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The Uncertain Origins of
Mesoamerican Turkey
Domestication
ARTICLE in JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL METHOD AND THEORY ·
DECEMBER 2015
Impact Factor: 1.39 · DOI: 10.1007/s10816-015-9269-4
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2 AUTHORS:
Erin Kennedy Thornton
Washington State University
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Kitty F. Emery
University of Florida
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Available from: Erin Kennedy Thornton
Retrieved on: 30 December 2015
J Archaeol Method Theory
DOI 10.1007/s10816-015-9269-4
The Uncertain Origins of Mesoamerican
Turkey Domestication
Erin Kennedy Thornton 1 & Kitty F. Emery 2
# Springer Science+Business Media New York (outside the USA) 2015
Abstract The turkey (Meleagris gallopavo) is the only domesticated vertebrate to
originate from North America. Accurate reconstructions of the timing, location, and
process of its domestication are thus critical for understanding the domestication
process in the ancient Americas. A substantial amount of recent research has been
devoted to understanding turkey domestication in the American Southwest, but comparatively little research has been conducted on the subject in Mesoamerica, despite the
fact that all modern domestic turkeys descend from birds originally domesticated in
Mexico during pre-colonial times. To address this disparity, we have conducted a
review of the available literature on early turkeys in the archaeological record of
Mesoamerica. We evaluate the evidence in terms of its accuracy and use this evaluation
as a stepping off point for suggesting potential avenues of future research. Although the
lack of available data from Mesoamerica currently precludes detailed cross-cultural
comparisons, we briefly compare the origins and intensification of turkey rearing in
Mesoamerica with the American Southwest to generate more dialogue among researchers independently studying the topic in these two distinct but interconnected
cultural regions.
Keywords Turkeys . Domestication . Mesoamerica . Maya . Preclassic
Within Mesoamerican society, turkeys were both mundane food resources and symbolically charged ritual animals commonly used in ceremonial feasts and as sacrificial
offerings (Pohl and Feldman 1982; Tozzer and Allen 1910). Turkey feathers were
incorporated into headdresses, capes, and fans, and bones and other by-products were
* Erin Kennedy Thornton
erin.thornton@wsu.edu
Kitty F. Emery
kemery@flmnh.ufl.edu
1
Department of Anthropology, Washington State University, College Hall 150, PO Box 644910,
Pullman, WA 99164-4910, USA
2
Florida Museum of Natural History, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611-7800, USA
Thornton and Emery
used to produce medicines, tools, and musical instruments (Corona Martínez 2005,
2008; Pohl 1983). The turkey (Meleagris gallopavo) is also the only domestic vertebrate to originate from North America. Its history of use and domestication is thus of
great importance to understanding the process and timing of New World animal
domestication.
Although recent research in the American Southwest has provided many details
regarding the history and practice of turkey husbandry in this region (e.g.,
Badenhorst et al. 2012; McCaffery et al. 2014; McKusick 2001; Munro 2006,
2011; Newbold et al. 2012; Rawlings and Driver 2010; Speller et al. 2010),
comparatively little research has been conducted on the subject in Mesoamerica
despite the fact that all modern domestic turkeys descend from birds originally
domesticated in Mexico during pre-colonial times (for exceptions, see Monteagudo
et al. 2013; Speller et al. 2010; Thornton et al. 2012). To address this disparity, we
conducted a review of the published and available unpublished archaeological
evidence for early turkey use in the region. We use this information to assess the
state of our current understanding of Mesoamerican turkey domestication and to
suggest potential avenues for future research to document the timing, location, and
process of turkey domestication in Mesoamerica.
Identifying when, where, and how turkeys were domesticated is critical to
reconstructing pre-colonial Mesoamerican subsistence systems and why ancient
populations decided to adopt animal management. Careful comparisons must also
be drawn between the process, timing, and spread of turkey domestication in
Mesoamerica and the American Southwest to fully understand animal domestication in ancient North America. Our work provides a first step toward this goal by
evaluating our current state of knowledge and both the hurdles and opportunities
that remain.
Mesoamerican Turkey Species—Taxonomy and Description
Two species of wild turkeys were present in pre-Hispanic Mesoamerica: the smallerbodied and more colorful ocellated turkey1 (Meleagris ocellata) native to the northern
half of the Maya cultural region, and the wild turkey (Meleagris gallopavo), originally
found throughout much of central and northern Mexico and into the continental USA
(Fig. 1). Of the six currently recognized subspecies of wild turkey, three range into
Mesoamerica (M. g. mexicana, M. g. intermedia, and M. g. gallopavo). Genetic
analysis confirms that the southern Mexican subspecies (M. g. gallopavo) gave rise
to the domestic turkeys bred and reared throughout the world today (Monteagudo et al.
