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Industrial Convicts in Private Employ

While the performance of industrial convicts working for the government has been well documented (e.g. Tuffin 2015) the convicts and ex-convicts employed by early industrialists has not been studied in any detail. This paper looks at the workforces of miller John Lucas and industrialist Simeon Lord. Starting from humble beginnings these industrialists used assigned convicts and former convicts almost exclusively to staff their various enterprises. While Tasmanian convict records are well preserved in NSW few individual convict records have survived. It was reported by Walsh (2007 p11) that most of the records of the office of the Principal Superintendent of Convicts (NSW) were destroyed in 1882. Thus, landmark studies of Australian convicts, such as those of Walsh, were based largely on generic records for NSW convicts such as shipping indents, Ticket of Leave records, musters, census and various aggregated returns on secondary punishment. These same record sources have been used to firstly identify the convicts of industrialists John Lucas and Simeon Lord and then to compare their characteristics and behaviour. ...Read more
Industrial Convicts in Private Employ (Draft 15/10/17) Introduction While the performance of industrial convicts working for the government has been well documented (e.g. Tuffin 2015) the convicts and ex-convicts employed by early industrialists has not been studied in any detail. This paper looks at the workforces of miller John Lucas and industrialist Simeon Lord. Starting from humble beginnings these industrialists used assigned convicts and former convicts almost exclusively to staff their various enterprises. While Tasmanian convict records are well preserved in NSW few individual convict records have survived. It was reported by Walsh (2007 p11) that most of the records of the office of the Principal Superintendent of Convicts (NSW) were destroyed in 1882. Thus, landmark studies of Australian convicts, such as those of Walsh, were based largely on generic records for NSW convicts such as shipping indents, Ticket of Leave records, musters, census and various aggregated returns on secondary punishment. These same record sources have been used to firstly identify the convicts of industrialists John Lucas and Simeon Lord and then to compare their characteristics and behaviour. The industrial enterprises of John Lucas (1796 – 1875): John Lucas was the son of first fleet convict and the New South Wales colonies first miller Nathaniel Lucas who build two mills in Norfolk Island in 1795 and several on mainland Australia (Morawa District Historical Society). Apprentice to his father, John followed in his father’s footsteps and built two water powered corn mills in the Georges River Basin. The first was the Brisbane Mill, built on Williams Creek in 1822, in what is now the Sydney suburb of Voyager Point and then the Woronora Mill, built in 1825 at the head of navigation of the Woronora River (Jackson and Forbes 2015, 2016) Lucas relied almost exclusively on convict servants for the manpower to run these two mills as well as his Inn, The Black Swan in George Street Sydney, until his bankruptcy in 1828 (Curbie P. 2004).
Figure 1: Parish map showing the land grants to John Lucas (circled in red) on Harris Creek (top of map) and the Woronora River (bottom of map) by Governor Brisbane in 1822 and 1825. Parish Map AO 230, Parish of Holsworthy County of Cumberland (NSW Department of Lands and Property Management Authority). The industrial enterprises of Simeon Lord (1791 – 1840): Simeon Lord was sentenced in Manchester to transportation in 1791 for seven years. Emancipated early and helped by his master, Thomas Rowley, Lord seems to have started his career as a retailer of alcohol and merchandise purchased from officers of the NSW Corps who, for a time, had a monopoly on the importation of these commodities. In September 1798 he bought a warehouse, dwelling house and other buildings on what is now the site of Macquarie Place. Unable to import the goods he wanted in the early Macquarie period, Lord had launched an ambitious scheme of manufacturing. In 1826 he told Governor Darling that he had employed twenty convicts for 'upwards of twenty years' in tanning and currying leather and in manufacturing hats, cloth, blankets, soap and candles. In 1813 the partners were seeking apprentices for weaving, spinning, pottery and dyeing. In 1815 he was exporting to Tasmania, but lost two valuable cargoes, one in a wreck and the other in his brig Trial . In 1820 he showed Commissioner John Bigge samples of his textiles, hats, stockings and leather, which the commissioner estimated as a threat to British manufacturers. He also mentioned that he had produced shoes, candles and harness. These ventures have been described as premature, but they must have been reasonably successful since the factory was operating long after his death. Initially Lord’s industries were in his residence in what is
