Caste, social stigma and identity processes
Rusi Jaspal
Royal Holloway, University of London
Citing this paper:
Jaspal, R. (in press). Caste, social stigma and identity processes. Psychology and Developing
Societies.
Rusi Jaspal, Department of Psychology, Royal Holloway, University of London, Egham Hill,
Egham, Surrey TW20-0EX United Kingdom. Tel: 01784 276323 Fax: 01784 434347 E-mail:
rusi.jaspal@gmail.com
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Caste, social stigma and identity processes
Rusi Jaspal
Royal Holloway, University of London
Caste persists as an important socio-psychological phenomenon in many spheres of Indian social life
and particularly within village contexts. It is argued that socio-psychological insights into caste
identity and caste-based stigma may complement ongoing sociological and anthropological research
into caste. Drawing upon identity process theory, this paper explores the possible functions performed
by caste-based stigma both for the higher caste groups (HCG) and the ‘Scheduled Caste’ (SC) groups.
It examines how the maintenance of the social hierarchy implicated in the caste system, the spatial and
endogamous separation of caste groups and the historical division of labour in accordance with caste
group affiliation may impinge upon identity processes among both groups. It is argued that caste
group affiliation and caste-based stigma have differential and sometimes conflicting implications for
identity processes among the HCG and SC. While negative social representations of the SC may
threaten self-esteem among SC members, it may enhance the self-esteem, meaning and distinctiveness
principles among the HCG. The systematic positioning of the caste ingroup and outgroups within the
social matrix may enhance meaning and distinctiveness among both the HCG and SC. This paper
highlights a potential rationale underlying caste group members’ resistance to social change vis-à-vis
caste, even among those who might be expected to benefit from such change. Some theoretical points
are made in the form of testable hypotheses and methodological issues in caste-related research are
considered.
Keywords: caste; identity; stigma; India; identity process theory; social psychology
Caste is a complex social and psychological construct. In attempting to define the concept,
scholars most frequently invoke the importance of occupation, endogamy, social class and
political power, although it remains unclear how these variables relate to one another and indeed
which are prioritised by social actors themselves in everyday thinking vis-à-vis caste. Social
hierarchy has featured prominently in scholarly explorations of caste, which prima facie seems
appropriate given the emphasis upon social stratification and social restrictions regarding
interactions between ‘high’ and ‘low’ castes. Gorringe and Rafanell (2007) highlight three key
dimensions of caste, namely (i) social hierarchy, in which status is privileged over power and
economic wealth; (ii) endogamous separation, whereby inter-marriage between castes and close
social interaction are discouraged or forbidden; and (iii) an interdependent division of labour.
Moreover, they claim that these dimensions function primarily at the level of collectives rather
than individuals, since they refer to societal structures. However, in many urban and even rural
settings within the Indian Subcontinent the interdependent division of labour, which is prioritised
in their account of caste, may no longer apply, since social mobility is firmly under way,
particularly within the sphere of employment. Moreover, this division of labour is non-existent
in the South Asian Diaspora. It is noteworthy that there are multiple criteria of caste group
comparison, which may be political, economic and educational. Nonetheless, caste persists as an
important social and psychological phenomenon in various spheres of Indian social life and
particularly within village contexts, in which it is said to constitute the primary institution
governing personal and social relationships (Dumont, 1988; Gupta, 2004).
Although sociological and anthropological approaches are immensely useful in exploring
the aforementioned dimensions of caste, caste is also a fundamentally psychological construct.
Caste group members position themselves, psychologically, in relation to the caste system
(consisting of their caste ingroup and caste outgroups). Moreover, it is likely that, in many cases,
caste identity or caste group affiliation may serve particular psychological functions for the self2
concept; in some cases, it may provide feelings of belongingness or self-esteem, for instance. In
essence, caste groups are social identity categories and in self-identifying as members of these
categories, individuals’ social identities as caste group members become salient (Tajfel, 1981,
1982). Social identity approaches indicate that individuals may come to regard themselves as
interchangeable exemplars of their social groups by viewing themselves and others primarily in
terms of their caste group memberships (Turner et al., 1987). The phenomenological importance
of caste as a social identity among many South Asians has led researchers working on the
ethnography of other social identities (e.g. gender and ethnicity) to regard caste identity as a
potentially important and influential variable (e.g. Gayer, 2000; Mand, 2006).
The
conceptualisation of caste as a social identity marks an important transition in social scientific
research into caste; it enables researchers to explore the meanings and functions associated with
caste group membership for the self-concept. Furthermore, it allows for important sociopsychological contributions to the field, which will undoubtedly enhance our understanding of
this complex socio-psychological phenomenon.
Over the years, various different categories have been employed in relation to caste. The
Scheduled Castes (SC) were previously referred to as the ‘Untouchables’, as they were widely
considered to be ‘impure’. The SC have possessed the lowest social status in the caste hierarchy
and continue to be exposed to social stigma. Although caste-based discrimination (or casteism)
is illegal in India, the social stigmatisation of the SC remains pervasive within society both in the
Subcontinent and in the Indian Diaspora. ‘Dalit’ is the political term employed to refer to the
SC, which has facilitated a more positive self-construal among group members. The higher caste
groups (HCG) include those groups which enjoy relatively high social status within the caste
hierarchy; the present article focuses primarily upon the landowning Jats and priestly Brahmins,
although other HCG are also considered. The Central Government of India refers to an
intermediate category of Other Backward Castes, which are described as ‘socially and
educationally backward classes’ (Gov. Of India, 2009). These caste groups are less socially and
educationally advantaged than the HCG, but more advantaged than the SC. The list of groups
included within this umbrella category is dynamic and may change in accordance with social,
economic and educational factors. Given the dynamic nature of this umbrella category vis-à-vis
the SC and HCG categories, which are relatively stable, the Other Backward Castes are not
discussed in the present paper. However, it is possible that many of the theoretical ideas outlined
in this paper will be applicable to groups included within the umbrella category.
It is acknowledged that categories such as SC and HCG are umbrella terms for social
categorisation, but that they may not necessarily form primary categories for identity formation.
Even within the SC umbrella category there exists a hierarchy of caste groups; for instance, the
Valmikis are considered to be more socially disadvantaged than the Ravidasis. These specific
caste groups are more likely to provide the basis for social identity formation. However, official
use of the categories of SC and HCG at the institutional level render them meaningful units of
analysis, since they now constitute social representations (see Philogène, 2000). Thus, while the
Brahmin and Khatri caste groups, for instance, are qualitatively different (in terms of hierarchical
position and group norms/ customs), they nonetheless form part of the umbrella category HCG.
This constitutes a superordinate identity category (Gaertner & Dovidio, 2000). This is also true
of the Ravidasis and the Valmikis, for instance, both of which form part of the SC. A scholarly
consideration of these umbrella categories permits the researcher to analyse relations between
those who are now habitually categorised as SC members (e.g. Valmikis and Ravidasis) and
those who are categorised as HCG members (e.g. Brahmins), regardless of the intra-category
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hierarchy. However, it is readily acknowledged that there exist intra-category differences, which
are meaningful and worthy of scholarly analysis.
The primary aim of this paper is to explore, through the lens of identity process theory,
the possible functions performed by caste-based stigma both for the HCG and the SC groups.
While sociological accounts of caste have made important strides in identifying some of the core
dimensions of caste identity, this paper explores how the maintenance of the social hierarchy
implicated in the caste system, the spatial and endogamous separation of caste groups, and the
historical division of labour in accordance with caste group affiliation may impinge upon identity
processes among both the HCG and SC. Given the conceptual complexity of caste, the present
paper does not seek to provide a comprehensive account of caste identity but rather it draws upon
some of the existing sociological and anthropological literature in the field in order to develop
some potentially generalisable hypotheses regarding caste, stigma and identity processes.