2013). Genetic evidence also supports the independent pre-Columbian domestication
of at least one other subspecies of wild turkey (M. g. intermedia and/or silvestris) in the
American Southwest or an unidentified region to the east (Speller et al. 2010).
Domestic turkeys from the Southwest do not contribute to the genetic stock of modern
domestic turkeys (Speller et al. 2010). indicating that it is the timing of dissemination of
the southern Mexican subspecies (M. g. gallopavo) that is of most importance to
understanding the origins of modern domestic turkeys.
1
In Ornithology, standardized common names of species are capitalized.
The Uncertain Origins of Mesoamerican Turkey Domestication
Fig. 1 Modern geographic ranges of Mesoamerican turkey species (The IUCN Red List of Threatened
Species. Version 2014.3). The southeastern corner of the M. gallopavo range was expanded slightly to
conform to other modern range descriptions (Howell and Webb 1995; Navarro and Peterson 2007)
Unlike the wild turkey, the ocellated turkey was never domesticated (Schorger
1966:6). Instead, it served as an important wild game species for both ancient and
modern hunters throughout Mexico’s Yucatan Peninsula and northern Belize and
Guatemala. Although this species is not classified as domesticated, it may have
been reared in captivity at certain sites by ancient Maya populations (Hamblin
1984; Masson and Peraza Lope 2008; Pohl and Feldman 1982; Pollock and Ray
1957).
Living wild and ocellated turkeys are distinguished by their body size, and plumage.
Ocellated turkeys are more colorful with iridescent bronze, green, and blue body
feathers, deep red legs, and bright blue heads covered with large orange and red
nodules or carnucles. Ocellated turkeys also lack the long clusters of hair-like feathers
known as beards, which characterize adult male wild turkeys. Plumage differences
include the ocellated turkeys’ broader white bands on the outer edges of the secondary
flight feathers, and the presence of eye-shaped spots on the tail feathers. Ocellated
turkeys are also generally smaller than wild turkeys, with average adult hens weighing
2.6–3.1 kg and adult males between 4.3 and 5 kg. In contrast, female and male wild
turkeys weigh 2.8–4.4 kg and 4.7–7.5 kg, respectively (Leopold 1959).
Although the natural geographic ranges of wild M. g. gallopavo and M. ocellata do
not overlap, the diffusion of domesticated wild turkeys to the Maya cultural region
brought the two turkey species into coexistence. Determining when and where
humans caused the ranges of M. g. gallopavo and M. ocellata to overlap in the Maya
region is significant because the two species of turkey may be able to hybridize
(Schorger 1966:67; Williams et al. 2010:11). However, many reports of hybridization
are anecdotal and hybridization appears uncommon (Leopold 1948:399). It is currently unclear whether hybridization occurred in the past, but the topic warrants
further investigation, especially in the Maya region where both species may have
been raised together in captivity.
Thornton and Emery
Challenges to Identifying Turkey Domestication in the Archaeological
Record
One challenge to reconstructing the process of Mesoamerica turkey domestication is
the dispersed nature of much of the current zooarchaeological literature relevant to the
subject. From the current literature, it is also difficult to generate accurate temporal and
spatial comparisons. We discuss additional methodological and conceptual challenges
and considerations relevant to turkey domestication in the following sections as
background for our assessment of the current state of knowledge, and our suggestions
for future research.
Morphometric and Genetic Markers of Domestication
Recent reviews emphasize that animal domestication is a prolonged process of humananimal mutualism that results in a continuum of states from wild to fully domestic
(Zeder 2006). Along this continuum are various levels of human control over a species’
movement, diet, and reproduction ranging from taming and confinement to directed
breeding. Over time, this relationship often results in morphological and genetic
changes within a species, but these changes typically do not all occur at once and
instead appear at different points throughout the domestication process (Zeder 2006). In
some cases, genetic and morphological changes do not occur at all. This is especially
true early in the domestication process or when there is ongoing breeding between wild
and captive populations of a species (Munro 2011).
To date, morphological studies have been unable to distinguish between wild and
pre-colonial domestic forms of M. gallopavo (Breitburg 1988; Munro 2006). Genetic
markers for Mesoamerican domestic turkeys are also unknown, although some distinctions are now possible among American Southwest turkeys (Speller et al. 2010). In the
absence of direct morphological and genetic markers for Mesoamerican turkey domestication, it is difficult to identify early examples of tamed or captive reared turkeys that
appear within the natural range of the species’ wild progenitor. Documenting turkey
domestication throughout the Americas is further complicated by the fact that wild
turkey hunting likely occurred alongside domestic rearing in both the American
Southwest and Mesoamerica (Götz 2008; Hamblin 1984; McCaffery et al. 2014;
Speller et al. 2010).
