Representations of Femininities in the South African Soap Opera, Generations

Lc done, 28/3, auth pro sent Representations of Femininities in the South African Soap Opera, Generations Vanessa Lynn Neophytou Sociology Programme, School of Social Sciences University of KwaZulu-Natal, Howard College Campus, Durban, 4041, South Africa (neophyto@ukzn.ac.za) This article explores the representation of femininities in the South Africa soap opera, Generations. th Generations is a melodrama in its 20 year of production, which makes it a fairly young soap opera in comparison to global soaps. Drawing on narratives from the soap I argue that these representations are complex given that identities of women are socially constructed and that soap operas are restricted by specific conventions in their portrayal of women. The discourse informing my work is heteronormativy: a binary gender system which naturalises heterosexuality as the universal norm. This leads to the construction of the ideal women, or what Connell (1987) refers to as emphasised femininities. However, this denies that women have agency: they interact in society continuously producing and reproducing their identities albeit within the heteronormative discourse. Soap operas have conventions which prescribe not only their form as a daily serial but also how they depict women. Drawing on the key conventions, known also as types, I examine five: the ‘good girl’, ‘wife’, ‘strong woman/matriarch’, ‘mother’ and ‘villainess’ for evidence of conformity and opposition. The main implication of the study is that portrayals of women in Generations do reveal resistance both to socially constructed notions of emphasised femininity and the conventions the soap dictates but within the discourse of heteronormativy. A key recommendation is that an intersectional approach be utilised allowing for race and ethnicity to be added to the gender component to ascertain if this reinforces compliance or offers additional opposition to the repertoire of femininities represented. Keywords: representations, femininities, soap operas, heteronormativy Introduction Femininities are socially constructed within a society bound by the principles of heterosexuality which entail gender roles being firmly prescribed for men and women. I consider how femininities are represented in the South African soap opera Generations. The scope of this paper does not allow me to consider the impact that race and ethnicity have on femininities in this soap. The focus here is specifically to understand the representation of femininities in Generations, and to demonstrate their complexity through both compliance and resistance to emphasised femininities and soap opera conventions of femininities. It is the simultaneous adherence and resistance to these socially constructed femininities and the ones prescribed by soap opera conventions that render the study valuable. Soap operas are represented in particular ways given the conventions of the genre itself on which the broadcaster, director, writers and cast of the soap draw, as well as the socially constructed categories, albeit infusing them with subjective interpretation. This study is located within the theoretical framework of social constructionism allowing me to draw on the discourse of femininities as identities are constructed socially and individually. People hold many identities simultaneously within each identity category and not even that identity is singular but open to its meaning being contested. The identity category ‘woman’ is not homogenous. Thus, to state the obvious, women hold many identities simultaneously, for instance that of mother, wife, sister, friend, employer, and so on. Which identity or identities is prominent is contextual. The discourse of femininities allows us to see that the meaning of these identity categories is subject to both social and individual construction, allowing for the tension between the social and personal too. The end result is a complex representation of femininities in Generations. Loyola Journal of Social Sciences, Vol. XXVI, No.1, Jan-Jun 2012. 1 Representation of Femininities Assumptions, common-sense, general knowledge, prevalent beliefs and accepted attitudes are all part of the context of meanings within which representations are produced (Dentlinger, 1999). The discourse which frames my understanding of femininities is heteronormativy as it produces particular ideas about femininity. Adrienne Rich (1980) wrote the germinal paper in the seventies on compulsory heterosexuality which clarifies how heterosexuality is institutionalised. Subsequently there has been a paradigmatic shift to heteronormativy which describes a binary gender system in which only two sexes, male and female, are accepted. Within the discourse of heteronormativy, Connell (1987) refers to emphasised femininity which operates in a corresponding mode to hegemonic masculinity. This is a very oppressive binary model which polarises men and women as complete opposites placing women in direct subordination