Industrial Convicts in Private Employ (Draft 15/10/17) Introduction While the performance of industrial convicts working for the government has been well documented (e.g. Tuffin 2015) the convicts and ex-convicts employed by early industrialists has not been studied in any detail. This paper looks at the workforces of miller John Lucas and industrialist Simeon Lord. Starting from humble beginnings these industrialists used assigned convicts and former convicts almost exclusively to staff their various enterprises. While Tasmanian convict records are well preserved in NSW few individual convict records have survived. It was reported by Walsh (2007 p11) that most of the records of the office of the Principal Superintendent of Convicts (NSW) were destroyed in 1882. Thus, landmark studies of Australian convicts, such as those of Walsh, were based largely on generic records for NSW convicts such as shipping indents, Ticket of Leave records, musters, census and various aggregated returns on secondary punishment. These same record sources have been used to firstly identify the convicts of industrialists John Lucas and Simeon Lord and then to compare their characteristics and behaviour. The industrial enterprises of John Lucas (1796 – 1875): John Lucas was the son of first fleet convict and the New South Wales colonies first miller Nathaniel Lucas who build two mills in Norfolk Island in 1795 and several on mainland Australia (Morawa District Historical Society). Apprentice to his father, John followed in his father’s footsteps and built two water powered corn mills in the Georges River Basin. The first was the Brisbane Mill, built on Williams Creek in 1822, in what is now the Sydney suburb of Voyager Point and then the Woronora Mill, built in 1825 at the head of navigation of the Woronora River (Jackson and Forbes 2015, 2016) Lucas relied almost exclusively on convict servants for the manpower to run these two mills as well as his Inn, The Black Swan in George Street Sydney, until his bankruptcy in 1828 (Curbie P. 2004). Figure 1: Parish map showing the land grants to John Lucas (circled in red) on Harris Creek (top of map) and the Woronora River (bottom of map) by Governor Brisbane in 1822 and 1825. Parish Map AO 230, Parish of Holsworthy County of Cumberland (NSW Department of Lands and Property Management Authority). The industrial enterprises of Simeon Lord (1791 – 1840): Simeon Lord was sentenced in Manchester to transportation in 1791 for seven years. Emancipated early and helped by his master, Thomas Rowley, Lord seems to have started his career as a retailer of alcohol and merchandise purchased from officers of the NSW Corps who, for a time, had a monopoly on the importation of these commodities. In September 1798 he bought a warehouse, dwelling house and other buildings on what is now the site of Macquarie Place. Unable to import the goods he wanted in the early Macquarie period, Lord had launched an ambitious scheme of manufacturing. In 1826 he told Governor Darling that he had employed twenty convicts for 'upwards of twenty years' in tanning and currying leather and in manufacturing hats, cloth, blankets, soap and candles.  In 1813 the partners were seeking apprentices for weaving, spinning, pottery and dyeing. In 1815 he was exporting to Tasmania, but lost two valuable cargoes, one in a wreck and the other in his brig Trial. In 1820 he showed Commissioner John Bigge samples of his textiles, hats, stockings and leather, which the commissioner estimated as a threat to British manufacturers. He also mentioned that he had produced shoes, candles and harness. These ventures have been described as premature, but they must have been reasonably successful since the factory was operating long after his death. Initially Lord’s industries were in his residence in what is now Macquarie Place Sydney but in 1814 moved to Banks House at Botany where he built a factory. He died there in 1840 (Hainsworth D. 1967). Figure 3: Lords property at Botany fronting Cooks River (which has now moved 3km West). Parish Map, Parish of Botany County of Cumberland n.d. (NSW Department of Lands and Property Management Authority). Figure 3: Lords Mill, Botany, built in 1815 as part of his industrial enterprises, Drawn by John Carmichael 1838. NLA call no. PIC Volume 109 #U1131 NK1477 Comparing the two workforces: Data Sources: Data for this comparison of the workforces of Lucas and Lord came from