Indirect Evidence of Husbandry: Abundance, Demographics, Pathology, Diet,
and Penning
The current lack of identified morphometric and genetic markers for domestication requires
archaeologists to rely on indirect evidence of turkey husbandry such as species abundance,
demographic profiles, paleopathology, dietary shifts, and the presence of pen structures. For
example, overall turkey abundance at a site in comparison to wild taxa may be used to infer
husbandry although such increases may not occur until late in the domestication process
(Zeder 2006). Instead of being immediately used as staple resources, domesticates may
serve as occasional insurance against scarcity, or as feasting or ceremonial items to be
harvested when needed. This pattern appears to be typical of the North American transition
to horticulture, which is characterized by a long period of low dependence on domesticated
The Uncertain Origins of Mesoamerican Turkey Domestication
species alongside continued use of wild resources (Piperno 2011). Consequently, turkey
husbandry may have been in practice long before we observe increasing abundances.
Demographic (age and sex) profiles have also been cited as evidence for turkey
husbandry (Badenhorst et al. 2012; Fothergill 2012). Very young individuals (e.g.,
poults) are not expected to appear in the population of turkeys obtained through
hunting, which typically targets large adult individuals. Similarly, the recovery of
eggshells may indicate that turkeys were born on-site. To differentiate between onsite laying and wild egg collection, researchers can now identify eggshells that hatched
versus those that broke early in development (Beacham and Durand 2007; Lapham
et al. 2013b). Other demographic features of domestic flocks include the culling of
young or subadult males, but age and sex profiles have not been widely used due to the
difficulty of accurately assigning age and sex to fragmentary and subadult bird remains.
The use of domestic turkeys for ceremonial purposes or feather production (Fothergill
2012; McKusick 1974) could also result in different culling or demographic profiles.
This suggests that researchers also need to focus on reconstructing the role turkeys
played in Mesoamerican society through time to better understand expected patterns of
flock management and size.
Healed fractures and other pathologies are an additional line of evidence that
may be used to infer captive turkey rearing. Besides indicating human care or
protection of injured birds, repeated pathologies on specific elements, such as the
ulna, may indicate repeated feather harvesting (Fothergill 2012). To date, paleopathologies have only been reported for pre-colonial turkeys from the American
Southwest (Akins 1985; Fothergill 2012; McKusick 1974; Steen 1966) and PostMedieval Britain (Fothergill 2014).
In comparison to the American Southwest, the indirect evidence for turkey domestication in Mesoamerica is relatively meager, due in part to taphonomy and archaeological preservation. In the Southwest, the record of turkey domestication includes finds
such as whole mummified turkeys, turkey coprolites, feathers, eggshells, and fragile
juvenile skeletal remains (e.g., Arakawa et al. 2001; Breitburg 1988; Lang and Harris
1984; Lipe 1979; Olsen 1990; Reed 2006). Equivalent finds are rare to nonexistent in
Mesoamerica although eggshell has been recovered from a few sites (Lapham et al.
2013b; Storey 1992:64; Widmer 1987:346). Turkey pens, such as those found at sites
including Mesa Verde and Paquimé (Casas Grandes) (Breitburg 1993) are also more
common in the Southwest than farther south in Mesoamerica. The presence or absence
of turkey pens in both regions warrants further investigation as it may be indicative of
rearing practices, and whether turkeys were confined to pens or raised using free-range
techniques as in many rural Central American villages today (Mallia 1999).
Regardless of whether turkeys were free-range or penned, their residence within
human habitation areas likely resulted in a dietary shift for the birds that may be
documented through stable carbon isotope (δ13C) analysis of their remains. In both
Mesoamerica and the American Southwest, much of the animal fodder and human
food waste would be maize (Zea mays), the most important staple crop cultivated in
the region. Maize utilizes a C4 photosynthetic pathway which makes it isotopically
distinct from most other foods consumed by turkeys (Leopold 1959:273; Rawlings
and Driver 2010:2435). Tame or captive reared turkeys should therefore have
higher carbon isotope ratios (δ13C) than wild foraging turkeys. Significantly, this
method has good potential to identify the earliest stages of turkey domestication
Thornton and Emery
since a change from a wild C3 diet to human-provided fodder high in maize likely
occurred very early in the domestication process before genetic or morphological
features would appear. This method has successfully distinguished between wild
and domestic turkeys in the American Southwest (McCaffery et al. 2014; Rawlings
and Driver 2010). but its potential has not yet been realized in Mesoamerica
(Thornton and Emery 2014).