to men. He defines emphasised femininity as ‘…compliance with this subordination…oriented to accommodating the interests and desires of men’ (1987: 183). He adds that emphasised femininity is performed for men in such a way that it is an adaptation to men’s power as it emphasises ‘compliance, nurturance and empathy as womanly virtues’ (Connell, 1987: 188). Women have a biological reproductive function crucial to the reproduction and continuation of society which is patriarchal: a universal system that benefits men, albeit differently depending on culture and place. Thus heterosexuality is the cornerstone of this reproduction, with heteronormativy its ideological expression (Muthien, 2003). Heteronormativy takes for granted men and women’s roles, where men are sexually active in direct contrast to women’s passivity. This binary thinking always positions women as oppressed. However, this position is problematic as it renders women as only passive and powerless, without agency which does not allow for the complexity of women’s’ multiple identities. We know, as Simone de Beauvoir said in 1953, that one is not born a woman but becomes one. Women are not homogenous nor can we view them as simply the other half of men. Butler challenges this when she disputes the notion of a singular women’s identity: ʻThe very subject of women is no longer understood in stable or abiding terms’ (1990: 1). She argues that gender should be seen as fluid, changeable and variable. Therefore it is obvious that women are not feminine in a singular way. In addition ‘The adoption of femininity is unstable, contradictory, and partial.’ (Boonzaier and de La Rey, 2003: 1017). This ‘becoming’ (process) of ‘woman’ means that femininity is a progression through which women are gendered and become a specific type of woman dependent on time and place. It is contextual. Bartky states we are born female but not feminine; femininity is ‘an artifice, an achievement’ (1997: 132). This then is a body which in gesture and appearance is recognisably feminine (Bartky, 1997). She articulates three categories of practices: ‘those that aim to produce a body of certain size and general configuration; those that bring forth from this body a specific repertoire of gestures, postures, and movements; and those directed toward the display of this body as an ornamented surface’ (1997: 132). Bartky (1997) explains each of these in detail of which I provide a brief outline. Firstly, regarding size, today’s women’s ideal body is ‘slimness bordering on emaciation’ (1997: 132) achieved through dieting, exercise and plastic surgery. Secondly, comportment encompasses gesture, posture, movement, the way women take up space, sit, walk, compose their facial expressions, smile, touch and other forms of expression. Thirdly, regarding the body as ornamented surface she looks at makeup, jewellery, clothes, care of the skin and hair. Women throughout the world go to great lengths to meet Western standards of beauty in order to be feminine as Western notions of beauty are viewed globally as ideal albeit that there are pockets of resistance. Bartky notes that the construction of a ‘feminine’ body is not race or class specific (1997: 139). Black women who are portrayed as desirable have light skin and straight hair (Wood, 2006: 264). Background to the Soap Opera Generations Generations was launched in 1992 by the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) as a multiracial soap which initially concentrated on the power struggles of two wealthy black South African families in Johannesburg. It was produced by Mfundi Vundla and quickly developed into what has been seen by some as a uniquely South African soap, attracting a large and loyal audience (Dentlinger, 1999). Its central story line has changed drastically since its commencement with one of its biggest changes being the removal of all white cast members. The soap is fairly representative of South Africa’s 11 official 2 languages. The dominant languages spoken in the soap are Sotho, Zulu and Tsonga whilst some characters also speak Tswana. Currently one character makes use of Afrikaans quite regularly, whilst another intersperses it into his conversation occasionally. English is spoken frequently. All the episodes are accompanied by English subtitles. But the writing team is not as representative of South Africa as the languages would suggest. Generations has just passed its second decade of production, yet the head writer is white, as are the majority of the team, which necessitates employing translators. If we consider that the entire cast is black and many black languages are spoken with the use of English sub-titles, this matter warrants further study. Soap operas, being a distinct genre, function within a number of conventions; a significant one being that of social realism or melodrama. Generations is considered a melodrama. A melodrama convention is about light entertainment where soaps encourage the audience to sit back and take pleasure in the scene before them which