Identity process theory
It is clear that theoretical strands from social identity theory (Tajfel, 1982) are useful in
understanding the psychological connection of the individual to their caste group and indeed how
members of one caste group will interact with members of another. However, in order to explore
the functions of caste identity and caste-based stigma for the self-concept, key predictions from
identity process theory (IPT; Breakwell, 1986, 1992; Vignoles et al., 2006; Jaspal & Cinnirella,
in press) are of particular heuristic value. IPT suggests that identity resides in psychological
processes, but that it is manifested through action, thought and affect. The individual is said to
possess agency in constructing identity, although this process is subject to societal constraints
such as dominant social representations functioning in particular social contexts. IPT identifies
two processes involved in identity construction, namely (i) the assimilation-accommodation
process, whereby new information (e.g. social representations, events) are absorbed into and
accommodated within the identity structure; and (ii) the evaluation process, which continuously
confers meaning and value upon the contents of identity. These processes are universal across
all human beings.
The theory postulates that the two processes are guided by a variety of motivational
principles, namely (i) continuity; (ii) distinctiveness; (iii) self-efficacy; (iv) self-esteem; (v)
belonging; (vi) meaning; and (vii) psychological coherence. The continuity principle requires
that the self remain the same over time despite imminent changes in one’s social environment.
More recently, it has been argued that the principle may motivate individuals to protect their
ingroup from internal or external threats to its existence as a distinctive social entity (Jaspal &
Cinnirella, 2010b; Jaspal & Yampolsky, in press). It is reasonable to assume that membership
within a caste group enables individuals to perceive a historical connection with their ancestors,
transcending generations, which would be expected to enhance feelings of temporal continuity
(see also Jaspal & Cinnirella, 2010a). The distinctiveness principle requires the perception that
one (or one’s ingroup) is unique, separate and positively distinctive from others (or outgroups)
(Vignoles et al., 2000). For instance, individuals might engage in the process of social
comparison, by comparing their caste ingroup with outgroups on dimensions which demonstrate
the social ‘superiority’ of their ingroup (Turner, 1975). Self-efficacy refers to feelings of
competence and control over one’s life and future (Breakwell, 1992). Indeed, members of HCG
may perceive greater control over their lives and social environment due to their privileged
position within the social hierarchy. The self-esteem principle requires that individuals perceive
personal or social worth. This principle is likely to be particularly pertinent to the domain of
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caste identity, since individuals may develop and maintain a positive self-conception on the basis
of their membership in a HCG vis-à-vis members of SC (Gecas, 1982). The belonging principle
refers to the need to maintain feelings of closeness to and acceptance from other people, which,
like self-esteem, is likely to be particularly relevant in the context of the present paper, given that
SC members have historically been marginalised by members of HCG due to the strict
regulations regarding social interactions between caste groups (Gorringe & Rafanell, 2007). The
meaning principle refers to the need to find significance and purpose in one’s life (Vignoles et
al., 2006). Indeed, caste identity may allow caste group members to position themselves within
the social matrix, which in turn will likely provide a sense of purpose in their existence therein.
Finally, the psychological coherence principle refers to the motive to develop and maintain the
subjective perception of compatibility and coherence between one’s (interconnected) identities
(see also Jaspal & Cinnirella, in press). It has been found that some members of the SC have
problematised the coherence of self-identifying/ being categorised as SC members and of
identifying with mainstream Hinduism and Sikhism, which has led some SC groups to develop
distinct religious identities (Kalsi, 1989; Puri, 2003; Dhanda, 2009). This may be attributed to
the need for psychological coherence between inter-connected religious and caste identities.
IPT suggests that if the identity principles are, for whatever reason, obstructed, the
processes will be unable to function satisfactorily, which will result in threats to identity. The
individual will engage in creative coping strategies, functioning at the intrapsychic, interpersonal
and intergroup levels, in order to restore and maintain appropriate levels of continuity etc. and to
thereby reinstate the principled operation of identity processes (Breakwell, 1986). The present
paper explores how caste identity and caste-based stigma may impinge upon the principled
operation of identity processes and how individuals may respond to fluctuations within the
identity structure. The substantive section of the paper begins with a consideration, through the
interpretive lens of IPT, of the social stigmatisation of the SC and the implications for identity
processes.
Caste and social stigma
The concept of stigma is vital in understanding how caste identity affects the lives of South
Asians. Caste identity invariably involves the positioning of one’s caste group within a social
hierarchy; negative social representations of the SC evidence the stigmatisation of these groups,
particularly among the HCG. Crocker, Major and Steele (1998, p. 504) highlight that ‘a person
who is stigmatized is a person whose social identity, or membership in some social category,
calls into question his or her full humanity – the person is devalued, spoiled, or flawed in the
eyes of others’. Accordingly, members of the SC are, in many cases, regarded with contempt by
members of HCG due primarily to their membership in a ‘devalued, spoiled or flawed’ social
category. Dovidio, Major and Crocker (2000) explain that stigma is inextricably linked to the
value attributed to social identities, which suggests that the evaluation process of identity is most
pertinently associated with the stigmatisation of SC (see Breakwell, 1986). Stigma consists of
the recognition of difference based upon a negative distinguishing characteristic of one’s social
identity and the consequent devaluation and dehumanisation of the individual group member
(Dovidio et al., 2000). This clearly demonstrates the perception of the individual as an
interchangeable exemplar of the group with which they are associated by outgroup members
(Turner et al., 1987). Caste group membership will likely ‘provide the primary schema through
which everything about them [caste group members] is understood’ (Crocker et al., 1998, p.
507). It is reasonable to assume that the self-esteem principle of identity may be threatened by
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the perception that one’s ingroup is stigmatised, given that this will not be conducive to the
development and maintenance of a positive self-conception on the basis of one’s social group
membership (Breakwell, 1986; Jaspal & Sitaridou, 2010). In short, collective caste identity has
important consequences at the individual level, since the individual is considered primarily
through the interpretive lens of their caste identity.
The salience of social representations of caste-based stigma is likely to depend upon
social context. For instance, Crocker et al. (1998, p. 505) have argued that ‘stigmatized
individuals possess (or are believed to possess) some attribute, or characteristic, that conveys a
social identity that is devalued in some particular social context’. However, here it is argued
that, in many cases, caste identity constitutes a particularly salient identity category of
psychological importance across a wide range of social contexts. This may be attributed to the
significance of caste in a multitude of distinct social domains (Judge & Bal, 2008). This is one
of the unique characteristics of caste identity, which distinguishes it from other social identities
such as gender, religious and national identities. More specifically, caste identity may override
other social identities in a wide range of contexts, rendering it phenomenologically important for
many South Asians. It is argued that stigmatising social representations are likely to become
active among HCG members in thinking about and in participating in social interaction with
members of SC.
Dovidio et al. (2000) are correct in highlighting the manifold consequences of
stigmatisation; caste-based stigma can threaten psychological, social and even physical wellbeing among the stigmatised SC groups. Moreover, the present analysis considers the potential
implications of caste-based stigmatisation for identity processes among the stigmatising HCG
(see also Neuberg, Smith & Asher, 2000). It is hoped that this will provide a more detailed
account of the potential socio-psychological causes and consequences of caste-based stigma
among both the stigmatising and stigmatised caste groups. The consequences of stigma for
identity and well-being have frequently been considered in accordance with the ‘type’ of
stigmatising condition held by the group or individual. Accordingly, researchers of stigma (e.g.