Geographic Range Reconstructions
The appearance of turkeys outside their natural geographic ranges has also been
used to infer that they were under some level of human control at the time these
range shifts or introductions occurred. The pre-colonial ranges of wild turkeys
throughout the Americas, however, are not always clear since modern ranges have
been shaped and modified by several centuries of human hunting and landscape
alteration (Mock et al. 2002:653; Newbold et al. 2012). Within Mesoamerica, it is
especially difficult to reconstruct the past range of wild turkeys since wild populations of M. g. gallopavo have been largely extirpated over the last several centuries
(Schorger 1966). Within two classic natural history publications there also has been
some disagreement over the past range of wild turkeys. The map generated by
Leopold (1959:269) only extends the historic (post-Conquest) range of
M. gallopavo as far south as the Río Balsas Valley near the modern border between
the Mexican states of Guerrero and Michoacán, and excludes areas around the
Valley of Mexico (Fig. 2). Leopold’s range map is primarily based on modern and
historic (post-Conquest) evidence, and he acknowledges that wild turkeys may have
been extirpated from certain areas, such as the Valley of Mexico, prior to colonial
times (Leopold 1959:270). A later publication by Schorger (1966:49) disagrees
with Leopold’s original range map and extends the historic and pre-Columbian
range of M. gallopavo throughout central Mexico as far south as southern Guerrero,
central Veracruz, and the Puebla-Oaxaca border (Fig. 2). In his revised map,
Schorger plots known locations from both published literature and collected biological specimens to support this farther southern range expansion. Significantly,
Schorger’s map conforms to both previous and more recent reports of the natural
range of M. gallopavo, which includes the pine-oak upland forests extending from
Jalisco and northern Veracruz through Guerrero and into northern Oaxaca
(Camacho-Escobar et al. 2011; Clements et al. 2014; Friedmann et al. 1950;
Navarro and Peterson 2007).
In the archaeological literature, this debate has led to some confusion regarding
the interpretation of the region’s zooarchaeological record. Some researchers argue
for the wild turkey’s natural absence from areas such as the Valley of Mexico, based
on Leopold’s (1959) more restricted range map and a lack of Pleistocene and
Archaic period turkey specimens from the region (Valadez Azúa and Arrellín Rosas
2000:314). However, the Pleistocene record of Mexican bird species is far from
complete and nearly all of the bird taxa found in paleontological assemblages from
the Valley of Mexico are aquatic species due to the fossil sites’ location on the
shores of an ancient lake system (Corona Martínez 2002b). Support for Schorger’s
suggested nonanthropogenic presence of turkeys in and around the Valley of
Mexico comes from the mention of both wild and domestic turkeys in the
The Uncertain Origins of Mesoamerican Turkey Domestication
Fig. 2 Comparison of Meleagris gallopavo range reconstructions (shaded) in Mexico: a Leopold (1959:269,
Fig. 102); b Schorger (1966:49, Fig. 8)
ethnohistoric accounts of Sahagún (1963:29, 53), and the overlooked identification
of turkey remains in late Pleistocene/early Holocene pre-occupation levels at the
site of Cuanalan (Manzanilla 1985:135) and Archaic period (5000–2500 B.C.)
deposits at Texcal Cave near modern-day Puebla (Alvarez 1975). Until further
evidence emerges, it may be safest to assume that the wild progenitor of the
domestic turkey conforms to modern descriptions and ranged from northern Mexico
through southern Guerrero and eastward to include Puebla and northern Veracruz
(Clements et al. 2014). Determining whether turkeys identified at central Mexican
archaeological sites were domestic versus wild will therefore require additional
lines of evidence beyond the mere presence of the species in human settlements.
Thornton and Emery
Distinguishing Between Wild and Ocellated Turkeys
Although living wild and ocellated turkeys are not easily confused, archaeologists must
differentiate the two species based solely on their very similar skeletal remains.
Distinguishing between the two species in archaeological deposits is a particular
challenge in the Maya cultural region where ocellated turkeys occur naturally and
domesticated turkeys (M. g. gallopavo) were introduced during pre-colonial times.
Taphonomic factors, a lack of appropriate comparative skeletal specimens, and confusion over what skeletal features characterize each species often precludes identification
of turkey remains to the species level (Bochenski and Campbell 2006; Steadman 1980).
Morphological identifications are further complicated by the fact that hunted game also
included other species of large galliforms within the family Cracidae (e.g., great
curassow—Crax rubra), which are similar in size and gross morphology to turkeys.