is the emotional drama of the characters (Geraghty, 1991). According to Barker, melodrama is ‘a heightened sense of the dramatic, a focus on emotions and “life’s torments”’ (1997: 79). In contrast, social realism places its focus on social issues and the problems people face in their everyday lives. However, no soap opera falls strictly into either convention: they are a mixture of both with a particular soap tending more towards one or the other. Generations leans more towards being a melodrama. Soap operas are serialised on a daily basis over a long period of time, with multiple plots, story lines and many characters confined to one locale. Generations has about 40 regular characters who play leading sustained roles and it is confined to the location of the city of Johannesburg. This is an important distinction from shows which are serialised weekly such as the widely known global Dallas or the more current Desperate Housewives. Soap operas are typically broken down into three acts, separated by advertisements, into a half hour time slot. Each act ends with a semi-closure such as a long pause on a character’s face, or a small cliff-hanger. Each episode tells a self-contained story with multi-linear narratives. Any of these narratives can then be picked up on in the next episode. Most soap operas are produced cheaply, and this is especially true of Generations which does not have a large budget. This means most of the sequences are shot indoors on a set. Camera style tends to be simple, drawing attention to the interaction between characters, using the camera to pan over the city during breaks between sets. In Generations the camera pans over the blinking lights of Johannesburg (commonly referred to as Jozi) at night, or offers a daytime sweep through the streets of the inner city. Soap operas are not big on `action’ but are based largely on the problems encountered with the personal relations between people. The main thing that soap characters do is talk. The emphasis of soap operas is on dialogue, problem solving and intimate conversations (Fiske, 1994). This makes it ideal for studying femininities as the female characters (I am not saying men do not) engage in long conversations about issues such as beauty, dating, marriage and motherhood. The size of a soap opera text can be specified only as the sum of all its episodes broadcast since it began (Allen, 1985). The script for each episode is likely to be between 50 and 70 pages. Compared to global soaps, some which have been running for as long as 56 years (for example, As The World Turns, nd th launched 2 April 1956, and Days of Our Lives, launched 8 November 1965, are both screened on SABC Channel 2), South African soaps might be considered relatively young given that Generations is into its second decade. Methodology A problem with studying soaps is how to acquire knowledge of that soap considering how long the soap has been running and that soaps exist in serial format for approximately 30 minutes a day for five days a th week. Generations is in its 20 year of production. In order to have watched every episode since inception one would have watched approximately 11,865 episodes using a conservative analysis of 19 years of episodes as we are in the beginning of 2012. The question is how does one become familiar with the multiple plots and storylines, myriad characters and narrative development of this enormous amount of episodes over this extended period of time in order to analyse the soap? Obviously, the researcher should like soaps as you will have to watch the soap as much as possible, and many single episodes, many times over, to build up an intimate knowledge of it in order to grasp its meaning. I have been watching Generations quite regularly as a soap opera fan since its inception. As a researcher I began recording each episode in June 2009 which allows me to revisit episodes and examine them in detail. One way of catching up with soaps is to speak to familiar viewers and devoted fans, to read the story 3 lines and press statements available in local magazines and newspapers, to read the daily webpage if the soap has one and the soap fan’s blogs: all of which I have accomplished.. I argue that Generations provides a complex portrayal of femininities. The soap operates within the repertoires of femininities prescribed by soap opera conventions but moreover offers challenges to these conventions which vary from being indirect to more overt. In addition the women characters in soaps are not bound by one convention of femininity. A character can occupy many conventions simultaneously not because identities are fluid, although it does depict them as so. The simultaneous occupation of characters is due to the convenience of the plot or the actress playing the character (McKinley: 1997). Furthermore, the conventions of the representation of women in soaps are not clear-cut but open to debate. Buckman has three classifications of characters in soap operas: saints, sufferers and sinners. As far as the women