymy” has been developed following this viewpoint. However this is not what we should
understand as the “cognitive” aspect of sense in Frege, which is to be found in belief context
(for Carnap hyperintensional contexts). Carnap himself recognized a further aspect of cognition with the concept of intensional structure, used to treat substitutivity in belief context.
Carnap’s solution did not work, but pointed out a diferent notion of “cognitive”, stronger
than the one used by him in contrast with “emotive”: a cognitive aspect, more ine grined
than intensions, which is required to justify substitutivity in hyperintensional context.
27 Concerning contexts of belief and the problem of substitutivity, Kripke 1979 says that “we
enter into an area where our normal practices of interpretation and attribution of belief are
subjected to the greatest possible strain, perhaps to the point of breakdown. So is the notion
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texts—like bidimensionalism—have been developed as “deviations” from standard model theoretic semantics: bidimensionalism is directly connected with a
reappraisal of the cognitive aspect of Fregean sense and its diference with the
standard concept of intension, enriching the standard view with epistemic intensions.28 However bidimensionalism sufers of relevant problems discussed in
the literature, and I wonder whether the Fregean tripartite distinction between
sense, reference and extension concerning predicates—vanished in all formal
models—may suggest a diferent development.29
Yet we have no clear idea of what the sense of a predicate may be represented
in a formalism, nor which are its criteria of identity. Although Frege never explicitly discussed the question, in a very few places, especially concerning the
mathematical realm, he gave some hints towards a solution. Working on some
of Frege’s quotations, Dummett suggests that equivalence in sense is something
less than synonymy and more than material equivalence: two concepts have the
same sense if they are “provably coextensive”30. his means that we need a proof,
or a procedure to show the equivalence. his idea is presented for logical and
of the content of someone’s assertion …” Both descriptivism and direct reference theories
are unable to tackle the problem.
28 Chalmer’s version of bidimensionalism is strictly linked to his view on the diference between the concept of intension and the Fregean conception of sense. As it is clearly stated in
Chalmers 2002 his epistemic intentions are conceived as an explicatum of Fregean senses as
semantic values. Some of the motivations behind Chalmer’s view are shared in the present
proposal, especially the idea of the limited amount of information as relevant for our access
to extensions (see Chalmers 2002, 144–145). However I derive diferent conclusions from
this feature, developing some ideas from the attempt to understand Frege’s ambivalence on
the conception of sense from the point of view of bounded rationality (see Penco 2003b).
29 Marconi 2005 claims that bidimensionalism cannot overcome what he calls “the articulation
problem”, that is “Semantic values must be assigned in such a way that no expression gets
more than one value of the same type, unless the expression is to be regarded as ambiguous
(i.e. unless it is, intuitively, ambiguous); at the same time, values must be assigned so that
each theory can display its full explanatory power, i.e. each expression must be evaluated in
conformity with both theories; for it is by assigning semantic values in a certain way that a
theory has explanatory eicacy”. For other kinds of criticism of Chalmers see also Recanati
2010 and Stanley forth. he irst sees a weak point of Bidimensionalism in its commitment to internalizations of acquaintance relation (p.155). I don’t think the internalization
of acquaintance relation be necessary, but I think it might be part of semantics; we cannot
be concent that there being a communication chain is suicient: we need to express the
presence of a communication chain in semantics, even if this communication chain is not
internalized. Stanley points out diferences with standard neo-fregeanism (Evans, Peakocke)
and criticizes the notion of “structured intensions”, pointing out that Carnap’s answer to
some Fregean worries was not intension but intensional isomorphism, and points out the
need in Chalmer’s approach of two diferent kinds of contents beyond standard intensions:
epistemic intensions and the contents of propositional attitudes.
