Journal of Religious History Vol. ••, No. ••, 2021 doi: 10.1111/1467-9809.12801 JIM RHEINGANS A Propos the Historical Study of Reincarnate Lamas in Tibetan Societies: The Dalai Lama and the Emperor of China by P. Schwieger The Tibetan practice of recognising an individual as the conscious rebirth of a Buddhist saint has been a puzzling tradition to the outsider. Trülku literally refers to an earthly emanation body of a Buddha who manifests for the welfare of sentient beings. It is even more remarkable that the custom of recognising trülkus and institutionalising them through monastic estates is an innovation mainly found in the Tibetan cultural sphere. Peter Schwieger’s The Dalai Lama and the Emperor of China: A Political History of the Tibetan Institution of Reincarnation (New York: Columbia University Press, 2015) is a substantial and necessary study, providing the first detailed exploration of the trülkü phenomenon as an institution from the perspective of political history. Focussing on the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries and the politics surrounding the institution of reincarnation between the office of the Dalai Lamas, the Chinese Qing emperors, and Mongol chieftains, it employs a vast number of previously underused sources such as legal and administrative documents. Reviewing Schwieger’s study, this article discusses some other recent works about the trülku system and briefly reflects on the usage of sources for Tibetan history and the issue of researching the topic of reincarnation as such. Introduction The Tibetan practice of recognising an individual as the conscious rebirth of a Buddhist saint has been a puzzling tradition to the outsider, being often either mystified or misunderstood. Trülku literally refers to an earthly emanation body of a Buddha or Bodhisattva who manifests for the welfare of sentient beings. That this custom of recognising trülkus is an innovation only found in the Tibetan cultural sphere (and areas where Tibetan Buddhism exercised influence) makes it even more perplexing and certainly remarkable for the historian of religion. Whereas the concept of an enlightened earthly manifestation is not unusual in Buddhist societies, the idea of a series of incarnates (yang srid), its institutionalisation, and the linking to monastic *Dr. Jim Rheingans is Senior Lecturer for Tibetan Buddhism, Department of Asian Studies, School of Languages and Cultures, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, The University of Sydney, New South Wales 2006 Australia. 1 © 2021 Religious History Society. 2 JOURNAL OF RELIGIOUS HISTORY estates is unique.1 The politics of reincarnation even continue to play a part in contemporary government, most notably in the PRC’s aim at controlling the appointment of reincarnates as well as in debates about the succession of the fourteen Dalai Lama.2 So far, many contributions about the origins and histories of that system have been either brief, have focused on specific cases, and/or have primarily adopted the perspective of religious history.3 Hence, Peter Schwieger’s The Dalai Lama and the Emperor of China: A Political History of the Tibetan Institution of Reincarnation (New York: Columbia University Press, 2015; pp. ix + 342) is both a timely and necessary study in that it provides a detailed exploration of the trülkü phenomenon as an institution and does so from the perspective of political history. Using a vast number of previously untapped sources such as legal and administrative documents as well as letters, Schwieger focuses on the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries and the complex political interplay surrounding the institution of reincarnation between the office of the Dalai Lamas and/or their regents, the Qing emperors of China, and Mongol chieftains. Reviewing Schwieger’s study, I shall discuss some related recent works and briefly reflect on the issue of researching this topic at large. 2. Summary Let us first briefly recapitulate Schwieger’s work: the Introduction lays out the sources for this study, provides a concise overview of Tibetan culture, and presents the doctrinal concepts underlying the trülku phenomenon. Chapter 1 surveys the historical development of the trülku position from its beginnings with the Third Karmapa via a surge of trülku lines and their emerging politization in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries to the establishing of power in major Tibetan areas by the Fifth Dalai Lama with the 1 . C. Manson, “Introduction to the Life of Karma Pakshi (1204/6–1283),” Bulletin of Tibetology 46, no. 1 (2009): 25. 