characters are portrayed, she identifies the ‘scheming bitch’, the ‘queen’ and the ‘innocent heroine’ (1984: 37-8). She describes them further: the ‘screaming bitch’ is one who cheats on her husband; the ‘queen’ has wealth, power or experience which places her outside conventional morality and is the target of every man’s envy; ‘the innocent heroine’ is in danger from advances by the wrong man (1984: 37-8). In the British Soap Coronation Street Marion Jordan identified three women types: the 'married woman'; the 'single woman' (who is represented as either 'mature', 'sexy' or 'spinsterly'), and the 'grandmother’ type (Geraghty, 1991: 17). Hobson identifies the ‘strong woman’, the ‘feisty young woman’ and the ‘innocent beautiful young woman’ (1982: 33). She details this further explaining the ‘strong woman’ as an independent powerful woman whose softer side she usually hides except to her husband or lover (Hobson, 1982). In later work Hobson further details the ‘strong woman’ as one who copes with problems, brings up her family, supports and enjoys life with her friends, survives when men betray her, and sometimes lives happily with a male partner (2003: 96). Hobson describes the ‘feisty young woman’ as strong willed, often argumentative and desiring of independence (1982: 33). For Hobson the ‘innocent beautiful young woman’ is also glamorous. Another strongly established convention is that of the ‘mother’ and ‘matriarch’: they are depicted by one or more characters in a soap opera. As Hobson states, the power of motherhood remains one of the greatest strengths in the soap opera (2003: 94). Hobson points out how this character has changed over the years, as recently characters have stood out as current images of women, for instance the increase of single mothers in society (2003: 92). The ‘matriarch’ is firmly established and well known in soaps. At first matriarchal characters were either married or widowed and a ‘mother’, enabling them to listen to problem and dispense advice (Hobson, 2003: 94). They were well respected in the soap community and often held a position of authority (Hobson, 2003). In contemporary soaps the ‘matriarch’ has a strong presence but is not necessarily a ‘mother’. She may overlap with the ‘strong woman’ as she is successful in business, is often an entrepreneur, may hold a leadership position in the community, and is middle-aged, offering her the authority derived from life experience. Geraghty identifies the 'good woman', the 'bitch' and the 'villain' (1991: 132). The evil woman is one of the most significant, as well as profound representation in soap operas (Modleski,1979: 103). “A soap opera without a bitch is a soap opera that doesn't get watched. The more hateful the bitch the better” (Modleski, 1979: 103). The soap opera is open-ended and avoids final resolution, for instance, the villainess is not often punished (Frey-Vor, 1990). Analysis In Generations the director, producers, script writer and the cast have made choices as to how to represent femininities given their subjective interpretation of socially constructed categories of the repertoires of femininities and the particular conventions as established above. It is not possible to examine all the repertoires of femininities portrayed in Generations: what follows is a discussion of several I have identified which I have termed the ‘good girl’, the ‘wife’, the ‘strong woman/matriarch’, the ‘mother’ and the ‘villainess’. Themes Theme: Good girl th Generations 20 January 2012 Ruby and Dineo are sitting in Ruby’s kitchen at the table. Ruby is Dineo’s mother. She is the owner of 1 2 a thriving shebeen in Soweto and is referred to in the soap as the ‘Shebeen Queen’ which is the female owner of a shebeen. She is a large woman referred to in the soap as full figured: not fat or overweight. Dineo, her daughter, is the editor of Gloss, a successful fashion magazine. She is short and petite. Ruby 4 and Dineo are sitting next to each other at the kitchen table. Ruby is drinking coffee whilst Dineo pages through photos of female models. Ruby: What are you doing?? Dineo: Looking for models for the Fatale shoot. I want girls who are unique with a presence who say I know who and what I am. Ruby: She looks sick, that one. Dineo: She is a bit on the skinny side but that works in modelling I guess. Ruby: Uh uh if you walk past and you blink you’ll miss her [laughs]. Dineo:[laughs]. Ruby: What about her? At least she has some curves. Dineo: I’ll probably use a mix, different types to represent different eras. I’m not sure. Ruby: Wait. If you want to show them Africa show them women who have some meat on their bones. [laughs] She looks like a walking coat hanger. Dineo: Hey Ma. Ruby: It’s true. [laughs] I’d offer to model for you but I don’t want to make the other girls feel bad. Dineo: Using fuller figure models will definitely bring that unique element. Ruby: Go for it my girl. Show those skinny girls out there what a woman really should look like Analysis Dineo is a single woman who is constantly