Health Policy 78 (2006) 101–110
HIV surveillance in theory and practice: Assessing the
acceptability of California’s non-name HIV
surveillance regulations
Kimberly A. Koester ∗ , Andre Maiorana, Karen Vernon, Edwin Charlebois,
Stuart Gaffney, Tim Lane, Stephen F. Morin
Center for AIDS Prevention Studies, University of California, 74 New Montgomery St., Suite 600, San Francisco, CA 94105, USA
Abstract
In 2002, California adopted a non-name system for HIV case reporting. This study focused on the acceptability of a non-name
reporting system among key stakeholders implementing the system. We conducted qualitative research during the pre- and
post-implementation period of the non-name HIV reporting regulations. During both study periods we conducted key informant
in-depth interviews (n = 48 and 52, respectively) with health department surveillance staff, laboratory personnel, health care
providers and clinic staff; and we conducted four focus group discussions (n = 28 and 30, respectively) with representatives
of community-planning group members and advocacy groups. We found that overall, California’s non-name HIV reporting
regulations were acceptable to most key stakeholders. Acceptability of a non-name system was highest among advocates and
healthcare providers. Views of health department staff varied across the four counties, with some expressing a strong preference
of a names based system and others accepting the non-name system.
© 2005 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords: HIV infection; HIV reporting; Evaluation of state health policy
1. Introduction
The guiding principle and purpose of public health
surveillance is to monitor diseases and to create
population-based disease-control programs [1]. The
U.S. National Notifiable Disease Surveillance System,
located within the Division of Public Health Surveillance and Informatics, recommends that 61 diseases be
∗ Corresponding author. Tel.: +1 415 597 9116;
fax: +1 415 597 9213.
E-mail address: kkoester@psg.ucsf.edu (K.A. Koester).
voluntarily reported to the Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention (CDC) [2]. In 1999, after approximately
two decades of voluntary tracking of AIDS cases by
name, the CDC recommended that states expand their
surveillance activities to incorporate HIV infections.
The success of improved treatment of HIV/AIDS and
subsequent decrease in the volume of AIDS cases,
prompted concerns that surveillance of AIDS cases
alone failed to account for current trends in the epidemic [3–6].
Although HIV/AIDS activists, advocates, scientists
and healthcare professionals agree on the importance
0168-8510/$ – see front matter © 2005 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.healthpol.2005.09.006
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K.A. Koester et al. / Health Policy 78 (2006) 101–110
of monitoring the epidemic based on HIV rather than
AIDS case reports, [5,7] there is and has been considerable debate regarding the best method of HIV case
reporting. The persistence of stigma and discrimination
associated with HIV/AIDS continue to set this disease
apart from other diseases [7]. Yet a division remains
whether HIV surveillance should be based on reports
using the names of those infected or utilize non-name
codes that cannot be traced to an individual. Proponents of name-based reporting argue non-name data
will: (1) be less accurate and more prone to duplication
of cases (2) be less efficient to collect and (3) hamper
important ancillary services such as partner notification
or referrals to care [3,8]. Proponents of a non-namebased method argue: (1) confidential HIV testing may
be avoided due to fears associated with name-based
method and (2) name-based reporting may raise doubts
or mistrust regarding confidentiality of one’s HIV status [9–11].
The lack of consensus on reporting methods is evidenced by the diversity of systems in place throughout
the United States and its’ territories. While 38 states use
a name-based system to report HIV cases, seven states
and the District of Columbia adopted a non-name (NN)
coded system, and five states adopted a name-to-code
system. HIV activists, primarily in San Francisco, New
York, and Philadelphia have been most vocal in their
opposition to name-based reporting and in advocating
that their states adopt non-name systems. Accordingly,
the states with the highest HIV/AIDS incidence were
slow to implement HIV name reporting [3]. An unusual
intra-state dual reporting system illustrates the power of
advocacy, in April 2004 the Health Secretary of Pennsylvania granted the city of Philadelphia permission to
use a NN code system, while the rest of the state reports
HIV by name [12].
Historically, HIV advocates in California have
opposed the idea of a name-based reporting system primarily because of concerns related to confidentiality.