Goffman, 1963; Jones et al., 1984; Dovidio et al., 2000) have commonly distinguished between
the various ‘dimensions’ of stigmatising conditions, such as those physical stigmata which are
readily visible (e.g. facial disfigurement) and those which may be more easily concealed (e.g.
homosexuality). However, such criteria are likely to be inadequate for accounting for caste
identity, since although there are no physical characteristics, which readily distinguish members
of the stigmatised SC, it is relatively easy for individuals to ascertain one’s caste group
membership. This is facilitated by the spatial segregation of caste groups in many South Asian
villages (Gorringe & Rafanell, 2007), and the relative ease with which individuals enquire about
each others’ caste identities in the South Asian Diaspora (Ballard, 1994a). Thus, caste identity
may be salient at the interpersonal level, despite its status as a fundamentally social rather than
physical characteristic. In short, caste identity may in fact be equally as salient, socially and
psychologically, as many of the physical stigmata described by researchers (Goffman, 1963;
Dovidio et al., 2000).
The construction of caste identity
The centrality of stigma in the caste system is clearly epitomised in many scholarly accounts of
caste. For instance, Ghurye (1969) highlights the following features of the caste system: (i)
segmental division of society; (ii) social hierarchy; (iii) constraints upon social intercourse; (iv)
civil and religious exclusionism and the concurrent privileging of HCG in these domains; and (v)
6
restrictions in the domains of occupation and marriage. According to this account, society is
divided into caste groups, which are allocated differential social status (positive or negative) in
accordance with the group’s position within the social hierarchy.
The socio-psychological process of categorisation is clearly an important prerequisite for
the segmental division of caste groups. For instance, the Ravidasis (a SC) in Punjab are
categorised by members of HCG as chamars (literally ‘leatherworker’), while the Valmikis (a
SC) are referred to by caste outgroup members as churhas (literally ‘street sweepers’). These
demeaning occupational titles serve to delineate caste groups in accordance with their historical
social status and their historical position within the caste hierarchy. The maintenance of the
caste hierarchy through the process of categorisation is likely to enhance the meaning principle
of identity, since one is able to perceive social significance in one’s caste group, particularly if
the ascribed social position of one’s group is positive. Moreover, it positions the caste ingroup in
relation to outgroups, which in turn elucidates the social significance of outgroups. Incidentally,
this social significance is perceived to be negative, which through processes of downward
comparison may serve to elucidate the positivity of one’s ingroup, thereby enhancing the selfesteem principle of identity (Wills, 1981). It is evident that stigma is implicated in this process
of enhancing the self-esteem of one’s ingroup, since these demeaning occupational titles clearly
serve to emphasise the devalued and ‘spoiled’ category membership of the Ravidasis and the
Valmikis.
The distinctiveness principle of identity motivates individuals to engage in the process of
ingroup and outgroup categorisation, since this constructs the ingroup as distinctive from
outgroups, providing individuals with an important sense of differentiation from others (Vignoles
et al., 2000). Accordingly, caste groups will continue to be categorised in terms of their
occupations, since this form of categorisation unambiguously positions them as ‘other’ to one’s
own caste group. This is inextricably related to the meaning principle of identity, since
distinctiveness too safeguards the meaningfulness of one’s identity (Codol, 1981). Given the
agency of the individual (and the social group) in defining identity (Breakwell, 2010), it is
hypothesised that when the principles of self-esteem, distinctiveness and meaning are
jeopardised, caste-based categorisation will be employed in order to restore appropriate levels of
these identity principles. Consequently, this may be regarded in terms of a coping strategy.
Caste essentialism and stigma
It has been observed that members of HCG tend to essentialise caste identity (Mahalingam,
2007). This enables them to stigmatise members of the SC regardless of the increased social
mobility, which commonly characterises the SC experience particularly in urban areas of India
and in the South Asian Diaspora. Nesbitt (1994) captures caste essentialism in her observation
that even the Valmikis in the South Asian Diaspora remain victims of gross social disparagement
despite their disidentification with the demeaning occupations traditionally associated with their
group. Caste essentialism ensures that the SCs’ disidentification with these stigmatised
occupations has had little or no impact for their position within the social hierarchy.
Consequently, the social representation of the Valmikis’ perpetual association with the
occupation of sweeping up debris in the village streets and of removing household waste from
the homes of HCG members remains salient among members of HCG, despite their obvious
abandonment of these occupations (Nesbitt, 1994). The perceived involvement of this
essentialised group in ‘polluting’ occupations and activities renders the Valmikis a stigmatised
group, which must be distanced from ‘pure’ groups in the minds of some HCG members.
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The potency of this social representation explains the continued discrimination against
the Valmikis even in the South Asian Diaspora, where caste membership may be less
conspicuous than in the Indian Subcontinent. In short, caste membership is essentialised and
thus inescapable. The identity implications of the maintenance of this social representation merit
scholarly attention. On the one hand, it is clear that the self-esteem principle is enhanced
through processes of downward comparison with the SC, which ensures that social
representations of their inferiority are encouraged and reproduced. On the other hand, it seems
that members of HCG essentialise their caste identity, which perhaps necessitates the
essentialisation of caste outgroups. Evidently, the psychological coherence principle requires the
reconciliation of inter-connected social representations, which are internalised within the identity
structure (Jaspal & Yampolsky, in press). Thus, psychological coherence may be jeopardised by
internalising the social representation that one’s own caste identity is primordial and innate
within the self-concept and the contradictory representation that outgroup caste identities are
‘socially learnt’ (cf. Mahalingam, 2007). It could be hypothesised that the extent to which
individuals essentialise their own caste group will predict the extent to which they essentialise
caste outgroups. Social representational symmetry in this way is likely to facilitate high levels of
psychological coherence. This merits empirical attention since the socio-psychological
consequences of caste essentialism may vary in accordance with the social status of specific
caste groups. For instance, the consequences of essentialising one’s own caste group
membership may be positive for identity among high status caste groups, although, conversely,
the essentialisation of caste identity may impede processes of social mobility among the SC (see
also Mahalingam, 2007).
Mahalingam’s (2007) psychological research into caste identity suggests that members of
HCG are more likely to regard caste identity in essentialist terms, that is, as an identity acquired
at birth. This could be attributed to the ensuing feelings of connectedness with previous
generations of one’s caste group, which will have positive implications for one’s sense of group
continuity. Conversely, members of the SC may reproduce the social representation that caste
identity is socially constructed and acquired through social learning. It is interesting to draw
comparisons with recent research into gay identity among British Muslim gay men (Jaspal &
Cinnirella, in press; Jaspal & Cinnirella, 2010a), in which it was found that men who evaluated
their gay identity in negative terms, as a stigmatised social identity, tended to perceive
homosexuality as socially learnt and attributed its presence in their lives to the surrounding
‘British culture’. Those individuals who accepted gay identity as a component of the selfconcept seemed to construct it in essentialist terms, as an identity acquired at birth. Parallels can
be drawn with caste identity, since HCG may derive feelings of temporal continuity, positive
distinctiveness and self-esteem from the essentialisation of their caste identity, while SC
members may perceive scope for enhancing the self-efficacy principle through the possibility of
social mobility afforded by the construal of caste identity in terms of a socially learnt identity.
The concept of caste essentialism may explain the stiff opposition of the HCG to the
political attempts of the SC to attain equality with other caste groups. Jodhka (2004) exemplifies
this in his analysis of the conflict between Jats and the SC in the government of a local temple in
Talhan, Punjab. Similarly, Ram (2004) discusses the Ad-Dharm movement in the Punjab, which
sought to create a distinctive collective politico-religious identity among members of the SC,
independent of the Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims. The Ad-Dharm movement was curtailed by
members of the HCG in its early stages, primarily through the strategy of denying members of
the SC access to communal facilities and through other forms of intimidation (Pawar, 1993).