searching for a boyfriend and ultimately a husband. She is very beautiful, well dressed and glamorous, the editor of fashion magazine Gloss which is presented in the soap as a glamorous job. As the editor she is aware that the modelling standards in South Africa prescribe thin women. Devoted fans of Generations will have seen Dineo having played the villainess role in the past, but this has changed, with her currently being the ‘good girl’ who is a loving daughter, wanting a monogamous relationship with a man. The narrative above reveals a lot about notions of beauty and attractiveness for women. It also subtly places the responsibility for women being thin onto women themselves and not the demands of the modelling industry. Women here are placed in an African context ‘othering’ them against western notions of beauty which suggest that African women are accepted for being fuller figured. But if this was true the conversation between Ruby and Dineo would not occur as the modelling agency has sent over pictures of very thin women, all of whom are black, compliant with the modelling criteria. This resonates with Bartky’s (1997) analysis of the tyranny of slenderness to which all women subscribe. Dineo currently represents the ‘good girl’ in Generations. The ‘good girl’ occurs mostly through the young single women characters that tend to conform to the mannequin image: tall, slim and conventionally beautiful such as the modelling agency demands. Beauty is an important component of femininity. Looks are a defining feature for women: both in terms of how others respond to her and how she responds to herself (Tseelon, 1995). The ‘good girl’ form of femininity also portrays women as vulnerable, which of course opens the door to needing protection, and who better to offer that than single men. In heteronormativy there is a powerful myth in operation: that woman need men. This myth has been created by men and is further sustained by men who injure women. Storylines in Generations have included a boyfriend beating up his girlfriend for instance. Dineo is currently in love with Phenyo, with whom she cannot have a relationship as he is engaged to another woman. If she was a villainess this would not present a dilemma. Theme: Wife th Generations 20 October 2010 Nomasonto and Khaphela have recently become engaged. Queen visits Nomasonto at Khaphela’s flat. Queen is well known in the soap for organising social functions from kitchen teas, engagement parties and the functions at Ezweni, the media company, where she is employed as a receptionist. Queen: Where’s Khaphela? Nomasonto: Gone to buy fertilizer. 3 Queen: Good. I don’t want any interruptions nè. Nomasonto: What’s this? Queen: A wedding journal. A must have for every bride to be. Nomasonto: Brides keep wedding journals? 5 Queen: Mmm. Nomasonto: Oh. Sorry I’ve never heard of it. Queen: That’s because you’ve never been married [laughs]. You write down your thoughts, fantasies, anything and everything you go through up to your big day. Nomasonto: Oh. Okay. Sounds nice. Queen: [laughs] Start from when you came to Johannesburg again, no, from when you got a phone call from a very smart friend who knew it was time for you guys to get together again. Nomasonto: Where else would I start Queen? Queen: Now for the important stuff. Nè I’ve brought a wedding file for you to see what’s available on the market [phone rings for Nomasonto]. Nomasonto: We haven’t even set a date. Queen: You and Khaphela must sit down and… Nomasonto: Wait, sorry Queen, I must take this. Thabiso? When do you want to meet? I’m a little busy right now. Can I call you back? Okay, thank you, bye. Queen: Secret admirer? Nomasonto: No, of course not. Queen: You’re a really beautiful girl darling. Men are going to be very disappointed when you’re taken off the market Nomasonto: It’s no one important. Queen: That’s why you’re meeting him? Nomasonto: You have an over active imagination Queen. It’s not. Queen: Uh uh. You need to explain darling. You’re taken. Get rid of him. The time for keeping secrets is over. Nomasonto: [laughs, nods her head] Okay. Analysis Here we see evidence of the rituals which requires time and effort that involve planning a marriage for the bride to be. We are given a clear example of a ritual associated for the bride to be such as keeping a wedding journal as it is not only the wedding day but all the planning that goes into it that is viewed as important. It is not expected that the groom will keep a wedding journal. These rituals are framed within a heteronormative discourse as a key element of this narrative is that the bride to be now belongs to her future groom as if she was a possession or commodity on a market that has been bought: she is no longer available for other men to approach her. Once she is engaged, symbolised by the wearing of an engagement ring, she is ‘taken’ and thus certain behaviour is expected of her. Khaphela, being Zulu, is free to enter into more than one marriage. Nomasonto will not be allowed to marry another man but might