Yet, in 2002, after several failed attempts to pass similar legislation, the California legislature agreed on a
compromised position; they approved a non-name system. While this legislation was not ultimately signed,
a non-name coded system was implemented through
regulations. A primary motivation leading to this decision was to maintain the privacy of individuals seeking
HIV testing and to encourage, rather than discourage
testing. Additionally, results from an evaluation of a
similar unique identifier system in Maryland demonstrated the accuracy, timeliness and valid nature of the
data collected using a non-name surveillance system
[13].
Similar to Maryland’s system, the implementation
of the California HIV reporting regulations by nonname code rely on the collaboration and combined
effort among the staff of health departments, labs and
healthcare providers [14]. The non-name code (NNC)
is comprised of a patient’s Soundex, a seventeen digit
code consisting of a four digit alphanumeric code
derived from the patient’s last name, date of birth, gender and last four digits of the patient’s social security
number. Code components are assembled in the following order: (1) healthcare provider sends the patient
blood specimen, the patient’s last name, date of birth
and gender to the laboratory. (2) The laboratory generates a Soundex for every confirmed HIV test and sends
this information (confirmed report and Soundex) back
to the healthcare provider and to the local health department. (3) The NNC is complete once the healthcare
provider adds the last four digits of the social security
number and then submits the NNC and a confidential
case report form to the local health department [15].
Local health department forward this data on to the California State Office of AIDS (CSOA) within 45 days
of receiving the report.
The state was responsible for evaluating the new
system following criteria set by the CDC for completeness, timeliness, and accuracy. In addition to the study
of compliance issues, the state was equally concerned
about the acceptability of an HIV reporting system
among stakeholders involved in the implementation
process and in understanding acceptability from the
test-takers perspective. We designed our mixed methods evaluation to study the acceptability issues raised
by the state.
In an earlier paper we reported on strong support and
a significant preference for a non-name code reporting system among HIV test-takers in California [14].
In this analysis we specifically set out to understand
the views of those mandated to implement the regulations in a sample of four key stakeholder groups: health
department staff, laboratory staff, healthcare providers,
and HIV/AIDS advocates. Specifically, we set out to
(1) assess knowledge of the proposed regulations, (2)
evaluate the acceptability of the regulations, (3) assess
the barriers and facilitators related to compliance with
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the regulations, and (4) identify needs for training and
technical assistance related to program operation.
Table 1
Participants pre-implementation phase 1
County
Providers
Lab
staff
2. Methods
2.1. Study design
In this study we used qualitative in-depth interviews
and focus group discussions designed to capture views
across four groups of key stakeholders in four counties.
This approach was appropriate because the success of
the new HIV surveillance system is dependent upon
the cooperation of each of the stakeholders interviewed.
The qualitative data, were collected and analyzed using
a rapid assessment process (RAP). RAP is a highly efficient methodology to study complex policy situations
in an intensive and timely manner. Our research process included the essential characteristics of RAP: an
iterative process of data collection and analysis and a
multidisciplinary research team, necessary to triangulate data [16].
2.2. Setting
This study was undertaken in four counties: Fresno,
Los Angeles, Riverside and Santa Clara and was conducted between May 2002 and July 2003. Counties
were selected in conjunction with California Department of Health Services to reflect the diversity of HIV
risk populations in California and different geographical areas of the state. The state facilitated the collaboration and participation of the counties in our study.
The study consisted of two phases of data collection:
phase 1 began in May 2002 prior to the start of the new
regulations in June 2002, and phase 2 began in May
2003 after 1 year of program implementation.
Fresno
Los Angeles
Riverside
Santa Clara
Total
Health
department
staff
Advocates
5
8
9
4
2
1
2
2
5
5
3
2
4
6
7
11
26
7
15
28
private space at the workplace of the informant. Interviewers followed a semi-structured interview guide
and the interviews typically lasted about 45 min. Focus
groups lasted about 2 h and were conducted at rented
space or other space provided by local agencies.