2 . See for example J. Powers, The Buddha Party: How the People’s Republic of China Works to Define and Control Tibetan Buddhism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016) and F. McConnel, “The Geopolitics of Buddhist Reincarnation: Contested Futures of Tibetan Leadership,” Area 45 (2013): 162–69. The topic is too vast for discussion here. 3 . Highlighting some key works: an early paper was T. W. Wylie, “Reincarnation: A Political Innovation in Tibetan Buddhism,” in Proceedings of the Csoma de Körös Memorial Symposium, ed. L. Ligeti (Vienna: Arbeitskreis für Tibetische und Buddhiststische Studien, 1983), 579–86. L. W. van der Kuijp, “The Dalai Lamas and the Origins of Reincarnate Lamas,” in The Dalai Lamas: A Visual History, ed. M. Brauen (Chicago: Serindia Publications, 2005): 14–31, has explored the origins of this system within the early Kadampa traditions and presented a first coherent analysis. J. Rheingans, “Narratives of Reincarnation,” in Lives Lived, Lives Imagined, ed. L. Covill, U. Roesler, and S. Shaw (Boston: Wisdom, 2010), 241–99, discussed the dispute about the selection of the Eighth Karmapa. T. Tulku, Incarnation: The History and Mysticism of the Tulku Tradition of Tibet (Boston: Shambala, 2011) presents a traditional insider’s perspective. Manson provides a close study of the Second Karmapa. R. Gamble, Reincarnation in Tibetan Buddhism: The Third Karmapa and the Invention of a Tradition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018) uses the narratives of the Third Karmapa (1284–1339). Gamble also offers an upto-date summary of further previous research in her introduction (1–17) and presents an extensive literary-historical investigation about a reincarnate lama in context. An excellent overview is J. I. Cabezon, “On Tulku Lineages,” Revue d’Etudes Tibétaines 38 (2017): 1–28 (also see other contributions in this journal issue). © 2021 Religious History Society. THE HISTORICAL STUDY OF TIBETAN REINCARNATE LAMAS 3 aid of Mongol leader Gushri Khan in 1642. The reader learns details about the prior extensive struggles with the then-dominant king of Tsang and the relations of the Gelukpa order/the Fifth Dalai Lama with the Mongols that built up to the Fifth Dalai Lama’s seizure of power. Chapter 2 presents the seventeenth century culmination of these developments, namely the trülku as head of society due to his religious and social function. We also learn about the Fifth Dalai Lama’s specific use of the Tibetan concept of the “union of religion and politics” and the way he employed warfare in order to establish rule, subsumed in the section ironically — yet fittingly — named “Avalokitesvara’s Wars.” Chapter 3 shows how, after the death of the Fifth Dalai Lama, instability emerged regarding his succession, the regent keeping his death secret and the Sixth Dalai Lama rejecting his role. Chapter 4 analyses how the Qing Emperor reacted by taking control of the office of the Dalai Lama, deciding to use it in order to further his own political aims. Chapter 5 examines how the Qianlong Emperor dealt with a rebellious Tibetan official by further tightening control, also touching on the Gurkha wars with Nepal. Chapter 6 shows how direct imperial authority over the trülku institution was assumed via their identification by drawing a name from the “golden urn” and an imperial register of reincarnations. It also examines the Tibetan-Qing hierarchy (including imperial diplomas issued for lamas) with the aid of Tibetan documents. Chapter 7 discusses “The Aftermath” following the decline of the Qing empire. The Conclusion summarises the key findings of this study. Numerous figures of edicts and documents are inserted into the main text and help the reader to relate to the sources. Historical maps provide further indispensable aids. Due to the publisher’s convention, references are provided in endnotes only; this makes following up on the apparatus slightly impractical. Furthermore, the Tibetan source text of the quotes translated in the main body of the book is not made available in the endnotes. Although this is fine for documents readily accessible via a public database, it is more of an issue for sources that are difficult to obtain. If the publisher had allowed the Tibetan text in said endnotes, it would have been immensely useful, allowing researchers to follow up on the source texts while presenting an opportunity for learning from an expert. 3. Discussing The Dalai Lama and the Emperor of China in Context Schwieger’s monograph is undoubtedly a scholarly work of the highest calibre. Being the result of years of research, the study is an example of tremendous historical rigour, abundant with so-far unaccounted detail and fresh insights. The strengths of this study derive from three main features: (1) overall substance and contribution to new knowledge through its extensive and expert use of specifically suitable Tibetan sources, (2) skilful focus of research, and (3) critical historical analysis. © 2021 Religious History Society. 