Consequently, all large galliform bird remains at Mesoamerican archaeological sites
should be identified with care.
Accurately distinguishing between the two species is important for determining
when domesticated turkeys diffused to the Maya area, how wild and domestic
turkeys may have been used differently, and whether the ancient Maya maintained
captive, or tame populations of the locally available ocellated turkey. Ocellated
turkey husbandry has been suggested for several Postclassic Maya sites including
Mayapan and Cozumel in Mexico’s northern Yucatan Peninsula. On the offshore
island site of Cozumel, rearing is inferred based on the presence of pen structures
and immature individuals, as well as the fact that turkeys do not naturally occur on
the island (Hamblin 1984:93). Animal pens are also present at the site of Mayapan
(Masson and Peraza Lope 2008). but evidence of ocellated turkey rearing derives
primarily from the large quantity of turkey remains recovered at the site, as well as
the fact that many of the individuals are larger and stouter than typical ocellated
turkeys, which may imply captive rearing and intentional feeding (Breitburg 1988;
Pollock and Ray 1957; Steadman 1980:150).
Determining whether the Maya maintained captive populations of ocellated
turkeys may reveal much about the process and diffusion of turkey domestication.
If the ancient Maya husbanded both ocellated and introduced domesticated wild
turkeys, it indicates that the Maya independently experimented with turkey management. In contrast, if the Maya only reared the introduced domestic turkeys, it
suggests that turkey husbandry was integrated into the economy primarily through
the adoption of a non-local domesticated species. Ocellated turkeys may have
been reared alongside or instead of introduced domestic turkeys due to some
cultural preference related to plumage color, size, symbolism, or some other
attribute.
Both zooarchaeological data and ethnohistoric accounts confirm that Mesoamerican
cultures experimented with the captive rearing of wild species such as macaws (Ara
sp.), parrots (Psittacidae), rabbits (Sylvilagus sp.), deer (Odocoileus virginianus), and
peccaries (Tayassuidae) (Corona Martínez 2002a, 2013; Hamblin 1984; Valadez Azúa
1993, 2003; White et al. 2004). The extent of these practices is unclear, as is whether
the captive animals were maintained primarily for subsistence or elite display and
ceremonial purposes. Regardless, ocellated turkey husbandry would not be out of place
within this cultural framework. The question of ocellated turkey husbandry thus
The Uncertain Origins of Mesoamerican Turkey Domestication
warrants further investigation as it relates to larger questions regarding the function,
extent, and meaning of managed animal resources in the Mesoamerican economy.
The Origins of Mesoamerican Turkey Domestication: an Assessment
of Current Evidence
Central Mexican Highlands
A Preclassic period turkey (M. g. gallopavo) found at the Tehuacan Valley site of
Coxcatlan Cave (Flannery 1967) (Fig. 3) is typically, and often uncritically, cited as the
earliest example of a domestic turkey in Mesoamerica. At this site, a single bone of
M. gallopavo was dated to the earlier part of the Palo Blanco phase (∼A.D. 180)
(Flannery 1967:155, 163) (Table 1). The bird was interpreted as a domestic turkey
based on Leopold’s (1959) range map, which does not extend the historic range of the
wild turkey as far south as the Tehuacan Valley. No other evidence for turkey
domestication was observed at the site, although the absence of turkeys in earlier site
deposits was cited in support of the turkey’s nonlocal origin (Flannery 1967:155).
Turkeys are not the only species with a somewhat patchy temporal distribution in the
Tehuacan Valley deposits so their absence in earlier archaeological deposits is suggestive, but not conclusive evidence that turkeys are nonlocal to the region. Although the
Coxcatlan Cave turkey may very well represent an early example of introduced or
diffusing domestic turkeys, we cannot completely rule out the presence of wild turkey
populations within or near the Tehucan Valley during ancient times since the valley lies
at the southern edge of the wild turkey’s currently accepted geographic range.
Although not commonly cited, earlier examples of Preclassic turkeys have been
reported from archaeological sites within and around the Valley of Mexico and nearby
Morelos (Alvarez 1975, 1976; Corona Martínez 2006; Grove 1974; Manzanilla 1985;
Fig. 3 Map of Mesoamerica showing major cultural areas and sites mentioned in text
Table 1 Summary of earliest turkeys (Meleagris gallopavo) identified in Mesoamerican faunal assemblages organized chronologically by region
Site (location)
Time period (dates)
Quantity: NISP
(%*)/MNI (%*)
Context
Wild vs. domestic classification
and evidence for domestication
noted in publications
Citation
Cuanalan (Estado de
Mexico)
Pleistocence
(upper parts of precultural sequence)
Present (quantity
unknown)
Pre-cultural
No comments—presumed wild
Manzanilla (1985:135)
Texcal Cave (Puebla)
Archaic (5000–
2500 B.C.)
3 NISP (<1 %)
Stated as unknown wild vs. domestic
Alvarez (1975)
Middle Preclassic
(1200–900 B.C.)