Consistent with qualitative techniques, we
employed a purposeful sample of key informants in
each of the four counties [17,19]. Specifically, we
spoke to informants that were either directly involved
with reporting or indirectly supervising or overseeing
the reporting procedures. Potential lab, healthcare
provider, health department staff, and co-chairs of
HIV community-planning group participants were
identified based on these criteria with the assistance
of a list provided by the local health departments. The
co-chairs of the local HIV community-planning group
were asked to attend a focus group discussion and
to assist with identifying other community advocates
or staff such as HIV counselors or their supervisors
at agencies providing HIV testing for the focus
groups. In addition, for selection of all participants,
we used a snowballing technique to complement
the original list of potential participants provided by
the health departments. Please see Tables 1 and 2
below for the total number of participants in phases
I and II.
2.3. Sample and data collection
Table 2
Participants post-implementation phase II
We used two primary data sources for each phase
of qualitative data collection: key informant in-depth
interviews with health department surveillance staff,
laboratory personnel, health care providers and clinic
staff, and focus group discussions with representatives
of community-planning groups, advocacy groups, and
staff of different agencies in charge of implementing
the system. Interviews were conducted in person, in a
County
Fresno
Los Angeles
Riverside
Santa Clara
Total
Providers
Lab
staff
Health
department
staff
Advocates
4
7
9
6
2
3
2
2
4
5
5
3
10
8
6
6
26
9
17
30
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K.A. Koester et al. / Health Policy 78 (2006) 101–110
Fig. 1. Knowledge continuum.
Two staff members of the San Francisco Health
Department conducted all interviews with health
department surveillance staff. University of California San Francisco (UCSF) researchers conducted all
other interviews and focus groups. In preparation for
the study, UCSF staff attended an HIV Reporting Regulations Training conducted by Education Training
Resources (ETR), a company under contract with the
state to provide training and technical assistance on
the new system. Our research team informed by the
training and based on study objectives developed interview guides.1 During the pre-implementation phase
we asked questions related to implementation i.e.,
role in reporting, knowledge of regulations, description of anticipated reporting process, training needs,
concerns about the potential harm as well as the benefits of the non-name reporting system. During postimplementation interviews we asked participants to
describe their experiences with implementing the regulations and the emergence of unanticipated issues, and
to reflect on whether or not they felt the regulations
were “worth it” considering the additional amount of
work entailed. Interviews and focus groups were audiotaped. Interviewers wrote extensive fieldnotes immediately following each interview and participated in a
team de-briefing session with the lead analyst upon
return from the field. The study was reviewed and
approved by the Internal Review Board at the University of California San Francisco. We offered compensation to lab staff, providers, and advocates for their
participation. Health department staff were not compensated for their participation and in some cases lab
staff were unable or unwilling to accept reimbursement.
2.4. Data analysis
Transcribed interviews and focus group discussions
as well as fieldnotes were entered into Ethnograph, a
qualitative software product used to facilitate the organization of data. Analysis of the data began with an a
1
Interview guides are available upon request.
priori list of key domains of interest based on the structure of the interview guides. A team of five analysts
then engaged in a collaborative open coding process of
one randomly selected transcript from each stakeholder
group. We refined our a priori domains of interest collectively and devised a set of codes that allowed us
to identify general themes in the data. The research
team met weekly to compare coding experiences and
to continue refinement of the codebook. Each interview
was coded and verified by a second reviewer to ensure
validity. The major thematic areas of concern were
summarized and entered into matrixes to allow crossclassification and to visually display the data analysis.
3. Findings
3.1. Phase I—pre-implementation
3.1.1. Knowledge of regulations
Knowledge regarding the purpose, intent of the
regulations, and process of filing case reports across
the four groups was inconsistent. Those with the most
extensive understanding of the regulations provided
details about the system including: outlining the duties
associated with the labs, healthcare providers and
health department, spelling out the components of
the Soundex, articulating the timeline expectations
and explaining the general purpose for reporting HIV
cases. Those with the least amount of knowledge
knew nothing at all, understood conceptually a new
reporting process would be implemented soon, or
were awaiting information or further instructions.
In most cases, the health department staff were the
most informed of the four groups while community
advocates participating in focus groups were the least
informed. Fig. 1 illustrates the groups plotted out
along a “knowledge continuum”.