4 JOURNAL OF RELIGIOUS HISTORY 3.1 Substance and Contribution to Knowledge The legal and administrative documents, which are — fortunately — available for this period of Tibetan history, form the main body of sources and are often quoted verbatim so as to avoid misunderstandings as much as possible (the general issues of translation, of course, remain). Tibetology at Bonn, of which Schwieger is emeritus professor, has been a stronghold for historical approaches, schooling students in dealing with these challenging materials, and it is still a field considerably underrepresented in Tibetan studies.4 Although the reviewer is specialised in other textual genres, it is evident that Schwieger masters his body of textual sources. The Introduction carefully assesses them (pp.1–2) and discusses their value and limitations along with their general characteristics, introducing key terms of diplomatics. During the course of the book, extensive translations of these sources are provided. Among many others are the Tibetan language version of an important document from 1751 about the reorganisation during the Qing dynasty containing thirteen articles (pp. 148–157), or a decree of the Tibetan regent — the Demo qutuqtu (issued in 1773) — which illustrates how the mutually accepted new state orthodoxy of the Gelukpa and the Qianlong emperor was defined (pp. 166–170). In that context, an insightful passage is translated wherein the Qianlong emperor directly admonishes the Eighth Dalai Lama, closing with: “Strive even more for the fields of knowledge and the good qualities! Act respectfully without laziness!” (p. 166). The Emperor’s important Twenty-Nine-Article Decree to regulate the identifying of reincarnations is analysed thoroughly (pp. 186–192). We also learn about letters that bear witness to the intricate events surrounding the confiscation of the Tenth Shamarpa’s (1742–1792) monastery Yangpachen (and the temporary termination of this line of reincarnation) due to his alleged involvement with Gurkha-led Nepal in their wars with Tibet (pp. 175–184). Fascinating also is Takdrak rinpoche’s (1874–1952) general decree from 1941 (pp. 210–214) from chapter 7 (“The Aftermath”), which exemplifies the Tibetan officialese of the Ganden Podrang government shortly before its demise. This form of presentation offers intriguing glimpses into the legal language and complex political relations, whereas the accompanying discussions facilitate comprehension of the sometimes terse style and the historical contexts. In regard to the sources employed and its scope, Schwieger’s work is unique among studies of the trülku systems. Although Wylie has taken a political perspective, his short paper has not used this range of sources to its greatest extent. Van der Kuijp has presented a well-rounded analysis on a much broader scope than Wylie; the range of his paper, however, was focused on the origin among the early Kadampa and the Dalai Lamas; Cabezon has examined the origins and lineage constructions further. Manson, 4 . Between 1998–2000 Tibetan archives of Kündeling have been digitised during a joint research project with the University of Bonn (https://dtab.crossasia.org/). Projects have continued to employ these materials, for example ANR–DFG (EPHE Paris/Bonn) projects about social history (www.tibetanhistory.net), or in Paris (CRNS) and at Oxford University. © 2021 Religious History Society. THE HISTORICAL STUDY OF TIBETAN REINCARNATE LAMAS 5 Gamble (and to some extent Cabezon), have concentrated their work on hagiographical texts, including past-life memories, predictions, and the like. Gamble has used her study of the Third Karmapa for a sound overall analysis and argued for using Tibetan hagiographies appropriately within their contexts.5 Although the usage of hagiographies is a complex issue (see below), this point does not really pertain to Schwieger’s methodology, which mainly uses a different text type (e.g., documents) with a distinctive aim, namely an analysis of the political history of the trülku institution. On the contrary, as Schwieger points out in his introduction (p. 2), such documents are a much more reliable source when doing political history because it is in social documents and correspondences that conflicts and political involvements of a trülku are noted. It simply boils down to whether the aim and scope of research includes uncovering such information. These different perspectives on the sources remind us of the medievalists’ distinction into Tradition and Überrest introduced by Droysen (1808–1884) and developed by Bernheim (1850–1942). Regarding our discussion, Tradition would be sources intentionally created for historical transmission, such as hagiographies, myths, and so forth, whereas Überrest refers to sources that are unintentionally “left over” from events, such as legal documents and letters.6 I suggest that works of any text type, including hagiographies, can be used as sources for different aims (including history), if read critically. When Gamble states that hagiographies, “are not intentionally created to provide historically verifiable facts”7 and talks about the functionalist fallacy when extracting data from them, one should be more precise. This is because, firstly, the Tibetan hagiography — albeit very diverse in type — has indeed been created in order to give a coherent narrative to tradition and be read as an account of (and instruction by) a religious virtuoso which the tradition clearly considers factual (= Tradition) (albeit with a concept of factuality that might be more difficult to accept in academic discourse). Hence, these sources are considered “historiographical” from the perspective of the religious tradition.8 Secondly, “facts” is probably a cumbersome word when doing history — we are often talking about different degrees of probability; however, some instances of the genre contain data one might refer to as “facts.” Thirdly, one should definitely and critically take each hagiography’s many contexts and functions into account. Having done so, however, there is no argument against extracting information about a person’s whereabouts, 5 . 