4 NISP (<1 %)
1 in a human burial;
3 in truncated conical
pits
No comments regarding wild vs.
domestic status (Alvarez 1976).
Classified as domestic by Valadez and
Arrellín (2000: 313)
Alvarez (1976:7–8);
Alvarez and Ocaña (1999).
Valadez and Arrellín (2000)
Middle Preclassic
(1250–1050 B.C.)
Present (quantity
unknown)
Domestic/living areas
No comments regarding wild vs.
domestic status
Grove (1974:42)
Middle Preclassic
(1200–500 B.C.)
46 NISP /1 MNI
(all from single
partial turkey
skeleton; burned)
Human burial
Stated as unknown wild vs. domestic
Corona Martínez (2006)
Cuicuilco (Distrito Federal)
Middle/Late Preclassic
(700 B.C.–A.D. 150)
At least 1 MNI
Human burial
(from partial skeleton)
No comments regarding wild vs.
domestic status.
Classified as domestic by Valadez
and Arrellín (2000: 313)
Alvarez and Ocaña (1999).
Valadez and Arrellín (2000)
Terremote-Tlaltenco
(Distrito Federal)
Late Preclassic
(400–200 B.C.)
43 NISP (14 %)
Temamatla (Estado de
Mexico)
Late Preclassic
(∼400 B.C.)
6 MNI (2 %)
Central Mexican Highlands:
Tlatilco (Estado de Mexico)
Nexpa (Morelos)
Oaxtepec Km 27.5 (Morelos)
Serra Puche and Valadez Azúa
(1985). Valadez and Arrellín
(2000). Alvarez and Ocaña (1999)
Valadez Azúa and Ramirez
(1991). Valadez and Arrellín (2000)
Thornton and Emery
Suggested to be domestic/captiveSome individuals interred
reared based on abundance, and
as complete or semipresence of males, females, and
complete burials/offerings
juveniles (Serra Puche and
Valadez Azúa 1985:195).
Classified as domestic by Valadez
and Arrellín (2000: 313)
Site (location)
Time period (dates)
Quantity: NISP
(%*)/MNI (%*)
Context
Wild vs. domestic classification
and evidence for domestication
noted in publications
1 individual from human
burial; others from
unspecified contexts
No comments regarding wild vs.
domestic status (Valadez Azúa
and Ramirez 1991).
Classified as domestic by Valadez
and Arrellín (2000: 313)
Citation
Cuanalan (Estado de Mexico)
Late Preclassic
(370–340 B.C.)
Present (quantity
unknown)
No comments regarding wild vs.
domestic status (Manzanilla
1985: 135–136).
Classified as domestic by Valadez
and Arrellín (2000: 313)
Manzanilla (1985:135–136);
Valadez and Arrellín (2000)
Texcal Cave (Puebla)
Late Preclassic
(∼200 B.C.)
7 NISP (1 %)
Stated as unknown wild vs. domestic
Alvarez (1975)
Coxcatlan Cave (Tehuacan
Valley, Puebla)
Late Preclassic
(∼ A.D. 180)
1 NISP (<1 %)/1
MNI (3 %)
Interpreted as an imported
domestic turkey
Flannery (1967:155,163,175)
San Jose Mogote
Early/Middle Preclassic
(1150–850 B.C.)
4 NISP (<1 %)
Interpreted as wild turkeys.
Suggested to represent dried
specimens imported for feathers
from central Mexico
Flannery and Marcus (2005:
188, 245,251): Lapham et al.
(2013b)
Tayata
Early Formative
(∼900 B.C.)
1 NISP (<1 %)
Specimen not identified to
species (could be either
M. gallopavo or M. ocellata).
No comments regarding wild
vs. domestic status
Lapham et al. (2013a)
Nochixtlan Valley
Middle/Late Preclassic
(500–200 B.C.)
1 % NISP
No comments regarding wild
vs. domestic status
Breitburg (1988:33, 73)—citing
unpublished data by Spores.
Early Preclassic
(1400–1000 B.C.)
2 NISP (<1 %)/1
MNI (4 %)
No comments regarding wild
vs. domestic status
Vanderwarker (2006).