8
Ram (2004) provides a detailed historical account of the specific ways in which the Ad-Dharm
movement was impeded by members of HCG. It is likely that members of HCG sought to hinder
the movement due to the perceived threats to the distinctiveness principle, which may be
enhanced through the strict maintenance of caste boundaries. Caste essentialism implies that
group boundaries are impermeable and that the social status attributed to groups is
nonnegotiable, which provides impetus to the argument that caste distinctiveness must be
protected. Although the Ad-Dharm movement was aimed at creating a new collective identity,
its position within the hierarchical social structure was supposed to improve drastically as a
result of the creation of this identity. Indeed, it is this blurring of the hierarchical boundaries,
which could be said to pose threats to the positive distinctiveness of the HCG. Given the
ubiquity of caste identity in Indian social life, in particular, this may constitute a major source of
self-enhancement and self-esteem primarily through the positive distinctiveness of HCG from
the SC. Thus, any attempt to dismantle the caste system through social mobility or the recategorisation of the SC in ways which obscure their historical stigmatisation are likely to be met
with opposition from those caste groups which habitually rely upon the stigmatisation of the SC
in order to ensure a sense of positive distinctiveness (Vignoles et al., 2000). Ram (2004, p. 347)
notes that the Ad-Dharm movement has provided members of the SC with a new name and
collective identity but that the ‘blatant untouchability of the past has taken on a more subtle
form’. In short, caste essentialism ensures that their social status has made little improvement at
the interpersonal and intergroup levels, since other caste groups continue to regard SC as socially
inferior, possibly as a means of maintaining and enhancing their positive distinctiveness from the
SC. However, it is acknowledged that essentialism need not necessarily have these implications
in all social contexts per se; for instance, essentialist versions of sexual categories have been
employed in order to advocate systemic positive social change in parts of the Western world
(Hegarty, 2002).
Despite attempts to improve the social status of the SC, there is some evidence that social
representations of stigma associated with the SC have been internalised by members themselves,
possibly due to the socio-structural constraints upon social mobility. Jeffrey (2001) highlights
this in his analysis of a violent confrontation between a Jat landowner (HCG) and a SC labourer,
which culminated in the Sub-Divisional Magistrate (also a member of the SC) advising the SC
activists to apologise to the Jats regardless of culpability. Given the economic reliance of the SC
upon the landowning Jats, it was deemed essential, in practical terms, for the SC members to
apologise to the Jats in order to safeguard their socio-economic well-being. The root of this may
be attributed to the internalisation of the social representation that the caste ingroup is
perpetually stigmatised and that members of HCG will be unwilling to enter into negotiations
with or to apologise to members of the stigmatised SC. In many ways, this illustrates a passive
acceptance of the stigma associated with the SC, even at the highest bureaucratic levels, due to
the hegemony of the social representation, its shaping of social structures and processes, and,
consequently, its internalisation within the minds of individuals (Breakwell, 2001). However, it
is acknowledged that caste-based stigma may be resisted by SC members in some social
domains, such as in politics. Indeed, the SC enjoy high political capital as exemplified by the
widespread support of the Samajwadi Party in India (Pai, 2000).
Outgroup discrimination and self-esteem
In understanding the stigmatisation of the SC, the concept of ‘dominant castes’ is of particular
heuristic value. According to Srinivas (2002, p. 75), a caste group may be regarded as
9
‘dominant’ when it ‘wields economic and political power’, constitutes a demographic majority,
and when it enjoys a ‘high’ position within the social hierarchy. Indeed, socio-psychological
accounts of group vitality highlight the interdependence of the variables of social status,
institutional control and demographic superiority, all of which are implicated in the
aforementioned concept of ‘dominant castes’ (see Giles, Bourhis & Taylor, 1977; Bourhis et al.,
1981). It seems that in order for the dominant castes to maintain their high social status vis-à-vis
the SC, the latter are stigmatised and thereby constructed as socially inferior and inherently
impure. The positive sense of self-esteem which is systematically derived from the high social
status associated with one’s ingroup helps to maintain and to enhance the principled operation of
identity processes (Breakwell, 1986; Jaspal & Sitaridou, 2010). Crucially, the maintenance of
high social status may be contingent upon downward comparison and outgroup derogation, since
the comparison of one’s caste group to less ‘fortunate’ caste outgroups may increase one’s selfworth (Wills, 1981). Indeed, this thesis is reflected in the social identity theory literature (Tajfel
& Turner, 1986; Brown, 2000; Hogg, 2000). The systematic stigmatisation of the SC safeguards
the dominant position of the HCG vis-à-vis other caste groups, with positive outcomes for
identity among the HCG. Moreover, the meaning principle is likely to benefit from the
hierarchical organisation of one’s ingroup vis-à-vis outgroups; this facilitates the perception of
significance in the position of one’s ingroup and of relative outgroups within the social matrix.
This in turn renders group differences and differences in social status psychologically
meaningful (Baumeister, 1991).
Given that some caste groups are conventionally associated with demeaning occupations
such as the removal of dead cattle and tanning their hides for the production of leather, in the
case of the Ravidasis, and sweeping up debris in the streets and removing waste from
households, in the case of the Valmikis, these groups have been pervasively regarded by HCG as
‘acchut’ or ‘untouchable’ (Nesbitt, 1994). This is attributed largely to the perceived impurity of
these groups due to their ascribed occupational roles within Indian society. However, despite the
positive social change which has been achieved in Indian urban society, resulting in the SCs’
rapid social mobility, caste-based segregation remains potent in most spheres of social life in
rural Punjab. Indeed, caste boundaries are said to be keenly maintained and reproduced by
members of both HCG and SC alike (Jodhka, 2002). This is observable even among SC
members, many of whom themselves internalise and reproduce social representations of their
caste ingroup’s inferiority. It has been noted in ethnographic fieldwork that in social interactions
with HCG members, SC members may assume a hunched posture, remove their towel from their
shoulders and tie it around the waist, and raise one or both hands in greeting, symbolising their
alleged social inferiority (Gorringe & Rafanell, 2007). Moreover, there is a tendency to exhibit
respect through specific forms of body positioning and through discernible physical distance
from members of HCG. SC members are said to refrain from entering the houses of HCG
members and instead tend to call out to the householder through the rear door. It is reasonable to
assume the SCs’ observance of these norms will benefit distinctiveness and self-esteem among
the HCG, since they implicitly symbolise their relatively higher social status vis-à-vis the SC.
Given the pervasiveness of such patterns of behavioural interaction across time, it is
likely that the SCs’ uncritical reproduction of these patterns constitutes a means of safeguarding
the continuity principle of their identity (Breakwell, 1986). This hypothesis is consistent with
the assertion that social representations of ingroup inferiority are internalised by many SC
individuals, since information which coheres with individuals’ existing self-conceptions is
readily recalled and reproduced (see Shrauger, 1975). This maintenance of the status quo may
10
ensure that the continuity principle of identity remains intact (Breakwell, 1986). Although
continuity does not preclude change per se, it is likely that massive social change, such as the
restructuring of the caste system, which pervasively affects numerous dimensions of everyday
life, may result in threats to continuity. Despite the potential for enhancing self-esteem through
the abandonment of these intergroup norms, they continue to be observed by many SC members.
This echoes the finding that the self-esteem principle is not a superordinate principle, which
takes precedence over others (Vignoles et al., 2002). In some social domains, SC members seem
to have internalised social representations of their inferiority and subordinate status vis-à-vis the
HCG, which resultantly form part of their self-conception. Thus, it is the continuity principle
which may govern their keen observance of the norms regarding social interactions with HCG.