Health department staff had the most extensive
knowledge including detailing the purpose and process
of reporting. While lab staff were not as informed about
the purpose of the non-name reporting process, overall
K.A. Koester et al. / Health Policy 78 (2006) 101–110
they understood the process of reporting and their role
in that process. Many providers had yet to receive any
training and a few clearly had almost no information
prior to being interviewed for this project.2 In general,
members of community-planning working groups had
relatively more information than other focus group participants because of their participation in HIV/AIDS
policy and funding-related meetings. For many advocates, however, the discussion during the focus group
was their first opportunity to access more concrete
information about the system.
3.1.2. Acceptability of regulations
We analyzed responses raised under the domain
of implementation concerns about the non-name system in order to assess the characteristics and themes
associated with acceptability of the non-name system. Acceptability of the pending surveillance regulations differed across and within groups and counties. However, many participants responded to our
specific queries about the non-name system in the
more general context of HIV surveillance. For example, health department and laboratory staff expressed
a solid endorsement for HIV surveillance generally,
which seemed to inspire high levels of acceptability
of the non-name HIV surveillance regulations specifically. On the other hand, healthcare providers and
community advocates expressed either skepticism or a
great deal of concern about the safeguards of patient
confidentiality in HIV surveillance generally, which
seemed to inspire high levels of acceptability of the
non-name HIV surveillance regulations specifically.
The following quotes help to illustrate the perspective of each stakeholder. Health department staff in
three of the four counties accepted the new regulations
as part of their role and many wanted a version of HIV
reporting implemented sooner.
I: What do you think about the new HIV non-name
system?
P: I’ve always felt we needed it anyway because I’ve
been with the program for about 5 years. I’ve always
2 We began data collection 2 months prior to the implementation
of the regulations. All stakeholders were informed of the changes by
mail. Formal trainings run by education, training, resources (ETR),
a professional training service based in California, were being conducted in various parts of the State at the time of data collection.
105
known we’ve missed a lot of people with just AIDS.
They weren’t reportable at that time but if we just want
an accurate database then you need the HIV patients.
Because I know we have quite a few HIV as compared
to AIDS patients that are on medications and doing
pretty well. That’s about it. (Surveillance supervisor).
Health department staff in one county felt the regulations were inadequate as a public health prevention
tool. Therefore, they preferred a name-based system.
I think it’s better than not at all, and I think it will
result in us being able to reach some people that we
haven’t been able to reach before. Coming from a
purely public health prevention standpoint I think it is
not enough, . . .it’s never going to be even under control
until we have full reporting. (Supervising public health
nurse).
Aside from brief endorsements of the regulations
such as, “just part of doing business,” laboratory staff
had very little to say on the subject of acceptability. This
reflects the fact that reporting and confidentiality are
already embedded in laboratory procedures. One lab
director perceived the regulations to be “overkill” citing
the adequacy of existing confidentiality protections.
We’re professionals. We were trained to do this type
of work and we understand the need for anonymity. We
understand reporting. We do it with all the other tests
we do. It makes sense to us. (Lab director).
Providers overall adopted a tolerant stance regarding
the regulations and referring to the authority of the state
one provider stated they “would be compliant with the
powers that be.” However, consistent with their role as
patient advocates, providers routinely raised concerns
about patient acceptance of regulations. The following quote from a provider describes an impression of
patients’ fears and misunderstandings associated with
the concept of “reporting”:
Patients in general are very hesitant to give out any
kind of information that may be identifying in nature,
even when they come here to receive medical services
they attempt sometimes to give false names and false
ID. And this is particularly true because we work with
a large, undocumented population and they’re fearful
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K.A. Koester et al. / Health Policy 78 (2006) 101–110
about getting reported [to Immigration and Naturalization Services] and the consequences of that. So now
that we’re saying on top of everything else that we ask
them that we’re going to have to report this to the government is a very, very scary statement. My inclination
would be that they would have great reservation, even
when we give them assurances that it’s going to be
confidential. (Healthcare provider).
increased resources and funding as well as a more consistent allocation of resources for prevention and care.