30 Dummett, 1991, 32. See also Picardi 2005.
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mathematical concepts, but I think we might use this idea also for other kinds
of concepts. Senses, both for singular and general terms, can be conceived as
proofs or procedures31. Many Fregean examples are coherent with this idea: just
think of the diferent procedures of getting the centroid of a triangle (the point
of intersection of the medians a and b, and of the medians b and c) presented
as a prototypical case of same reference and diferent senses in “Über Sinn Bedeutung”, or the diferent calculation procedures represented by the two sides
of a mathematical equation, examples abundantly used in Frege’s Nachlass and
in his letters to Russell and Peano. But we may also think of the example of
‘Ala’ and ‘Ateb’, as two names of two mountains that have been baptized by
two diferent persons following two diferent routes, that may be conceived
as two diferent procedures (anaphoric or causal chains) through which the
same referent is given. If we think of diferent senses of singular terms as different modes of presentation of an object, we can think of diferent senses of
predicates as diferent modes of presentation of a concept, corresponding to
diferent procedural abilities to recognize instances of the concept. If we want
to represent these procedures in a formal system of a model theoretic semantics,
we may think of algorithms which compute the functions, and there may be
diferent algorithms to compute the same functions32.
But, wait a moment. Procedural theories of meaning of diferent kinds are
completely at odds with model theoretic semantics: on the one hand we have
intensions as functions from possible worlds to extensions and on the other
hand we have procedures or algorithms given in lambda calculus33. Procedural
theories like the ones developed in artiicial intelligence and in lambda calculus, or any kind of theory where sense is conceived as a justiication proce31 See also Penco-Porello 2010
32 A nice example is given by Pavese (forth.) who shows two diferent algorithms to compute
the Fibonacci function as a metaphor of diferent ways of being given of a task. But what is
a task? It is normally something that can be expressed by a predicate (run, play, drink, …).
he topic treated by Pavese is very speciically pointed to the debate on practical knowledge
and concerns tasks and their practical modes of presentation. But the solution proposed is
very similar to the one proposed here. It is the basic point according to which a function
can be computed by diferent algorithms. A function is a mapping; but a mapping without
a method to compute it is an idle wheel, unless we were in a Platonic realm where God has
the ability to understand all mappings with his powerful eye.
33 his is also true for the interpretation of Frege’s logic, to which many authors in procedural
semantics refer. Procedural semantics originates also from early artiicial intelligence systems
(that used LISP), where the meaning of an expression was given by the procedures to get
to the referent of that expression. A strong criticism of procedural semantics has been given
by Fodor, but Fodor’s criticism seem to be overcome by more sophisticated approaches (see
Horty 2007).
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dure, or inferential role, are typically opposed to model theoretic semantics,
because they have diferent semantic values: intensions on the one hand and
procedures on the other, so that expressions with the same intensions may
have diferent “procedural” semantic values. But this is exactly the problem I
want to deal with: my claim here is that we are not obliged to choose between
procedural semantics and model theoretical semantics. his “received view” on
the supposed alternative between procedural semantics and model theoretical
semantics partly depends on the inluence of Evans’ criticism of Dummett’s
interpretation of Frege. Criticizing Dummett’s veriicationist account of meaning Evans reacted against a procedural vision of sense; but he has thrown out
the baby with the bath water. Following Evans, most authors abandoned any
procedural aspect of the notion of sense. I think that this abandon is not
necessary and we may preserve and develop model theoretic semantics, taking
care of a procedural aspect, heir of the cognitive notion of senses. he Fregean
bifucation of cognitive and semantic sense must be preserved, not abandoned.
I am suggesting that cognitive senses can be reinterpreted as a further semantic level where senses are (represented formally as) procedures, connected with
a predicate, that may compute in diferent ways the mappings given by intensions in model theoretic semantics. In this setting the intension of a predicate
is a function from possible worlds to extensions; but this highly abstract generalization of the concept of function represents a view from above, the point
of view of logic that ideally assigns diferent extensions to diferent possible
worlds. What happens if we wanted to know how this function is computed?
We need to make the function run in order to give the extension needed: we
need a procedure attached to the function, and a function may have diferent
procedures to get the same result.34 In this perspective, the Fregean cognitive
sense of a predicate could be represented as an algorithm or procedure attached
to the the predicate; procedures formally represent diferent ways of computing
the function, therefore exemplifying diferent abilities to recognize or identify
the objects falling under the concept. his sounds a little too much a la Millikan, but it is a formal rendering of Strawson’s interpretation of Frege’s senses
as criteria of application of concepts. A “transformation” of the Fregean original
tripartite semantics into model theoretic semantics might be schematized as
such:
34 We might use here also the distinction made by Stalnaker 1977 between foundational semantics and descriptive semantics. Descriptive semantics should assign semantic values to the
expression of language, and in order to assign semantic values it needs to use algorithms to
show which semantic value is assigned to a speciic expression of an utterance in a context.