Gorringe and Rafanell (2007) argue that caste-based patterns of social behaviour are
consensually accepted by members of both HCG and SC groups since ‘they are lived and
performed on a daily basis’ (p. 108). Thus, they come to form part of all caste groups’ lived
social ‘reality’. This seems a plausible suggestion, since specific processes of everyday social
interaction are likely to reinforce the social hierarchy. Social representations of SCs’ inferiority
are anchored to representations of their historical involvement in demeaning and ‘impure’
occupations, particularly in the minds of HCG members (see Moscovici, 1988). Despite social
mobility among many members of the SC, which has resulted in their subjective disidentification
with the degrading occupations conventionally associated with their ingroups, ‘the Untouchable
body is deemed to be [impure] due to its contact with pollution in the form of animal carcasses
and products, human waste and corpses’ (Gorringe & Rafanell, 2007, p. 104). Indeed, ‘hygiene
reasons’ may be invoked by members of HCG when refusing to share cooking utensils with
members of SC, regardless of their abandonment of ‘impure’ occupations. Thus, it seems that
historical social representations are activated by individuals possibly in order to justify the
alleged social inferiority of SC members and to essentialise them as perpetual occupants of these
threatening social positions.
Indeed, justifications are necessary in order to dispel potential allegations of prejudice,
which may threaten self-esteem given the increasingly negative social representations of castebased prejudice in many sections of Indian society (The Times of India, 2010). Moreover,
human beings tend to regard themselves as fair and unprejudiced. The continuity principle
requires the maintenance of this (positive) self-conception. Thus, some justification is inevitably
required in order to maintain a system, which unambiguously discriminates against individuals
due to an ascribed group membership. Arun (2007) argues that the SCs’ perpetual association
with dead cattle, evil spirits and the death of humans defines their low status vis-à-vis other caste
groups and thereby legitimises their physical and social exclusion. Identity process theory
enables the researcher to explain why and to predict the circumstances under which HCG
members will maintain social representations of SC impurity, and justify their social and physical
distance from the SC. While continuity and self-esteem are enhanced through the avoidance of
allegations of prejudice, it is likely that the anchoring of social representations of the SC to
representations of their involvement in impure activities serves to maintain continuity of selfdefinition as an inherently superior social group. Crucially, continuity is important in this
instance since it involves an intergroup comparison which favours the caste ingroup through
processes of downward comparison with obvious benefits for the self-esteem principle of
identity (Wills, 1981; Breakwell, 1986).
11
Social exclusion and the belonging principle
Given the stigma pervasively attached to SC, there are strict constraints on the nature of social
interactions among SC and HCG, which extends to the use of communal spaces, such as places
of worship. Indeed, Nesbitt (1994) discusses the social stigmatisation of Valmikis in Sikh
temples frequented by members of HCG such as the Jats, which has led some Valmiki
communities to establish their own temples. The stigmatisation of Valmikis has been
communicated through the HCG members’ refusal to share cooking utensils and crockery with
Valmikis and through their attempts to prevent Valmikis from frequenting the kitchen areas and
from distributing karah prashad (a sweet doughy mixture distributed to the Sikh congregation)
due to their perceived ‘impurity’. Moreover, Nesbitt (1994) alludes to the social representation
among some members of HCG that ‘Valmikis should not read, or even touch, the sacred
scriptures because of their allegedly innate impurity’ (Nesbitt, 1994, p. 119). Clearly, this potent
and persistent social representation is grounded within the caste politics of the Indian village
contexts, which indicates the relevance of the continuity principle. Jodhka (2004) notes that the
SC are frequently asked to eat langar (the meal distributed to the congregation) after the HCG
have left or to queue separately from the HCG in order to avoid contact between them.
Moreover, the SC are rarely, if ever, permitted to participate in the preparation of langar due to
the continual stigmatisation of the groups. The abandonment of caste-based segregation may be
construed as a potential threat to the continuity principle, since it entails social change which
may be inconsistent with one’s self-conception and with the collective construal of the
established social matrix. Consequently, it is hypothesised that, even in the South Asian
Diaspora, the notion that caste-based segregation in places of worship and in dining may be
abandoned will likely pose threats to the continuity principle of identity (Breakwell, 1986).
The problematisation of Valmikis’ physical and spiritual contact with Sikh holy scripture
performs a clear ideological function; it serves to construct Valmikis as socially inferior to other
caste groups by denying them access to a superordinate religious identity. Although caste
groups may be high or low in terms of social status, they may plausibly lay claim to a common
religious identity (i.e. as Hindus, Sikhs etc). However, the exclusion of Valmikis calls into
question their claim to a common religious identity. The SC are unambiguously constructed as
unworthy of the superordinate Sikh religious identity (cf. Gaertner & Dovidio, 2000). This is
expected to be problematic for the belonging principle of identity among the ‘otherised’
members of the SC. The belonging principle requires feelings of closeness to and acceptance
from relevant others within one’s social ingroup (Baumeister & Leary, 1995). It is easy to see
that this places the SC within a particularly threatening social position, since their participation
in communal religious spaces (i.e. the Sikh temple) implies self-definition as religious ingroup
members with the perceived right to participate in these spaces. Consequently, one’s
‘otherisation’ from communal spaces is likely to impede feelings of acceptance and inclusion,
which may habitually be taken for granted, resulting in threats to the belonging principle. It must
be reiterated that belonging is threatened in this particular context due to their perceived right to
participate in religious institutions; where one’s expected belonging to a group or institution is
problematised, the belonging principle may be thought of as threatened.
The exclusion of SC members from religious social contexts is most conspicuously
evidenced in Jodha’s (2004) account of the landowning Jats’ ostracisation of the SC in the
Punjabi village of Talhan. In Talhan sixty to seventy per cent of the local population belongs to
the SC while only twenty five per cent of the population consists of Jats (a HCG). His case study
demonstrates the perceived implausibility of the SCs’ participation in the government of
12
religious shrines due to social representations of their innate inferiority to other castes. The SCs’
contestation of the Jats’ hegemony in the managing committee of the shrine was met with fierce
opposition; Jodhka (2004) highlights that the SC were further ostracised through social and
economic ‘boycotting’. On the one hand, this demonstrates the unambiguous desire of the HCG
to maintain the status quo, possibly in order to maintain and enhance the continuity principle of
identity. Continuity may be jeopardised by social change, which is perceived as favouring
outgroups and as jeopardising the socio-psychological well-being of the ingroup. The threat
occurs when the prospect of such social change must be assimilated and accommodated within
the identity structure (Breakwell, 1986). Historically, the landowning HCG have held
hegemonic social status in the village and, thus, the admission of a power-sharing arrangement
may be construed as an undesirable addition to the identity structure. This could be attributed to
the ensuing inability of HCG members to provide a satisfactory ‘theory’ explaining and
rationalising the participation of the SC, who are pervasively regarded as being inherently
inferior and, thus, incapable of performing the task at hand. On the other hand, the self-efficacy
of SC members could be threatened by the potential feelings of disenfranchisement from a social
institution to which they too lay claim, namely religion. Feelings of ‘competence and control’
may be impeded within religious contexts which are regarded as being at least partly associated
with the caste ingroup (Breakwell, 1993, p. 205). Ultimately, it was ruled that there should be
two committee members representing the SC, in addition to the ten Jat committee members.
Jodhka (2004) demonstrates that, despite the nominal representation of the SC on the
management committee, the legitimacy of the SC committee members is generally not
recognised by the Jats, which resulted in a power imbalance. In this case, in particular, it is
reasonable to regard the identity principles of the Jats and the SC as being vulnerable to threats,
nonetheless. The Jats regard even the nominal inclusion of the SC as a symbolic threat to
continuity and the nominal inclusion of the SC does little, in practical terms, to alleviate threats
to self-efficacy.