Most community advocates agreed with the importance and the potential benefits of the regulations for
better tracking of the epidemic in terms of funding
and resource allocation. Yet, acceptance was tentative
because they did not have enough specific information about the non-name system. As advocates they
assumed they would need to inform clients themselves
about the reporting system but they felt they needed
to fully understand the system first in order to explain
or “sell” the idea to potential testers. They expressed
a sense of frustration because they lacked information
about the regulations.
3.1.4. Barriers related to compliance and
acceptability
Health department staff had numerous concerns that
primarily focused on the increased workload burden
associated with complying with the non-name component of the regulations. Specifically, they anticipated
non-compliance or poor compliance particularly by
providers. They expected difficulties or confusion to
arise due to the quantity of information necessary to
completely file a case report and the length of the forms
themselves. Health department staff questioned the
ability of providers to collect or report on patient risk
assessment and expressed concerns regarding the probability of duplicate reporting. In counties where the
health department conducted active reporting, (visiting
the clinics or providers and searching for the information to file a case report, rather than passively receiving
the completed report), inadequate staffing was raised as
a structural barrier.
Lab personnel also focused on the problematic
aspects of processing the reports. As with health department staff, labs raised similar concerns about the possibility of missing data, duplication of reports and
provider compliance. However, some lab personnel
also expressed pessimism regarding the flow and timeline of reporting. Further barriers were cited regarding
the increased workload since some labs felt obligated to
train providers, or felt the burden on the health department staff was too great.
We have to wait to see just how our clients are going
to accept the reporting system because one of the things
that I’ve seen that is making our program successful is
we’re providing anonymous testing and we do a lot of
IDU testing and they specifically look for us ‘cause we
do anonymous testing. So and they usually ask, one of
the first questions is who are you going to report this
to? And I mean, we tell them it’s for our own agency
purpose, all the paperwork other than just some other
data we report to the county. We keep all the paperwork
within the agency. So we still have to wait to see what,
how the actual clients that look for anonymous testing
will take the reporting system. And that’s going to be,
We just have to wait and see. (Community advocate).
3.1.3. Facilitators related to compliance and
acceptability
In addition to the high levels of acceptability of the
non-name system, we identified a key facilitator we
called surveillance optimism, stakeholders in general
reported an expectation of increased financial benefits
as a result of the reporting system. Community advocates and some providers, especially those residing in
counties they perceived to be under-funded, expected
the reporting system to produce better surveillance,
Well, that you know the extent of the problem. That’s
really what it is. And of course to get money for it. The
monies that are coming. I know that’s the bottom line,
for good reason. We do need the monies to take better
care of the problem. (Infection control practitioner).
There is no clinician I know of that’s going to complete this form (HIV case report). At 6-point font, that
reads like the Federal Register. No clinician is going to
take the time to fill this out, but yet it’s required. (Lab
director).
Providers echoed the lab workers’ concerns about
workload and complex and lengthy forms. Addition-
K.A. Koester et al. / Health Policy 78 (2006) 101–110
ally, providers expressed a critical need for more information and training about the new regulations as well as
more public education about non-name HIV reporting.
Community advocates’ concerns related to the lack
of information available to agencies and the challenges
of implementing the system by 1 July 2002. Advocates
also expressed concern over a potential decrease in testing due to fear of reporting and an existing mistrust of
the government among their constituencies. Advocates
feared that the HIV reporting system could undermine
the existing rapport with their communities or clients.
3.1.5. Training needs
Training on the process and purpose of the regulations was consistently identified as an overwhelming
need across the groups and counties. Providers and
community advocates wanted information on educating or reassuring clients. They recommended the development of written materials that they could provide to
clients. Furthermore, community advocates expected
leadership at the state level, information about the
regulations and resources to distribute to constituents
explaining the shift to HIV reporting by non-name from
the counties and the state.
I just kind of need to know exactly what I need to do
and what’s expected of me. I don’t necessarily think I
need to go to a training meeting or anything like that,
I don’t think. I just need to know exactly what I need to
do and it will be fine. (Healthcare provider).