the following sources: Ancestory.com: home.ancestry.com.au Biographical Database of Australia: 2016, http://www.bda-online.org.au/ Findmypast http://www.findmypast.com.au/ Trove, Nation Library of Australia: http://trove.nla.gov.au/ Convict Ships of Australia: http://www.convictrecords.com.au/ships A search of these records located a total of 23 convicts and ex-convicts who worked for Lucas between 1819 and 1828 when Lucas was declared bankrupt. Of these 23 convicts one was female. A total of 58 convicts and ex-convicts were found that worked for Lord Simeon Lord between 1801 and his death in 1840 with eight being female. These numbers of convicts and former convicts found in the workforce of both Lucas and Lord is likely to be underestimates of the true numbers due to the incomplete nature of the records. The convict data used in this study has been made available on Academia (Jackson G. n.d.) Convict numbers It was not possible to determine the number of convict workers Lucas and Lord had at any given time because the exact time a worker came to and left their employment is usually not known. Census information for the years 1828 and 1837 is the most complete record of the colonies employment of labour. General musters, which included all the inhabitants of the Colony, appear to have been held annually between 1795 and 1825. Most of the data from these musters is now lost (NSW State Archives and Records n.d.). Although the exact number of workers located in the records is likely to be an underestimate Lord had more diverse and larger enterprises than Lucas and had many more workers. Sentence 7 years 14 years Life Unknown Total Lucas’ Convicts 11 (48%) 5 (22%) 6 (26%) 1 (4%) 23 Lords Convicts 30 (52%) 4 (7%) 22 (38%) 2 (3%) 58 Sentences Lord workers included more convicts who had been sentenced to transportation for life and less convicts who had been sentenced to 14 years’ transportation. This is not considered significant. Crimes Crime Crimes against a person Property crimes Unknown crimes Lucas’ Convicts 1 (4%) 14 (61%) 8 (35%) Lords Convicts 2 (3%) 32 (55%) 23 (40%) One of Lords convicts, Jonathan Kincaird from Ireland, had committed no crime but surrendered himself for self-transportation in 1798 and was sentenced to seven years. The types of crimes committed by both Lucas and Lords convicts is very similar with a predominance of property crimes and few crimes against a person. Re-offending rates Only one crime found Committed a crime pre- transportation Committed a crime in NSW pre-Lucas/Lord Committed a crime while with Lucas/ Lord Committed a crime post Lucas/ Lord Lucas’ Convicts 5 (22%) 7 (30%) 2 (9%) 4 (17%) 11 (48%) Lords Convicts 36 (62%) 9 (16%) 3 (5%) 7 (12%) 9 (16%) Eleven of Lucas’ 23 convicts (48%) are known to have re-offended, after leaving Lucas’ employ. Their offences are often unknown but the sentences range from a trivial one hour in the stocks and a 5/- fine (Isaac Burk in 1830) to being transported to Norfolk Island (John Campbell in 1833 and George Dudley in 1830). Two convicts committed offences before being assigned to Lucas with only one convict known to have committed a serious crime while in the service of Lucas (John McLean in 1824). John Lucas is not free from fault. In April 1827 Lucas was bought before the Liverpool court, together with his convict workers John Campbell and Alexander Cameron accused of ‘assisting and abetting a tumult’ in Liverpool and ‘making use of highly improper and unbecoming expressions in open court’. Lucas was bound over to answer the charge in the Supreme Court at a later date (this was not Lucas’ only brush with the law). The opportunity for Lucas’ workers to commit crimes was probably somewhat limited. Both the Brisbane and Woronora Mills were isolated and indiscretion’s like drunkenness would probably go unreported. Lucas however did appear to be able to control his convicts. For 62% of Simeon Lord convict workforce the only crime that they committed in UK was the one for which they were transported. Their behaviour on arrival in NSW continued this trend with few crimes committed both before and while working for Lord. Unlike Lucas’ workers there was no rash of criminal activity once their employment with Lord was complete. Lords ability to be assigned and employ convicts who were largely well behaved both before and after the one rash act that resulted in their transportation. Trades Convict mechanics such as blacksmiths, stonemasons and carpenters were much sought after by settlers. Appointed in 1821, Governor Brisbane, broke the previous government stranglehold on their use by hiring mechanics to settlers for a fee of 3s 6d per head per week. It is reported by Walsh that in 1825 Brisbane was able to inform