Segregation and the distinctiveness principle
The Jats’ exclusion of the SC from religious contexts may be regarded as one aspect of the
existing caste-based segregation in many other social arenas of village life. Sharma (2003) has
demonstrated in his work on caste that the spatial organisation of many Indian villages coheres
with caste, which maintains the segregation of the stigmatised SC and the HCG. Spatial
segregation indirectly ensures that social representations of the SC remain negative, since they
encourage separation on the basis of the SCs’ alleged impurity. Despite the Indian government’s
efforts to facilitate the integration of the SC into Indian society primarily through the coeducation of HCG children and those of the SC, segregation tends to persist. For instance, it has
been observed that, increasingly, children of HCG are sent by their parents to private schools,
which has resulted in a majority of SC children at state schools (Jodhka, 2004). It is noteworthy
that most SC members do not have access to private education due to their traditionally
underprivileged backgrounds, which means that private education has become the almost
exclusive domain of the HCG. The negative social representations of state schools are apparent
in the widespread reference to these schools as ‘dalit’ or ‘harijan’ schools. In short, they are
associated specifically with the SC in the minds of the HCG members.
Identity processes may govern the apparent tendency for the HCG to maintain
segregation. While the Indian government attempts to blur boundaries between the caste groups
through collective education, HCG seek to maintain and enhance group distinctiveness, firstly,
13
by categorising state schools as ‘dalit’ schools and thereby constructing them as inferior and,
secondly, by appropriating private schools as their own. It is clear that through spatial and social
segregation distinctiveness is achieved through the diverse range of sources identified by IPT
researchers (Vignoles et al., 2000). Difference is maintained since intrinsic value-laden social
representations of caste groups are encouraged and reproduced in order to justify segregation;
separateness is reinforced through the act of spatially segregating the ingroup from the
stigmatised outgroups; and position within the caste hierarchy is safeguarded through the
association of the ingroup with advanced private education and the SC with poor state-funded
education. Crucially, this suggests that the societal attempts to desegregate social contexts such
as the Indian villages will likely be resisted by members of HCG, since the distinctiveness
principle of identity may be regarded as being imperilled by the loss of difference, separateness
and position, all of which seem to provide individuals with a positive sense of identity (Vignoles
et al., 2000). This is a potentially problematic situation, since HCG members, in particular, seek
to maintain their sense of caste distinctiveness, while the Indian government endeavours to
dismantle caste boundaries. This reflects one discrepancy between the institutional and the
social levels.
A related matter concerns inter-caste marriage, which may be regarded as an additional
means of ‘desegregating’, both spatially and socially, the HCG and SC groups. Ghurye (1969)
makes an accurate observation regarding the social restrictions regarding intermarriage between
the SC and the HCG. Indeed, intermarriage tends to be highly stigmatised due to the general
unwillingness of HCG members to accept within their social circles members of SC, who are
largely perceived as being impure and inferior (Ballard, 1994c; Nesbitt, 1994). Judge and Ball
(2008) observed that 70% of their respondents in urban areas of India perceived caste endogamy
as an important means of preserving tradition, facilitating ‘better understanding’ within couples
and ‘family support’, while 97% of their respondents in rural areas held the same social
representations. These data suggest that Ghurye’s (1969) observation regarding intermarriage
remains a valid one; caste endogamy remains the social desideratum and, conversely,
intermarriage between SC group members and HCG members is said to bring shame upon the
family of the latter (Mahalingam, 2007). Given the importance of ‘face’ and honour in Indian
society, it is likely that inter-caste marriage may jeopardise the self-esteem of HCG who perceive
inter-caste marriage as a shameful dishonour, since this may impede the development and
maintenance of a positive self-conception (Gecas, 1982).
Among the SC, the belonging principle of identity is unlikely to be jeopardised by the
social representation that their caste ingroup is forbidden to marry HCG, given that inter-caste
marriage has never been acceptable in Indian village contexts (Judge & Bal, 2008). In fact, caste
endogamy remains keenly accepted and encouraged even by the SC, which indicates that there
has not necessarily existed an expectation among the SC that intermarriage should be
permissible. This reiterates the aforementioned point that only those contexts, in which
individuals feel that they possess the right to be accepted and included, will affect the belonging
principle of identity. However, this is not to be conflated with restrictions on collective
participation in religious institutions (e.g. temples), which, conversely, are likely to pose threats
to the belonging principle. Indeed, SC members generally do perceive themselves as possessing
the right to partake in these social institutions.
Chowdhry (2004) identifies difference and hierarchy as two key characteristics of the
caste system and suggests that strict endogamy constitutes a means of preserving difference and
hierarchy. Given the importance of the distinctiveness principle in identity construction, the
14
rejection and stigmatisation of those individuals who appear to transgress the caste system by
engaging in inter-caste marriage may constitute a means of protecting the principle by
discouraging other ingroup members from following suit. The desire for members of HCG to
preserve the ‘purity’ of their caste groups and of group members seems to underlie the
widespread acceptance and reproduction of the social representation that endogamy is crucial.
This suggests that the maintenance of caste identity, provided that one’s caste is evaluated in
positive terms, may provide individuals with both distinctiveness and self-esteem, both of which
are essential for positive identity construction. Inter-caste marriage may be regarded as
jeopardising these principles, in particular. More specifically, since caste identity is pervasively
essentialised and, thus, regarded as an identity inherited at birth, inter-caste marriages will likely
be perceived by members of HCG as ‘polluting’ the purity of their ingroups and thereby
jeopardising the self-esteem and continuity principles of identity (Dube, 2001; Mahalingam,
2007). The absence of a clearly defined ‘Significant Other’, with whom HCG may compare
their groups favourably through the process of downward comparison, would be expected to
threaten the self-esteem principle. Moreover, this would likely threaten the continuity principle
of identity among the HCG, since the historical and temporally pervasive positivity and ‘purity’
of one’s caste ingroup may be regarded as being imperilled.
Many scholarly accounts of caste in India suggest that the SC members generally seek
social mobility, which is reflected in the improved political capital of the SC, for instance. Thus,
it is interesting that even members of the SC in both urban and rural areas tend to reproduce the
social representation that caste endogamy is crucially important, which indirectly contributes to
the maintenance of caste-based segregation (Judge and Ball, 2008). Although Judge and Ball’s
(2008) questionnaire restricted respondents to three ‘causes’ for supporting caste endogamy (i.e.
tradition, better understanding between spouses, and family support), it is possible that, in some
social contexts, SC members have themselves come to accept and reproduce social
representations of their groups’ social inferiority vis-à-vis HCG. Crucially, this may explain the
SC members’ tendency to maintain social distance from, and their passive submission to,
members of HCG. It is likely that these social representations are accepted and reproduced by
even members of the SC due to the pervasiveness of ‘casteism’. As Judge and Ball (2008, p. 49)
note, ‘casteism is embedded in the mind and the worldview of the people and may persist longer
than the changes in the caste system’. This is coterminous with theorising within the field of
identity and social representations, which suggests that pervasively shared hegemonic social
representations rarely provide individuals with scope for re-construal and contestation resulting
in the uncritical acceptance and reproduction of these representations (Breakwell, 2001; Jaspal &
Coyle, 2009). Thus, within the minds of individuals, stigma associated with specific caste
groups seems to be justified by a system of ideas and principles. This is likely to impede major
social change such as the de-stigmatisation of the SC groups.