3.2. Findings phase II—post-implementation
3.2.1. Acceptability revisited
Health Department staff were disproportionately
affected by the regulations. Their duties often included
visiting clinics and hospitals to conduct active disease
reporting or to follow up on missing or incomplete
data on the case reports or to train others to comply
with the regulations. Despite expressed concerns about
the increased workload and provider compliance during the pre-implementaion phase, health department
informants reported rallying to implement the new
regulations. Furthermore, concerns regarding accuracy
and duplication diminished in the post-implementation
phase.
Laboratory informants reported smooth implementation of the regulations. Reporting went into effect as
107
planned with little strain. Many labs created their own
user-friendly format to record Soundex information,
rather than use the form provided by the state. Labs also
continued to informally train providers when missing
information was an issue.
Providers were willingly compliant once the regulations went into effect, they would do whatever the state
required and complying with the regulations simply
became another procedure to follow. A wide variety
of reporting processes were noted across the counties. In fact, implementation of regulations differed
county to county with some clinics reporting actively
and others passively. Acceptability among healthcare
providers and clinic staff was especially high in sites
where the Health Department conducted active reporting. However, those providers noted they might have
felt differently if they had to complete the reporting
without the assistance of the Health Department.
Counselors in HIV testing facilities had immediate
access to relevant risk information thus allowing them
to efficiently complete the case report form. In contrast,
clinics with a large patient population were struggling
to complete a backlog of cases and locating accurate
client risk information was sometimes very difficult.
In these instances, risk information was not available
since providers had not conducted a risk assessment as
part of a routine confirmatory HIV test.
The most significant shift in acceptance of the regulations occurred at the advocate level. In fact, community advocates consistently focused on pressing current
events (conducted over the summer of 2003) such effect
of the state’s financial situation on access to care and
terrorism which had supplanted the fears and concerns
regarding HIV surveillance expressed in the prior year.
For those participants with access to or knowledgeable about anonymous testing sites, they believed that
acceptance among HIV test-takers was high based on
the lack of a noticeable increase in anonymous testing
facilities. As one informant put it: “HIV reporting did
not cause the sky to fall.”
We observed a significant shift in emphasis in
our interviews and focus groups during the postimplementation phase. We noted far fewer discussions
of the primary objections e.g., inaccuracy, duplicate
cases, inefficiency, to the non-name system. In fact
some of the major concerns such as accuracy and
duplicate cases dropped out entirely or were at least
discussed with less intensity during implementation
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K.A. Koester et al. / Health Policy 78 (2006) 101–110
interviews. Concerns about efficiency and workload
remained constant from pre-implementation phase to
implementation phase however, with a decrease in
emphasis. Two excerpts from our field notes illustrate
that the non-name system exceeded expectations:
On missing information: Labs are doing very well.
Works very well, who ever set it up, it’s working like
a miracle. One or two here internally, the DOB was
off, data entry error. Providers’ info more tricky, they
have to be trained or just be followed up w/a phone
call, especially risk factors, thought he’d have more
problems with this. They emphasized this in trainings.
They’re savvy, thought it was going to be worse. If anything’s missing, they’ll call and they’ll also go over
to do training to help providers to fill out forms completely. A face-to-face contact is also beneficial to see
each other and make a personal connection. (Health
department staff fieldnote excerpt).
Informant mentioned that people have become more
compliant over time with providing the information
necessary to complete the SOUNDEX. Duplicates for
positive patients already reported are found because
informant flags everyone that has already gone through
the system, so it shows in the results database. (Lab staff
fieldnote excerpt).
4. Discussion
Overall, we found that acceptability for a non-name
system was highest among advocates and healthcare
providers while acceptance and resistance were both
found for the laboratory and health department staff
across the four counties. With this in-depth understanding and knowledge about each key stakeholder’s
concerns, we can advance the discussion of HIV reporting.