London that the objections to a monopoly on mechanics raised in the Bigge report of 1822 no longer existed (Walsh 2007, p71). It is not clear how convict skills were matched to their employee’s requirements. Walsh states “The unremarkable level of skills matching at Tocal and the relatively few convict mechanics assigned to the estate at any one time (for example, only three at the 1828 census) (Walsh p96). The 1828 census, showing seventeen labourers, nine shepherds, three tobacconists and three mechanics. (Walsh p97)”. Number of workers with known useful trades Number of unskilled workers Unknown skills John Lucas’ Convicts 2xcarpenter, stonemason, blacksmith, overseer, seaman, 2xbaker Total number of skilled workers: 8 Total percentage of skilled workers: 40% of those whose skills are known 12 (60%) 3 Simeon Lords Convicts Manufacturing trades: 7xweaver, fellmonger, hat finisher, currier, 2xcloth dresser, woollen cloth maker, Soap maker, buckle maker, hatter, 2xneedle women (Total: 18, 42%) Building Trades: 2xbrick maker, bricklayer, sawyer, 2xcarpenter, plasterer, blacksmith, Painter & glazier, stonemason/ bricklayer, stonemason, stonecutter (Total: 12, 29%) Total number of skilled workers: 12 Total percentage of skilled workers: 71% of those whose skills are known 12 (29%) 16 Lucas was assigned 5 convict mechanics in 1822 to help build the Brisbane Mill. If other skills that would be of use to Lucas are included, then 40% of his convicts, whose trades are known, had skills that would be of use in his enterprises. For Lord the figure is 71% (with 16 of his convicts having unknown skills). Lords ability to match convict’s skills to his manufacturing and building requirements is remarkably. It should be noted that two of Lucas’ convicts and nine of Lords skilled convicts were employed after receiving their freedom or ticket of leave and would have been chosen because of the skills they possessed. It is obvious that the level of skill matching was far higher for the industrial enterprises of Lucas and Lord compared to the agricultural enterprise of Tocal. There are several possible reasons for this Convicts transported to NSW came mainly from urban environments hence they are more likely to have had useful industrial skills. The administration in NSW may have wished to encourage industrial enterprises such as those of Lucas and Lord and assigned them a higher percentage of useful convicts. Lord’s great wealth, acquired from his many non-manufacturing enterprises would possibly enable him to ‘arrange’ to be assigned suitable convicts. No direct evidence exists for such activities but the matching of convict skills to Lords labour requirements is very suspicious. Lucas, having no capital behind his enterprises, had no such opportunity (at his bankruptcy hearing Lucas stated that he owed businessman Solomon Levey the sum of £8,000 (Australasian Legal Information Institute (AusLII) website, 2012a)). Literacy rates The ability to read and write is only known for five of Lucas’ workers these were all illiterate. Only his clerk, John Campbell, could be assumed to be literate. The ability to read and write is known for 15 of Lords workers of these 11 were at least able to read. This is not surprising given the higher number of skilled workers Lord possessed. Age range: Because the convicts worked for Lucas and Lord at different times and for different lengths of time comparisons of the ages of the two workforces is difficult. The ages of the workers at the time of their sentencing was calculated. This gives an indication of the relative ages of the two workforces but is an underestimate of their ages when they were employed by Lucas or Lord. The date of birth of 24 of Lucas’ 25 convicts was discovered. At their time of sentencing their ages varied between 13 and 32 years with an average age of 21.2 years. The date of birth of 51 of Lords 58 convicts was discovered. At their time of sentencing Their ages varied between 16 and 52 with an average age of 25.1 years. The convicts of Lucas and Lord have very similar origins. By todays standard both Lucas’ and Lords workers were young workforces, well suited to an active and physically demanding life. This young age is by no means unusual. Walsh (2017 p34) reports that the average age of the convicts at Tocal was 25 and the average age of all convicts in New South Wales and Van Diemen’s Land at that time was 25.9 years. Country of origin Country of Origin England Ireland Scotland Unknown Lucas’ convicts 15 (66%) 4 (17%) 3 (13%) 1(4%) Lords Convicts 42 (72%) 9 (16%) 4 (7%) 3 (5%) The country of origin of Lucas’ and Lords convicts was very similar. At Tocal Walsh found 50% English, 44% Irish, 5% Scottish and 1.4% other. Walsh notes that the