External attribution and the meaning principle
Given the negative social representations of discrimination, individuals frequently attempt to
rationalise and justify caste-based stigma. For instance, one strategy employed by the Jats (a
HCG) to justify and to rationalise the exclusion of the SC from Sikh religious contexts is to
highlight the inauthenticity of the SCs’ Sikh identity. It is common to refer to the tendency of
many Ravidasi men (a SC) to shave their beards and to cut their hair. Evidently, there are many
Sikh men of other caste groups who decide to shave and to cut their hair but who are,
nonetheless, accepted and included within the Sikh community. They are usually referred to as
15
‘Sahajdhari’ Sikhs (Shani, 2000). The particular stigmatisation of Ravidasi men suggests that it
is in fact the perceived innateness of their alleged social inferiority, which impedes the HCGs’
acceptance and inclusion of these caste groups even within the religious group. Social
representations of discrimination are increasingly negative in modern society. Thus, individuals
may feel uncomfortable manifesting overt discrimination against individuals purely on the basis
of their social group membership. Thus, the meaning principle of identity may require
discriminating individuals to develop intrapsychically, and to present interpersonally,
explanations and justifications for their discriminatory behaviour.
This imbues their
discriminatory behaviour with meaning. The ‘otherisation’ of the SC from the religious ingroup,
by declaring their alleged inauthenticity, constitutes a form of external attribution, whereby one’s
own discriminatory behaviour is justified by constructing the outgroup’s behaviour as causal and
as conducive to their ‘otherisation’. This is likely to benefit the meaning principle of identity,
which requires that individuals perceive ‘integrity of the self-image’ (Tajfel, 1969, p. 92).
Indeed, individuals who habitually regard themselves as fair, egalitarian individuals must strive
to ensure the integrity of this self-image, which is essential for identity, by providing a causal
explanation and justification for their potentially contradictory discriminatory behaviour.
Nesbitt (1994, p. 120) argues that members of HCG may attribute the allegedly ‘loose’
behaviour of Valmikis (e.g. the consumption of meat and alcohol) to the perceived ‘inability of
the lower social orders to behave with propriety’. She makes an interesting point in observing
that, while the consumption of meat and alcohol among HCG may be regarded as ‘excessively
modern’ or ‘progressive’ and possibly attributed to the infiltration of British norms and values
within the South Asian community, Valmikis are further stigmatised as a result of their
engagement in these practices. The origins of these practices are perceived to be their allegedly
innate immorality and impurity, which impede propriety and thus complete acceptance and
inclusion within the religious ingroup. Social representations of the Valmikis’ engagement in
such practices may be rendered salient in order to fortify over-arching, hegemonic
representations of their alleged inferiority (Breakwell, 2001). Thus, the representations serve a
particular function for identity; this enhances the meaning principle, since it provides an
accessible explanation for the discrimination directed towards members of the SC. Through the
process of anchoring the representations facilitate an enhanced sense of meaning, since
individuals are permitted to reinforce their worldview that caste is not arbitrary but grounded in
actual ‘facts’ (Moscovici, 1988). Crucially, the anchoring of these social representations is likely
to endow HCG members with the ability to locate significance and meaning in the caste system
(Baumeister, 1991). Indeed, it has been found in empirical research that individuals will seek to
make sense of the surrounding social world by attributing negative and positive characteristics of
individuals to their social group membership. For instance, as discussed above, Jaspal and
Cinnirella (in press) have found that gay Muslim young men may attribute their homosexuality
to their upbringing in Britain due to the perceived ‘normality’ of homosexuality in ‘British
culture’. This essentially satisfies the human motivation to attribute meaning to social
phenomena pertinent to one’s identity. At an intergroup level, it is likely that the anchoring of
social representations of the SC to allegedly ‘improper’ acts such as the consumption of alcohol
and meat enables members of HCG to construct the ingroup as positively distinctive from the
SC. Indeed, criteria are provided for self-categorisation as ‘moral’ and ‘proper’, which
conveniently favour the ingroup (Jaspal & Cinnirella, 2010a). In short, the SCs’ engagement in
supposedly negative, immoral social practices is explained by their caste membership.
16
Many writings on caste affiliation allude to the importance of external attribution and
social representational anchoring among caste group members. In Agarwal’s (2004) field study
of the Bedia caste (a SC), it was found that members of other caste groups tended to anchor
social representations of the Bedia to representations of prostitution and sexual immorality, due
to the caste group’s historical engagement in prostitution. The hegemonic social representation
that prostitution constitutes the ‘traditional’ occupation of the caste group renders them ‘the
lowliest of the low in general opinion’ (Agarwal, 2004, p. 224). Indeed many caste groups have
distanced themselves socially and psychologically from the occupations, which are traditionally
associated with their groups. For instance, the Ravidasis have, in many cases, disengaged with
their ‘traditional’ occupation of tanning, and not all Valmikis sweep up debris in the village
streets. Similarly, prostitution can no longer be regarded as the primary occupation of the Bedia.
However, social representations of sexual immorality and impropriety persist in those social
contexts, in which the Bedia constitute a known caste group. Consequently, the perceived
continued existence of sexual impropriety among the Bedia is attributed by caste outgroups to
their ‘traditional’ occupation of engaging in prostitution. In the generally conservative society of
India, the attribution of sexual immorality to caste membership may provide a socially desirable
explanation with positive outcomes for the meaning principle of identity. Indeed, the search for
meaning constitutes a means of dealing with psychologically challenging situations, such as the
acceptance of sexual immorality within one’s society. In essence, this is coterminous with the
observed need for human beings to search for meaning in coping successfully with major life
events such as bereavement (Golsworthy & Coyle, 1999) and terminal illness (Taylor, 1983).
Similarly, a social group can be said to search collectively for meaning in order to explicate nonnormative, stigmatised behaviour within society. The attribution of sexual immorality to a single
caste group provides a necessary and convenient explanation. Accordingly, members of other
castes likely regard their engagement in ‘improper’ sexual practices as a ‘natural’ consequence
of their caste background.
The importance of the meaning principle of identity, in relation to caste identity, ensures
that caste-based stigma persists, although this must be explained and justified by individuals and
groups. For instance, Ballard (1994b) observes that contrary to the popular belief that the social
processes of migration, urbanisation, commercialisation and globalisation might eventually
undermine the caste system and ‘blur’ the hierarchical boundaries between caste groups, social
representations of caste remain vividly active among many South Asians both in the
Subcontinent and in the Diaspora due to the potential benefits for identity processes. Members
of some SC (e.g. the Ramgarhia) have generally grown wealthy upon migration to Britain, where
they have sought to use their ‘traditional craft skills’, coupled with the qualifications and other
manual experience acquired in East Africa and Britain, in order to ascend the social hierarchy
(Ballard, 1994c). However, members of HCG (e.g. the Jats) have generally responded to their
social mobility by categorising the Ramgarhia as the ‘nouveau riche’ and by rendering salient
social representations of their occupational position within rural contexts of India. Thus, the
stigma associated with the SC continues to pervade everyday thinking vis-à-vis these groups,
particularly among HCG.
Conclusion
The primary aim of this paper has been to provide socio-psychological insights into caste
identity, which has traditionally been the domain of sociologists and anthropologists. More
specifically, the functions of caste-based stigma for identity among both the SC and the HCG
17
have been explored through the lens of identity process theory (IPT). Existing theoretical and
empirical work on caste identifies the importance of social hierarchy, the social and spatial
segregation of caste groups in accordance with social status and the historical division of labour.
Moreover, it is acknowledged that social representations of caste will differ in accordance with
social context. The present paper has elaborated these dimensions of caste through the lens of
IPT and theorised some of the potential repercussions for identity processes, providing scope for
the empirical exploration of some potentially generalisable hypotheses regarding caste identity.
In attempting to explore the functions of caste identity for the self-concept, it has been
argued that IPT constitutes a fruitful theoretical point of departure. One key assumption of IPT
is the agency of the individual in shaping and constructing identity, although this is subject to
societal constraints, such as those imposed by social representations (Breakwell, 2010). Indeed,
this appears to explain the tendency of many SC members to accept and assimilate social
representations of their group’s inferiority despite the ensuing potential threats to identity
(Breakwell, 2001). Moreover, existing work on caste affiliation and inter-caste relations alludes
to some of the ways in which the identity principles outlined by IPT may be affected. The
present paper has discussed key issues in the caste literature in order to discern the potential
impact for the principled operation of identity processes, which has facilitated the prediction of
possible patterns of caste identification and of inter-caste relations. A key benefit associated
with IPT concerns its theorisation of how individuals cope with threatened identity. Indeed, this
dimension of the theory may explain and predict how caste group members will deal with social
stigma and seek to ameliorate their social positions.