have to accept a polygamous marriage in the future. Heteronormativy ensures that the husband not only owns the wife, but his children too, through the passing on of his family name. Theme: Strong Woman/Matriarch th Generations 14 September 2011 Sharon visits Ruby, a well-established matriarch in the soap opera. Ruby is sitting in her kitchen drinking tea when Sharon enters. Ruby: Hey how are you? Sharon: Fine thanks. It’s Mathew’s rent. I completely forgot. I’m sorry you must think I’m ungrateful. Ruby: No problem. Sharon: You alright? Ruby: Uh? Why do people always come to me for help all the time? When someone’s desperate for help they knock on my door. Sharon: I know Matt was a handful but I had nowhere… Ruby: It’s not just that, my customers, friends. I always end up with their problems on my shoulders. Senzo, uJiga, Mathew and now [she looks away not saying anything] it’s like I’m expected to have all the answers. Sharon: Maybe it’s because you’re a good person. You listen without judging. People feel comfortable with you. You show them there’s hope and you always smile no matter what. Ruby: Doesn’t mean I always make the right decisions all the time. I also make mistakes especially when it comes to judging people. Tut tut tut [she looks down and shakes her head]. 6 Analysis Ruby clearly represents the `strong woman/matriarch’ in soap operas as we observe in this narrative that everyone comes to her for help and advice. However, Ruby demonstrates resistance to this convention as clearly she is not always comfortable with this role. She points out her own vulnerability by saying that she is expected to have all the answers and that she too makes mistakes. Strong women in soaps are often matriarchs who represent the mothers of the community, as Ruby clearly does. The strong woman/matriarch features strongly in soap operas. One example from the British soap Emmerdale Farm is Annie, a widow with three sons, left with a farm to run, responsible for the business, and providing jobs for her sons and their families. She was tough, down to earth, and possessed qualities which might be seen as positive aspects of being a woman. However she displayed strong conventional feminine qualities as her strengths also lay in the kitchen, where she was always cooking meals, making tea (Hobson, 2003: 88). Ruby is very similar in that she too owns a business but many of the scenes of her show her in the kitchen, specifically at her kitchen table where she is peeling vegetables, cooking meals, and expressing concern about her daughter not eating properly. She is also well known for taking people into her house who need a place to stay and food. Theme: Mother th Generations 14 September 2011 Samuel the father is in the kitchen, when Sharon, the mother rushes in holding their baby in her arms. Sharon: He’s got cuts all over him. I was getting him ready for his bath…and look [she shows Samuel] on his ankles, his wrists. Samuel: Ja. [he smiles] Relax, it will heal pretty quick. Sharon: They had no right to cut my baby without telling me. I wasn’t there to hold him. Samuel: My mom was there. They were making him strong. Protecting him from evil spirits. Sharon: I know all about…But I wasn’t told. I’m his mother. Haai. Samuel: What’s the big deal Shez? My parents would never harm their grandchild. Sharon: He’s my child. Samuel: [points at the baby in Sharon’s arms] This boy is a Khumalo. So are you. Analysis Sharon, a young mother, also a successful career woman in the highly competitive media industry, is facing difficult choices about her husband’s traditional family values. Sharon, as the bearer of multiple identities, is new to motherhood. She is presented as a young mother in crisis over the demands of motherhood, career and marriage with its particular norms given that her husband is the next chief in line. Sharon’s ‘mother’ identity clashes with her ‘wife’ identity and her ‘mother’ identity comes to the fore. Sharon is married to Samuel who comes from a traditional family in KwaZulu-Natal. His father is a chief and he is next in line to be chief. Samuel returns with their son from a weekend at his parents. Sharon reacts to the ritual she sees on her son with shock and indignation by asserting her identity as the baby’s mother, emphasising that her rights as a mother have been violated. The nurturing aspect of motherhood is brought to the fore as she says she was not there to hold her baby when he was undergoing the ritual; one which she does not agree with and hence finds difficult to accept. For Samuel the ritual is necessary to his culture. Within the discourse of heteronormativy the husband is actively the head of the household and the wife is subordinate to him: this is evident when Samuel asserts ‘This boy is a Khumalo. So are you.’ However, Sharon demonstrates resistance to this discourse in the narrative above. A women’s identity as a mother is infused with myths in a heteronormative society of the notion of the `ideal’ mother. In society, motherhood is idealised and glorified; it is held up as the most important task that a woman could possibly do to be fulfilled, and fulfil her role in society. The beliefs that inform the motherhood mystique are powerful because of their mandatory appeal to that which seems to be ʻnatural’ and unchanging. The motherhood mystique is based on normative assumptions of femininity, which informs the identity `mother’. The motherhood myth, according to Oakley (1974), is based on the threefold belief that all women need to be mothers, all women need their children, and all children need their mothers The idea that all women need to be mothers gains its credibility, according to Oakley, from the way in which girls are socialised and from popular psychoanalytic theory which provides `pseudoscientific backing’ for the process of socialisation. Being a mother is not about the essentialist identity of 7 women having the necessary reproductive organs but is a socially constructed identity with attendant expectations. De Kanter explains the ideology of motherhood which tells women how to mother and what a real mother ought to do (1988: 141). This includes the notion that love, marriage and motherhood are naturally linked, and that motherhood within the heterosexual marriage is the best way to raise children (1988: 141). Theme: Villainess Generations 11th-15th July 2011 Khethiwe does not want to marry Khaphela and decides she has to poison him. She first attempts to hire Ace, a character well known in the soap for being able to carry out illegal and dangerous tasks. When he refuses her request she decides to do it herself. This subplot occurs over many episodes in order to build up the suspense as to whether Khethiwe will go ahead and poison Khaphela, whether he will die, and if she will be caught. In keeping with soap opera conventions in which a story line runs over a long th th period I have selected narratives from the week 11 -15 July 2011 which highlight Khethiwe’s ongoing determination to poison Khaphela, thus clearly indicating her as the villainess. Khaphela and Khethiwe are in Khethiwe’s flat: One: Khethiwe: …I’ve just boiled water. Do you want tea? Khaphela: [nods] I must use the bathroom first [Khaphela exits the room and Khethiwe begins to make tea. She retrieves the tea cups and takes a bottle out of the cupboard which she studies and then places on the counter. A close up shot reveals it to be a bottle of Lazerfill Pesticide]. Two: [Khethiwe is looking at the bottle when she hears Khaphela talking to her. She quickly puts it back in the cupboard]. Three: In Khethiwe’s flat. Khethiwe is holding the bottle of pesticide, looking at it and talking to herself. Khethiwe: You had the perfect chance and you blew it. Okay. Just pull yourself together and do it. Four: In Khaphela’s flat. [Khethiwe looks in the packet, takes out a bottle]. Khethiwe: What’s this? Khaphela: Plant food. Khethiwe: You should give me more plants [he looks at her puzzled]. If we are going to be married I should know more about the things you like. Khaphela: All plants need is love and attention and a little bit of patience. Khethiwe: So you’ll give me one or two? Khaphela: I think it’s a wonderful idea [he walks away whilst Khethiwe conceals the bottle of plant food in her jacket]. Five: Khethiwe in her kitchen, with a scarf covering her mouth and wearing gloves, has the bottle of plant food which she pours into a plastic bottle. She smiles. Six: Khethiwe’s flat. There is a knock on the door. Khethiwe: What do you want? Ace: Hi Khethiwe. Good to see you too. Khethiwe: If Khaphela sees you? Ace: Relax. He didn’t. Khethiwe: What about Patricia? Ace: Busy with a customer. Didn’t even notice me. What’s with you anyway? A few days ago you were begging me for help, now you’re chasing me away? Khethiwe: You told me to stay away and my husband to be doesn’t like you. I don’t want trouble. 8 Ace: [laughs] Ja. Right. You wanted me to kill the guy now you care what he thinks. Or have you changed your mind about offing him? You still want him dead, don’t you? Did your husband tell you I bumped into him the other day? Shame. Felt kind of sorry the bloke [meaning man]. Almost told him the truth. Khethiwe: Are you crazy? Ace: [laughs] The guy is so naïve. Doesn’t have a clue who he is marrying. Khethiwe: Ha. Khaphela won’t believe a word you say. He thinks you’re a thug. Ace: At least I’m not fooled by women like you. All innocent and sweet on the outside but here [he pats his heart] bad to the bone. Right? Khethiwe: You must go. Now. Ace: At least with me people know where they stand. But you. Dangerous because no one sees it coming. Khethiwe: [shouts] I said get out. Ace: Oh, so you don’t need my help anymore? Have you paid someone else to do the job for you? Khethiwe: No. I’ve accepted that I’m going to be Khaphela’s wife and there’s nothing I can do about it. [Ace looks at her disbelievingly]. Analysis Khethiwe as the villainess character shows her determination to poison her future husband. She is prepared to do it herself when Ace, known as a