6 See above, footnote 3. . For the many source distinctions and their critique, see A. von Brandt, Werkzeug des Historikers (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2012) and G. Theuerkauf, Die Interpretation historischer Quellen (Stuttgart: UTB, 1991). 7 . Gamble, 11. 8 . For a transcultural definition and a Buddhist definition of hagiography and discussions about factuality, see the introduction and outlook to Narrative Pattern and Hagiographic Life Writing: Comparative Perspectives from Asia to Europe, ed. S. Conermann and J. Rheingans (Berlin: EBV, 2014), 7–19 and 305–9 (cf. the contributions by Roesler, Rheingans, and Sernesi in this volume); also see the papers in Life Writing 17, no. 2 (2020). © 2021 Religious History Society. 6 JOURNAL OF RELIGIOUS HISTORY the founding of monasteries, and relations to donors and disciples.9 Whether and how such an enterprise does justice to a religious tradition or creating knowledge of the past (history) remains a question to be discussed in conjunction with the research aim, the available sources, and the methodology. 3.2 Focus of Research With an appropriate research focus, Schwieger analyses the emergence of the trülku institution in the context of Inner Asian powerplays: the way elite members of the Geluk school fought hard to establish the Dalai Lama line of incarnations as rulers over Tibet, and the way the Fifth Dalai Lama imposed a Buddhist government by combining foreign Mongolian military power (politics) and sacred authority (religion) and sought to expand it among the Mongols. The study shows how the Qing ultimately took control of the office of the Dalai Lama, utilising it to establish an Inner Asian empire (thereby strengthening secular and religious dominance of the Gelukpa in Tibet). The systematic investigation along the lines of such questions is in itself original because it expands our horizons beyond particular foci on the Tibetan plateau, Mongolian tribes, or the history of the Qing alone. Limiting the scope meaningfully, it is broad enough to consider vital historical contexts. Because of the general state of affairs in Tibetan studies, where countless textual sources and artefacts still await exploration, research tends to focus on specific aspects of Tibetan culture, peoples, or local histories. Although this is necessary, a study of Tibetan political history of this period definitely requires consideration of Inner Asian empire-building and political power plays. This makes for a coherent historical analysis: Schwieger’s work becomes more than a study of the trülku system; it is a major contribution to Tibetan and Inner Asian history from the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries that is comparable to the well-informed historical examination of SinoTibetan relations by Ahmad or Buffetrille’s recent cultural history of Tibet’s “golden age.”10 It would constitute another extreme to take the overview too far to a “meta-studies” approach that risks brushing aside the complexity of the sources.11 9 . See for example D. P. Jackson, The Early Abbots of ’Phan-po Na-lendra: The Vicissitudes of a Great Tibetan Monastery in the 15th Century (Vienna: Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie und Buddhismuskunde, 1989); V. Caumanns, Shakya-mchog-ldan,  Mahapaṇdita  des Klosters gSermdog-can (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2015); J. Rheingans, The Life and Works of Karma ‘phrin las pa (1456–1539): Nonsectarian Scholar Mystic from Southern Tibet (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2021). 10 . Z. Ahmad, Sino-Tibetan Relations in the Seventeenth Century (Rome: Ismeo, 1970); ^ d’or du Tibet (XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles) (Le Kremlin Bicetre: Editions Belles K. Buffetrille, L’Age Lettres, 2019). 