After this assignement, pragmatic module begins to work.
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What Happened to the Sense of a Concept-Word?
Sense
Intension
Extension
procedures attached to intensions
functions from possible worlds to extensions
objects
class
thruth values
A Fregean might be worried by the the disappearance of the term “reference”.
his is easily justiiable: as we have seen before, Fregean reference can be identiied neither with intension nor with extension. We may save the intuitive
concept of “reference” as what we speak about, and distinguish it from the
theoretical concept of semantic value. Taking Fregean senses as procedures
we deprive them of the “mysterious” aspect so much criticized, for instance,
by Stalnaker 2012 against the dubious idea of “mode of presentation”; in this
setting a mode of presentation is something that can be represented formally
as an algorithm belonging to descriptive semantics, that should perform the
need to ix the semantic values of expressions (in context).
he necessity of a third level in semantic analysis is an emerging need35.
For instance Kaplan 2012 suggests the following: “cognitive signiicance is
not foreign to semantics. For the maximum explanatory power, our semantic
theory should countenance cognitive content, objective content, and extensions.” (Kaplan 2012, 141). his seems to suggest a tripartite analysis of the
kind once envisaged by Frege for predicates: speaking of cognitive content,
objective content and extension is a reminder of the distinction between
sense, reference and extension. he diference is that, while Kaplan recognizes the need of a tripartite semantics, the cognitive content that he proposes to insert in the third level of semantic analysis is made of “ways of
having in mind”: the cognitive aspect is linked essentially to the psychological. On the contrary, the “recovery” of the idea of Fregean cognitive senses
interpreted as procedures associated to functions (intensions) suggests that
the third level of semantics needs to be distinct from the psychological aspect, against a tendency of what may appear as a neopsychologistic turn in
semantics. In contrast, the idea of senses–as–procedures may suggest something more objective, that could be expressed by a formalism and implemented
by an intelligent system. he point is not just to describe psychological ways
of having something in mind, but algorithms representing objective ways in
35 I have already hinted (footnote 33) at the similarity with the topic of analysis of practical
knowledge; in Stanley-Williamson 2001, the reduction of “knowing how” to “knowing that”
requires a layer of analysis beyond propositions; this layer is the analysis of the ways in which
a proposition is presented, a “practical mode of presentation”. he link with the cognitive
aspects of Fregean sense is apparent.
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which we use a concept, or abilities to recognize instances of the concept
(also if we probably need studies about the psychological plausibility of these
representations).
To give an example of how procedural senses could be used in semantics (in
determining the truth conditions of a sentence) we may take a much debated
example by Travis: how to interpret the sentence “the leaves are green”? Frege36
would have said that we need a context to understand the thought or the
truth condition expressed: we need the time of the utterance and the place,
and we need to know which tree is referred to in uttering that sentence. What
about the concept “green”? he concept GREEN is a function whose associated procedures are procedures to recognize a certain wave length, formalizing
our ability to recognize green surfaces. But imagine that we are speaking of a
Japanese maple tree whole leaves are naturally red and are now painted green.
For a photographer interested in the color of the leaves the utterance is true;
for a botanist, interested in the natural color of the plant, the utterance is false.
What about the concept GREEN now? According to the diferent viewpoints
(the photographer’s and the botanist’s) we should use diferent procedures,
grounded on the one hand on the lexical meaning of the term (“color of surfaces of a certain wave length”) and on the other hand grounded on the context
of utterance, including diferent presuppositions (presuppositions concerning
diferent goals or interests). hese procedures, given the context, may produce
diferent extensions: diferent objects may fall under the concept “green” depending not only on the procedure used to recognize wave length of any surface
in normal light, but also on speciication of which surface is the relevant one to
be considered (the visual surface or the original surface?). Does this mean that
GREEN is a vague concept? Not really; simply the procedures associated to the
function GREEN guide competent speakers to search contextual information
for what are the relevant surfaces, relevant conditions of illumination and ways
of being coloured, and for relevant standard of precision37. Assuming—for the
sake of simplicity—to represent the botanist’s and the photographer’s points of
36 Frege discusses the example of the sentence “his tree is covered with green leaves” in “Der
Gedanke” (p. 76).