We observed a distinctive pattern in the perspectives
of our informants. Health department and lab staff were
most concerned about complying with the non-name
component of the reporting system and criticized its
potential for inefficiency, duplication of case reports
and inaccurate data. Meanwhile, healthcare providers
and community advocates were focused on the interpretation of any type of HIV reporting system by testers
and the subsequent behavioral impact, potential to deter
testing, increase anonymous testing and in general foster a disenfranchisement of those with unknown HIV
status. One county was qualitatively different from the
other three in that they consistently reported strong support for a name-based reporting system. In order to
maintain the anonymity of the counties we presented
these data in aggregate. All seemed to express some
level of anxiety about the extra paperwork requirements
imposed by the regulations.
While the issue of whether or not name-based
reporting deters testers has been the subject of much
research, the results of this research are mixed [4–11].
It is difficult to draw conclusions from this literature
because these studies have found that there exists a general lack of knowledge among consumers of HIV testing about their state’s HIV reporting regulations. Much
of this confusion is perpetuated by the interchangeable
use of the terms “HIV” and “AIDS” in media reports
about the epidemic [20]. Privacy concerns resonate differently with various groups at risk for HIV depending
on their residence in rural or metropolitan jurisdictions,
mistrust of the government and authorities, integration
into the health care system, existing relationship with
other public health agencies, or with corrections and
immigration agencies, and whether they are “out” about
their HIV risk behaviors.
We would encourage a closer or critical inspection
of assumptions implicit in studies reporting no decrease
in testing or even an increase in testing in states implementing HIV reporting. We argue that this does not
necessarily indicate a tacit acceptance by testers. In
fact, it is widely reported that persons seeking HIV
testing are unaware of state policies regarding HIV
reporting, this includes testers residing in California. A
crucial question raised by Herek et al. in 2003 regarding
the health benefits of HIV surveillance remains unanswered. We propose an exploration of this question
as well as an in-depth qualitative exploration of what
HIV reporting means to testers to better understand
how they perceive and manage testing experiences in
locations with and without name-based surveillance
policies.
This study has several limitations. Although we
attempted to collect data to reflect the diversity of the
State, our study was limited to four counties. Because
we used qualitative methods, we cannot reach conclusions about the relative frequency of different views.
We also do not have a standard measure of accept-
K.A. Koester et al. / Health Policy 78 (2006) 101–110
ability. However, the goal of qualitative research is to
provide context-specific, descriptive research that has
significant meaning and value [21]. Within the literature on HIV surveillance an important aspect of a
non-name reporting system has remained overlooked
that of acceptability among those responsible for generating the HIV case reports. Our study makes a unique
contribution to the field of HIV surveillance because of
the distinct sample and methodology used to study this
very question of acceptability. Our research allowed
us to investigate the context in which HIV reporting is
carried out and to better understand how health department officers, lab workers, community advocates, and
health care providers balance privacy concerns against
efficiency and accuracy of a reporting method.
The state is well aware that implementation and
adherence to California’s HIV reporting regulations
requires a high-level of cooperation among three distinct actors: health department, laboratories and health
care providers. Acceptance of the non-name regulations was and remains paramount to successful implementation. Our findings revealed that key informants
across each category acknowledged the importance of
HIV surveillance as a tool to enhance disease control.
Additionally, our findings reflect the reality of varying
levels of knowledge and understanding about the pros
and cons of reporting HIV by a non-name code.
Understandably, each key stakeholder’s perspective
was shaped by their role within the reporting process
and their proximity to clients or patients most likely to
seek out HIV testing. However, underlying the debate
over the best method of HIV surveillance are pressures related to resource allocation. Funding formulas
for treatment and prevention of HIV/AIDS were previously calculated based on estimated AIDS cases, but
may rely more heavily on HIV cases in the future.
Our findings concerning the “surveillance optimism”
expressed by some key stakeholders potentially represents a false expectation; in the absence of increased
funding, a new surveillance system would only result in
a redistribution of funds with unknown consequences
for each county.
All U.S. states and territories stand to lose or gain
funding based on their compliance in reporting HIV
cases. Undeniably, the stakes are high concerning accurate HIV surveillance as it relates to funding and those
who stand to benefit or suffer the most are the people
living with or at risk for contracting HIV. For these
109
very reasons, issues associated with the acceptability
of HIV surveillance continue to be worthy of study.
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