11 . F. Michael, Rule by Incarnation: Tibetan Buddhism and Its Role in Society and State (Boulder: Westview Press, 1982). For a discussion of its limited grounding in sources, see the reviews by T. Skorupski, Pacific Affairs 56, no. 1 (1983): 144–45 and T. W. Wylie, American Historical Review 88, no. 2 (1983): 453–54. © 2021 Religious History Society. THE HISTORICAL STUDY OF TIBETAN REINCARNATE LAMAS 7 3.3 Critical Historical Analysis No matter how valuable the sources and how expertly they are dealt with, they need careful interpretation. Schwieger’s investigation of these materials culminates in accurate and dispassionate assessments. This is best illustrated with a few exemplary passages. When examining the historical development of the trülku position, Schwieger remarks about the ascending Gelukpa in the face of the then dominant Kagyüpa: “Although the abbot of Ganden functioned as the spiritual leader of the Gelukpa, it now became strategically advantageous (. . . ) to have a trülku at the top of the clerical hierarchy. A trülku not only was a prestigious figure but also would serve as a counterweight to the prominent Karma Kagyü trülkus” (p. 29). Schwieger concludes a little later on how religion and politics were woven into the fabric of the system from its beginning: Reincarnations tended to be born into aristocratic families, a good number of which had been known as supporters or lineage holders of other traditions. Thus reincarnation became part of a strategy to absorb the old religious aristocracy and minor religious tradition into the Gelukpa. It can be safely assumed that such developments must have caused animosity among other Buddhist schools. Although the largest increase in the number of reincarnation lines took place during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the early examples clearly show that religion and politics were intertwined in the trülku system from the outset. (p. 31). In chapter 3, Schwieger concludes his translation of a letter (likely from 1697) which attempts to exonerate the Fifth Dalai Lama’s regent Sangye Gyatso, who had kept the Dalai Lama’s death secret for years: This letter clearly shows how the concept of “Buddhist government” had become an ideological trap for the elite in Tibet, preventing them from changing earlier decisions and averting impending disaster. The belief in Tibetan decision makers as incarnations of great bodhisattvas or as oracles of mighty deities made it impossible to question their decisions. (p. 102) Another example stems from the Conclusion, which clearly shows the relation to contemporary issues (or is, in fact, a prerequisite for understanding them): From the time the Qing emperors began enforcing the sovereignty over Tibet in the early part of the eighteenth century right up to the end of the nineteenth century, essentially none of the Dalai Lamas exercised any political power of his own. But in their efforts to attain social and political stability, the Qing emperors had fashioned the Dalai Lama into the sacred head of the Ganden Podrang government, and thus inadvertently helped promote the image of Tibet as a country guided by the incarnations of Avalokitesvara. When after more than two centuries the institution of the Dalai Lama was occupied once again by charismatic personalities, this image had become such a strong force in Tibetan politics that it could no longer be controlled by the new Chinese governments. (p. 221) These passages exemplify how this study adds much-needed insights about the multifaceted implications of the trülku institution. Such analytical © 2021 Religious History Society. 8 JOURNAL OF RELIGIOUS HISTORY sharpness and distance is achieved by treating the institution systemically and in political contexts. Historians will, over time, debate some of Schwieger’s interpretations and further scrutinise the sources he employed, but all analyses are well argued for and substantiated, although it is difficult to find any issue for reasonable criticism. Hence, there is only one point on which I shall remark, as discussed above. The author states, “In contrast to other studies of pre-twentieth century Tibetan history, this book is primarily based on the latter type [documents, correspondences], which was originally kept in the monastic, private, and governmental archives of old Tibet” (p. 2). Compared to that, the book cover text’s statement comes across as slightly exaggerated, possibly because of advertising: “This volume rejects hagiographic texts in favour of diplomatic, legal and social sources.” Of course, Schwieger occasionally employs hagiographies (or studies based on them). Although Schwieger’s study is designed as a political history of the institution of reincarnation, an intermittent portrayal of events from the key actors’ hagiographies might have added some detail and highlighted traditional perceptions by juxtaposing them with the evidence from documents. Regarding the seventeenth century and the Fifth Dalai Lama, for example, we know from studies of his hagiographies/autobiography that his family (mainly his father) likely wanted him to become a follower of the Jonangpa or Sakyapa order. The Fifth’s birth name, for example, was Kunga Mingyur, Kunga being frequently employed as a name for Sakya hierarchs. It was only through skilful manipulation that he “became” a Gelugpa, the issue being complicated by the various sectarian loyalties of his parents. These multi-sectarian ramifications add to the complexities of the pressures rebirth actually was subject to.12 Furthermore, the value of a source does not lie in its text type alone. Indeed, political involvements and doubts are often not found in hagiographies. That being said, the text type is immensely heterogenous. Hagiographies do mention conflicts and wars, contain ethnographic detail, provide important dates, and are helpful for analysing a tradition’s (or the protagonists’ alleged) view of certain events or people.13 Researchers such as Gamble have employed them for a — very different — analysis of the concept of the reincarnate lama, whereas Czaja has used many for the history of the Phagmodrupa clan.14 In particular when investigating the establishment of trülku lines in the fifteenth and sixteen centuries (along with the fights between the Pagmodrupa, Rinpungpa, and Tsangpa), hagiographies and religious chronicles — if used critically — are vital (and sometimes the only available) sources. 