37 In a similar vein, but with the solution of classifying the use of the predicate “green” as
referring to two diferent properties, Vignolo (2013, p. 67) says: “in the photographer’s
context ‘green’ picks out the property of having lamina that look like stereotypical green
spots in daylight illumination, ignoring the colour of petioles, venation and small marks
and stains. In the botanist’s context ‘green’ picks out the property of having lamina that look
like stereotypical green spots in daylight illumination and are due to natural pigmentation,
ignoring the colour of petioles, venation and small marks and stains. he result is that (1) is
true for the photographer and false for the botanist.”
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view as two diferent possible worlds, we might say that the intension of “green”
has diferent associated procedures that, depending on contextual information,
give diferent extensions in diferent possible worlds.
In the schema proposed above, and diferently from the original Fregean
schema of the tripartite division only for predicates, the idea of senses-asprocedures as a further level of semantic analysis works not only for predicates,
but also for singular terms. In this case, the idea of procedures associated to
the intensions of diferent kinds of singular terms helps to clarify problems of
cognitive dissonance among speakers, which is one of the traditional problems
of model theoretic semantics.38
Summarizing, in possible worlds semantics intensions may be considered as
connected with diferent procedures that take information from lexical meaning and context as input and give extensions as output. In Kaplan’s view, context plus character gives an intension; but nothing is said about the way in
which character “activates” contextual information.39 I suggest that we should
deine kinds of procedures that use the inferential power of the lexical meaning40 applied to elements of context (domain restriction, viewpoint and standard of precision41).
What I have done in this paper is an attempt to show that a particular interpretation of the Fregean sense of a predicate may point to a gap in model
theoretic semantics: semantics typically assumes to have semantic values given
to predicates and singular terms, including indexicals; however there is no
speciication on how we get those semantic values: procedures attached to
intensions should ill this gap.
38 An attempt in this direction concerning deinite descriptions can be found in Penco 2010b
and Vignolo 2012.
39 It seems to me that a similar point is made by Kripke (2008, 195) when he remarks that the
features of Kaplan’s theory “are general directions for the referents in the language, no matter
when and by whom they are uttered. One does not, it would seem, need anything more.
However, in any particular case, to determine the reference one needs a speciication of the
speaker, the time, or both” (my underlining).
40 Assuming weak molecularism, according to which it is necessary to share inferences connected to predicates, but there are no necessary inferences we need to share (as Perry and
Marconi have shown against semantic holism; se also Penco 1999). Picardi 2005 claims that
Frege is more compatible with a molecularist position than with an holistic stance as the
one entertained by Brandom.
41 he idea to select these three general procedures aspects to be applied to lexical meaning does
derive from the contemporary discussion in philosophy of language, but from artiicial intelligence. hey are general enough to enclose diferent pragmatic processes discussed in the
literature. For a short discussion see Penco-Vignolo 2005, but also Penco 2011 and Vignolo
2013.
© ProtoSociology
Volume 30/2013: Concepts – Contemporary and Historical Perspectives
26
Carlo Penco
Last but not least, procedures are compositional: if the intension of a sentence is its truth conditions (a function from possible worlds to truth values)
the procedural sense of a sentence is composed by the procedures attached to
the intensions of singular terms and predicates. Is the procedural sense of a
sentence a Fegean thought? Hard to say; we are now in a diferent theoretical
environment, where new worries impinge on the boundary between semantics
and pragmatics. We are in a logical environment where artiicial intelligence
and intelligent systems have been developed suggesting new possibilities for the
application of logic. Still, in this attempt to see what is needed in formalizing
natural language, the old suggestions of the sense of a concept word requires
a re-appraisal of our intellectual history, to avoid too rigid contrasts between
diferent paradigms.42
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On ProtoSociology
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