proportion of Irish at Tocal was higher than the average for NSW and Irish convicts were more likely to come from an agricultural background (Walsh 2007, p42). Conclusion: The industrial convicts of Lucas and Lord displayed far better behaviour than the agricultural convicts described by Walsh (2007, p78) at Tocal. They also, not surprisingly were far better behaved than industrial convicts working for the government at places of secondary punishment, like Port Arthur (Tuffin, 2013, p8). When considering the crimes of NSW convicts Walsh (p85) quotes Robbins (2000 p154) suggesting that convicts could be categorised as ‘getting back, getting on, or getting by’. While working for Lucas his convicts fall almost exclusively, into the last two groups with little evidence of convicts committing punishable crimes. Nor is there any evidence of them absconding despite working in an environment where there would be every opportunity to do so. It is indeed remarkable how few problems Lucas had with his convict labour with no evidence of unrest at either of Lucas’ Mills. There is, however evidence of behavioural problems both before and after they worked for Lucas. How this excellent convict behaviour was achieved is not known, possibly his young age (29 years old in 1825) and persona? The larrikin behaviour of Lucas, being ‘one of the boys’ together with the fact that both his parents were convicts, may have resonated with his convict workforce and increased their co-operation enabling him to run his large distributed workforce with minimal supervision. Indulgences in the form of alcohol, tobacco, tea and sugar may also have been used as bribes to moderate their behaviour. His apparent success in becoming a respected mill owner from humble beginnings may also have been an inspiration to his assigned convicts. The work his convicts were required to do must have been heavy and demanding with the added problems of isolation, particularly at the Woronora Mill. There is no evidence that Lucas was supplied with convicts hand-picked because of their good behaviour or that he had any choice in the convicts that he was assigned but Lucas was assigned a generous number of useful convicts. This was not because of his wealth or his position in society, but probably as a desire by the authorities to see a working corn mill for the good of the colony. Lord convicts also displayed excellent behaviour and his ability to obtain such a high percentage of convicts having skills matched to his industrial requirements suggests that he had the ability to choose well behaved convicts and convicts with skill he required. How Lord was able to do this is not known but his considerable wealth may have enabled him to influence the allocation of convicts to his benefit. Lord used this convict workforce to become the first true industrialist in the colony. References: Australian Legal Information Institute, 2012b, In re Lucas [1828] NSWSupC 77; (1828) Sel Cas (Dowling)462 (29 September 1829) Superior Courts of New South Wales, accessed 11/07/2016, Curbie P. 2004, Lucas' Mill, Sutherland Shire Historical Society Inc Bulletin, Vol 7, No 2, May 2004 Hainsworth D. 1967, Simeon Lord 1771-1840, Australian Dictionary of Biography, National Centre of Biography, Australian National University, accessed, 06/10/2016, http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/lord-simeon-2371 Herman M. 2006-2012, Lucas, Nathaniel 1764-1818, Australian Dictionary of Biography, National Centre of Biography, Australian National University, accessed, 15/04/2016, http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/lucas-nathaniel-2380/text3133. Jackson G. nd. Convict Data, y https://sydney.academia.edu/GregJackson htyf Jackson G. and Forbes P. 2012, Sutherland Shire Historical Society Bulletin, Vol.15. No.4&5, Vol.16 No.1&2 Morawa District Historical Society, 2017 entry for Nathaniel Lucas http://members.iinet.net.au/~caladenia_new@westnet.com.au/lucas.html NSW Department of Lands and Property Management Authority, nd, Parish Map Preservation Project, accessed 30/03/2017, http://images.maps.nsw.gov.au/pixel.htm NSW State Archives and Records n.d. accessed 24/06/2017, https://www.records.nsw.gov.au/archives/collections-and-research/guides-and-indexes/census-musters-guide Tuffin R. L. 2013, Australia’s industrious convicts: A reappraisal of archaeological approaches to convict labour, Australian Archaeological Association, Vol. 76, June 2013. Tuffin R. L. 2015, Australia's industrious convicts: An archaeological study of landscapes of convict labour, Ph.D. thesis University of Sydney Press Walsh B. 2007, Heartbreak and Hope, Deference and Defiance on the Yimmang: Tocal's Convicts 1822-1840, University of New South Wales Press.