12 . S. Jones, The Fifth Dalai Lama and His First Three Administrators (Vajra Publications: Kathmandu, 2021), esp. 11–22. S. Karmay, The Illusive Play: The Autobiography of The Fifth Dalai Lama (Chicago: Serindia Publications, 2014) covers this in the Dalai Lama’s words. 13 . gTsug lag ‘phreng ba’s (1504–66) mKhas pa’i dga’ ston (Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1986), for example, contains rich information, such as data about archives, legal codes, places, and political issues. 14 . O. Czaja, Medieval Rule in Tibet: The Rlangs Clan and the Political and Religious History of the Ruling House of Phag mo gru pa (Vienna: Verlag der ÖAW, 2013). © 2021 Religious History Society. THE HISTORICAL STUDY OF TIBETAN REINCARNATE LAMAS 9 4. Outlook Schwieger’s study clearly illustrates how conflicts around identifying a trülku were widespread, especially once the trülku became a position at the top level of society. A useful future direction of inquiry would be to carve out an overview of the many practices and conflicts surrounding trülku recognition. Further probing into the origins of the institution during the time of the early Kadampa and the Karmapas, as well as concepts in pre-Buddhist Tibet, will certainly add valuable insights. We would also benefit from further analysing Tibetan social systems as a whole, as well as case studies of reincarnate lama narratives with both the methods of history and narratology.15 An interesting angle would be to investigate the practice of awarding titles with successive numbers that were not conceptualised as a succession of reincarnates. Research about Karma Thrinlepa (1456–1539), for example, has highlighted some numbered titles such as the First to the Third Karma Thrinlepa or the First to the Third Dagpo Pandita.16 Although indications suggest that non-incarnate lines such as Karma Thrinlepa were not connected to an estate, future examinations are needed. A most welcome focus is the research of “in between-state hagiographies,” which had been addressed by Berounsky and which Gamble has integrated. A current project investigates this topic with a focus on the Seventh Karmapa.17 Schwieger introduces diplomatics of Tibetan documents and their interpretation to a wider audience, which is another welcome enrichment of the methodologies used in Tibetan studies. This will stimulate discussions within the field and engagement with other disciplines. These are just a few impending research questions which can be raised more precisely on the basis of Schwieger’s work. All in all, The Dalai Lama and the Emperor of China stands out for bringing new sources and vital perspectives to the study of the reincarnation as an institution and is a must read for every Tibetologist; historians of Inner Asia, China, and Tibet; and readers generally interested in the Tibetan trülku phenomenon. Data Availability Statement The data supporting the findings of this study are available within the article and in the public domain via research libraries as indicated by the references. 15 . Following Manson, Cabezon, Gamble or H. Diemberger, When a Woman Becomes a Religious Dynasty: The Samding Dorje Phagmo of Tibet (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007). Whereas there are studies of individuals, a systematic examination of lager corpora and with narratology proper is lacking, for example collections such as Bod kyi lo rgyus rnam thar phyogs bsgrigs (mTsho sngon mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 2010). For pre-Buddhist concepts, cf. M. Kapstein, The Tibetan Assimilation of Buddhism: Conversion, Contestation, and Memory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 38–50, and Contributions to the Cultural History of Early Tibet, ed. B. Dotson and M. Kapstein (Leiden: Brill, 2007). 16 . Rheingans, The Life and Works of Karma ‘phrin las pa, 23–33; for the three scholars from Dagpo, see 42–43. 17 . Gamble, 135–52; D. Berounský, “Entering Dead Bodies and the Miraculous Power of the Tibetan Kings: The Landmark of Karma Pakshi’s Reincarnation in Tibet. Part I,” MongoloTibetica Pragensia 10, no. 2, part 3 (2010): 7–33 and “Part II” in Mongolo-Tibetica Pragensia 11, no. 2, part 4 (2011): 7–29. D. Dell, “Tibetan Buddhist Masters Between Two Lives,” The Polish Journal of the Arts and Culture (New Series) 11 (1/2020): 41–63. © 2021 Religious History Society.