Peres et al. (2013)
Oaxaca:
2 from a high status
residence (living area);
2 from a neighborhood
midden
Gulf Coast:
La Joya (Veracruz, MX)
The Uncertain Origins of Mesoamerican Turkey Domestication
Table 1 (continued)
Table 1 (continued)
Site (location)
Time period (dates)
Quantity: NISP
(%*)/MNI (%*)
La Joya (Veracruz, MX)
Late Preclassic
(400 B.C.–A.D. 100)
Bezuapan (Veracruz, MX)
Late Preclassic
(400 B.C.–A.D. 300)
Santa Luisa (Veracruz, MX)
3 MNI (4.4 %)
Late Preclassic–Early
Classic
(300 B.C. – A.D. 300)
Patarata 52 (Veracruz, MX)
Late Preclassic–Early
Classic (300
B.C.–A.D. 300)
Context
Wild vs. domestic classification
and evidence for domestication
noted in publications
Citation
1 NISP (<1 %)/1
MNI (2 %)
No comments regarding wild
vs. domestic status
Vanderwarker (2003; 2006).
Peres et al. (2013)
11 NISP (1 %)/3 MNI
(6 %)
No comments regarding wild
vs. domestic status
Vanderwarker (2003; 2006).
Peres et al. (2013)
No comments regarding wild vs.
domestic status
Wing (1978: 35)
Stated as unknown wild vs. domestic
Wing (1977: 210), (1978: 34)
3 MNI (6.3 %)
Maya Region:
El Mirador (Petén, Guatemala) Late Preclassic
(327 B.C.–A.D. 54)
5 NISP (<1 %)/3
MNI (4 %)
Construction fill within
site ceremonial core
Thornton et al. (2012).
Identified as domestic/captive-reared
Thornton and Emery (2014)
based on carbon isotope values
indicative of high maize consumption
Zaculeu
2 NISP
Tomb—bones found
inside bowls
Bones were identified by Dr. Alexander
Wetmore (Smithsonian Institution)
Early/Late Classic
(A.D. 500–700)
(Woodbury and Trik 1953: 87; 278)
*Percent (%) of entire faunal assemblage
Thornton and Emery
The Uncertain Origins of Mesoamerican Turkey Domestication
Serra Puche and Valadez Azúa 1985; Valadez Azúa and Arrellín Rosas 2000; Valadez
Azúa and Ramirez 1991) (Table 1, Fig. 3). Many of these sites (Caunalan, Cuicuilco,
Tlatilco, Temamatla, and Terremote-Tlatenco) are listed among those with evidence
for turkey domestication in a recent synthesis of the region’s zooarchaeological data
(Valadez Azúa and Arrellín Rosas 2000:313). In this assessment, evidence for
domestication at these sites comes from high turkey abundance (at Temamatla
and Terremote-Tlatenco, Valadez Azúa and Arrellín Rosas 2000:314), the presence
of subadults, and a lack of observed morphological differences between the archaeological specimens and modern domestic turkeys (Valadez Azúa and Arrellín Rosas
2000:311–313). The original reports from each site only allow us to confirm
relatively high turkey abundance at the site of the Terremote-Tlaltenco where
turkeys composed over 13 % of the site’s number of identified specimens (NISP)
(Serra Puche and Valadez Azúa 1985). At all other sites, turkeys were either equal
to or less abundant than other wild bird species such as ducks (Anatidae) (Alvarez
1976; Manzanilla 1985; Valadez Azúa and Ramirez 1991; Valadez Azúa and
Arrellín Rosas 2000). Subadult turkeys and eggshell are also reported from
Terremote-Tlaltenco, but the published images in the original report included no
clear examples of subadult remains (Serra Puche and Valadez Azúa 1985:196,
photo 6). The eggshell, although presented in the site report’s figures (Serra Puche
and Valadez Azúa 1985:206, 210, 211) is not discussed in the accompanying text,
and it is unclear what species the eggshell belongs to since multiple bird species
were found at the site. Valadez Azúa and Arrellín Rosas (2000) do not appear to
have assessed the morphological details of the skeletal specimens identified by the
original authors as morphologically similar to modern domestic turkeys, and no
images were available in the site reports to allow us to do so. However, since
previous studies of turkey morphology (Breitburg 1988; Munro 2011) have failed to
identify clear morphological distinctions between wild and domestic turkeys, the
lack of distinguishing characters for domestication at Terremote-Tlaltenco and other
sites is inconclusive. Although it is possible that the Middle to Late Preclassic sites
from the Valley of Mexico and Morelos contain domesticated turkeys, the current
evidence requires further investigation of the original materials. In the absence of
clear evidence to support geographic displacement, or morphometric changes,
additional evidence related to penning, dietary shifts, or the presence of juvenile
turkeys will be needed to confirm that the presence of tame or domesticated turkeys.