gangster in the soap, refuses to do it for a fee. Her actions reveal her cunning and duplicity, as she talks to Khaphela in a pleasant manner whilst simultaneously carrying out her criminal plan. The narrative between her and Ace is enlightening as Ace is clear that she is the villainess. Although the villainess characters are portrayed as strong, determined and sexy they are presented negatively in terms of values: as lacking the moral fibre of the representations of the other women discussed above. The villainess is depicted in a particular manner sexually: she is not only available but her sexuality is presented as predatory, dangerous and ultimately as bad. However she will receive punishment at some point in the show, that is, she will not get away with her schemes forever, providing viewer satisfaction when she is punished. The villainess form of femininity subverts the ideal notions of women on offer in society and the soap opera community. The status quo of the ideal women is that she is nurturing, a homemaker, a mother and even sometimes asexual. The actions of the villainess serve to reinforce ideal notions of femininity as she is positioned in direct contrast to the other women characters in the soap. The audience is enthralled by the villainess: they simultaneous love and hate her; wanting her to elude punishment yet be caught. This dilemma occurs as the villainess is not only presented negatively in terms of her values but her sexuality is portrayed in a specific manner. She is sexy, seductive and manipulative. She does not conform to the rules of heteronormativy by being passive as she does not respect marriage: often shown by her committing adultery, or chasing after other women’s men in order to fulfil her schemes. Although the villainess is seldom caught and punished, when she is the soap opera shows us that ultimately goodness wins, reaffirming our norms in the Durkheimian sense: society’s moral order prevails and is constantly restored. However, owing to the open ended nature of soaps, the villainess will return again in the same or different character to continue with her duplicitous behaviour. Conclusion It is clear that femininities in Generations are complex in that they both comply and resist social constructions of femininities and those prescribed by soap opera conventions. In the ‘good girl’ theme, dominant western notions of beauty are largely conformed to but some resistance is shown. This is offered in the reference to fuller figured women. The ‘strong woman/matriarch’ in Generations both complies with and resists the soap opera convention. The character Ruby shows her vulnerability when she questions why people come to her all the time for help. However, Ruby is depicted as strong on all levels in the soap: a single mother, the Shebeen Queen, a singer who once sang professionally, and being fuller figured with a jovial laugh she appears larger than life most of the time. The ‘mother’ theme is dominant in Generations. Although the identity of mother is viewed as a natural function of women, in Generations there is resistance to idealised notions of motherhood. The narrative chosen is one of many that show some opposition: there are single mothers and teenage mothers in Generations. The ‘villainess’ theme is complicit with the soap opera convention as well as the social construction of women in 9 heteronormativy where women are caught in the mother/whore dichotomy. Khethiwe fulfils her role as the villainess more than ably. The paper shows that representations of women in Generations are clearly within a heteronormative discourse which places women in a subordinate position to men. The villainess will eventually be caught and punished; there are no lesbian characters, single or couples, or lesbian mothers. In the five representations of femininities which I examine there is some form of resistance but they are located firmly within the discourse of heteronormativy. An intersectional approach, adding race and ethnicity, is necessary to determine if there is resistance that could challenge the heteronormative discourse that is overt in Generations. Notes 1. Shebeens are a hangover from apartheid when black people could not drink alcohol in white areas and thus they operated illegally in black townships. Today many shebeens have licenses but still operate in what are still known as black townships. 2. Soweto is a former black township during apartheid located in Johannesburg, Gauteng and is still known as a township today. 3. South African slang for ‘do you know what I mean?’ References Allen, R. C. 1995. Soap Operas Around the World. London: Routledge. Barker, C. 1997. Global Television: An Introduction. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. Bartky, S. 1997. ‘Foucault, Femininity, and the Modernization of Patriarchal Power.’ In: K. Conboy, N. Medina, and S. Stanbury (eds). Writing on the Body: Female Embodiment and Feminist Theory (129-54). New York: Columbia University Press. 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