Caste functions as a potent social identity, since members of both the SC and the HCG
frequently regard themselves, and are regarded by outgroups, primarily in terms of their caste
group membership. Existing research into caste identity reveals the social stigmatisation of the
SC both among the HCG and among many SC members themselves. Given the potency of caste
as a social identity, individuals may be regarded as interchangeable members of their caste
groups, with the result that caste group membership seems to ‘provide the primary schema
through which everything about them [caste group members] is understood’ (Crocker et al.,
1998, p. 507). Thus, negative social representations of caste groups may plausibly threaten the
self-esteem principle among the SC, although the negativisation of the SC may conversely
enhance the self-esteem, meaning and distinctiveness principles among the HCG. Self-esteem is
enhanced through processes of downward comparison, since the comparison of one’s caste group
with less ‘fortunate’ outgroups will likely increase the sense of self-worth on the basis of one’s
caste group membership among the HCG. This prediction is consistent with theorising within
the social identity theory tradition (Wills, 1981; Tajfel & Turner, 1986). Moreover, the
systematic positioning of both the caste ingroup and caste outgroups within the social matrix
may enhance the meaning and distinctiveness principles. It is noteworthy that the sheer ubiquity
of caste identity, which is facilitated by the social ‘visibility’ and conspicuousness of caste, may
impede potentially effective strategies for coping with identity threat. For instance, the
interpersonal strategy of passing, whereby one’s caste group membership is concealed from
others, would be unlikely to be successful (cf. Breakwell, 1986). Consequently, SC members
may plausibly be said to occupy a threatening position, while the benefits for identity processes
among the HCG may be regarded as stable and consistent. However, social context will
undoubtedly determine the meaning and value of caste identity for individuals.
Social and spatial segregation and the maintenance of particular behavioural patterns of
inter-caste interaction seem to impact identity processes among the HCG and the SC in different
18
ways. The self-esteem, distinctiveness and continuity principles of the HCG members will likely
be enhanced, since segregation and the perceived humility of the SC in inter-caste interactions
with the HCG would be expected to facilitate a positive self-conception on the basis of one’s
caste membership (Gecas, 1982). Moreover, this will facilitate the perception of intergroup
differentiation and a sense of temporal continuity, which is implicated in the maintenance of
‘tradition’. Conversely, these demeaning social practices are unlikely to benefit the self-esteem
principle among the SC, since they act as a reminder of their relatively low social status (Jaspal
& Sitaridou, 2010). Nonetheless, it has been argued that, even among the SC, the continuity
principle may remain intact as a result of the maintenance of segregation and restrictions on
inter-caste social interaction, since individuals will resist massive social change conducive to the
restructuring of a social system to which they are acutely accustomed. Thus, despite the
potential benefits for self-esteem, the continuity principle may in fact favour the maintenance of
these demeaning social practices (Vignoles et al., 2002).
While social and spatial segregation may be threatening for identity among the SC, it
seems to have positive implications for identity processes among the HCG. Despite the Indian
government’s attempts to dismantle caste-based stigma and segregation through the co-education
of the HCG and the SC in state schools, segregation is maintained through the tendency of the
HCG members to send their children to private schools, while categorising state schools as
‘dalit’ and ‘harijan’ schools, thereby constructing this as SC space. Indeed, caste de-segregation
may be perceived as imperilling group continuity. Given that segregation may enhance
distinctiveness, self-esteem and continuity, those caste ingroup members who are perceived as
transgressing social norms such as caste segregation through inter-caste marriage, for instance,
may be perceived as ingroup ‘Black Sheep’ and, thus, excluded from the ingroup (Marques,
Yzerbyt, & Leyens, 1988).
Although segregation and restrictions regarding inter-caste interactions are generally
accepted by members of the SC, perceived exclusion from religious social contexts may pose
dire threats to the belonging principle of identity (Vignoles et al., 2006). It is argued that the
belonging principle will be threatened when individuals or groups are excluded from those social
contexts, in which they would habitually expect to perceive feelings of acceptance and inclusion.
Accordingly, the SC would be unlikely to experience threats to belonging as a result of the
prohibition of inter-caste marriage, since there has never existed a serious social expectation
among the SC that inter-caste marriage should be permissible (Judge & Bal, 2008). Conversely,
many SC members do lay claim to Hindu or Sikh religious identities and, thus, their
‘otherisation’ from religious institutions is expected to jeopardise their expected sense of
belonging. The exclusion of the SC may benefit the continuity and self-esteem principles of
identity among the HCG, given that this may constitute a logical continuation of ‘otherisation’
and discrimination widespread in other social contexts.
It is evident that caste-based stigma and inter-caste relations serve distinct functions for
identity processes among the SC and the HCG. The empirical investigation of these functions
has been omitted in the caste literature and, thus, it is hoped that future research will engage with
this socio-psychological dimension of caste. The development of a satisfactory research
instrument for tapping into the implications of caste for identity processes is a prerequisite to
achieving this aim. The Caste Identity Scale (CIS) consists of ten items, which have been
developed on the basis of previous ethnographic and cultural psychological research into caste
beliefs (Mahalingam, 2003, 2007). Clearly, the role of identity processes in the construction of
caste identity and in inter-caste relations is important and worthy of empirical investigation. The
19
existing CIS measures essentialist beliefs regarding caste, beliefs regarding the purity of one’s
caste ingroup, pride in one’s caste ingroup and attitudes towards inter-caste marriage. The
present paper illustrates some of the ways in which these phenomena may indirectly impact the
identity principles outlined in IPT. However, it is argued that the CIS may be modified in order
to measure the impact for the identity principles, in a more direct manner, by including specific
items measuring the principles. Although the self-esteem principle may be measured through the
assessment of one’s sense of pride in caste identity and the belief in one’s caste group’s
superiority, the extent to which caste identity enhances continuity, self-efficacy, meaning and
psychological coherence cannot be measured using the existing CIS. Evidently, qualitative
research into caste identity will need to precede the development of a satisfactory research
instrument for measuring the impact of caste identity for the principled operation of identity
processes (Breakwell, 2010). Phenomenological approaches to caste may be particularly useful
in tapping into the subjective meanings attached to caste identity and the perceived functions of
caste for the principles outlined in IPT.
In conclusion, it is argued that the maintenance of caste-based stigma and caste
segregation may be construed as beneficial for identity processes among the HCG and that,
conversely, this maintains the threatening position of the SC. Given the social and political
hegemony of the HCG, caste-based stigma and caste segregation are likely to persist in Indian
society and social and spatial desegregation will be resisted by the HCG (e.g. Jodhka, 2004;
Ram, 2004). Thus, it is important to investigate empirically the repercussions of caste for
identity processes among the HCG and the SC and to debate alternative sources of identity
enhancement among those caste groups which habitually rely upon discrimination and prejudice
against the SC in order to enhance identity processes. It is hoped that this paper will encourage
social psychologists to engage with caste identity in order to bring about positive social change
both in the Subcontinent and in the Diaspora.
Acknowledgements
The author would like to thank Asha Jaspal for her guidance during the research process and
Adrian Coyle for insightful and constructive comments on an earlier version of this paper. Three
anonymous reviewers provided valuable insights into caste in India. The author would like to
give special thanks to Professor Glynis Breakwell for her ongoing guidance regarding the use of
identity process theory.
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