Oaxaca, Southern Gulf Coast and Maya Region
Small numbers of Preclassic turkey remains have also been reported from sites falling
well outside the widely accepted natural range of wild M. gallopavo (Clements et al.
2014). The significance of these finds to interpreting the timing, location, and diffusion
of Mesoamerican turkey domestication has not yet been adequately considered. Based
on their geographic displacement, these specimens lend support to turkeys being under
some degree of human control during the Preclassic. This line of evidence, however, is
not without its faults as wild animals were also traded, either dead or alive, throughout
Mesoamerica during pre-Hispanic times (e.g., Lopez Luján 2005; Thornton 2011). We
evaluate the Preclassic evidence for turkey rearing or trade from southern Mesoamerica
in the following paragraphs.
Thornton and Emery
In central Oaxaca, just south of the species’ presumed southern range limit, turkeys
have been identified in Preclassic deposits at San Jose Mogote, Tayata and the
Nochixtlan Valley (Breitburg 1988; Flannery and Marcus 2005; Lapham et al.
2013a) (Table 1). At each site, turkeys are very rare (NISP <5). Based on such low
abundance and in the absence of other evidence for on-site rearing such as pens, it is
possible that these turkeys represent trade goods rather than established breeding
populations. Flannery and Marcus (2005:96, 188) specifically suggest that the turkeys
at San Jose Mogote represent dried birds imported for their feathers from central
Mexico. Alternate explanations include the onsite rearing of captive/domestic turkeys,
the import of live turkeys from Central Mexico, or the acquisition of wild or domestic
turkeys from closer source populations.
Turkey bones were also present at two nonelite residential Gulf Coast Olmec sites
(La Joya and Bezuapan) dating to the Early and Late Preclassic, but their status as wild
versus domestic, or their potential nonlocal origin is not discussed by the analysts
(Peres et al. 2013; Vanderwarker 2003, 2006) (Table 1). The Olmec area is a wet
subtropical broadleaf forest ecoregion very different from the upland pine-oak forests
known to provide suitable habitat for wild M. g. gallopavo. The turkey remains from
these sites thus represent probable examples of imported or introduced turkeys, with the
presence of wing, sternum, and distal leg elements suggesting on-site rearing or
transport of whole animals. Since turkey remains are absent at the much larger and
higher status lowland Olmec sites of Tres Zapotes and San Lorenzo (Peres et al. 2013).
M. gallopavo appears to have been present, but not widespread in the southern Gulf
Coast region during the Preclassic.
Another clear example of Preclassic turkey diffusion, transport, or trade comes from
the site of El Mirador located in the central Maya Lowlands of Petén, Guatemala
(Table 1). This site lies far outside the natural range and habitat requirements of wild
M. gallopavo. At El Mirador, the incomplete remains of at least three M. gallopavo
individuals were found in deeply buried, sealed contexts within structures surrounding
the site’s second largest temple pyramid. The M. gallopavo specimens represent at least
one female and two males, which were distinguished from local ocellated turkeys based
on combined morphological, osteometric, and ancient DNA evidence (Thornton et al.
2012). The El Mirador turkeys are currently the earliest examples of M. gallopavo
identified in the Maya region as all other confirmed examples date to the much later
Postclassic period (A.D. 1000–1500). To date, the only other suggestion of domestic
turkeys in the Maya area prior to the Postclassic come from unconfirmed M. gallopavo
specimens identified in a Classic period (A.D. 500–700) elite tomb at the highland
Guatemala site of Zaculeu (Table 1) (Woodbury and Trik 1953:278).
Comparing Mesoamerican and Southwest Origins of Turkey
Domestication
As reviewed above, the earliest evidence for Mesoamerican turkey domestication
currently relies primarily on the identification of anthropogenic range expansions and
nonlocal introductions. This is due to the absence of recognized morphological and
genetic features that distinguish wild from domestic Mesoamerican turkeys, and a lack
of Preclassic sites with clear evidence of on-site rearing such as the presence of pen
The Uncertain Origins of Mesoamerican Turkey Domestication
structures, juveniles, and eggshells. An exception to this may be the site of TerremoteTlaltenco in the Valley of Mexico (400–200 B.C.) where the authors report that
eggshells and young turkeys may be present (Serra Puche and Valadez Azúa 1985).
The species’ presence farther south in Mesoamerica more clearly indicates that the
process of turkey domestication was underway by at least the Late Preclassic. Even
earlier beginnings (in the Early or Middle Preclassic) are suggested by the species’
presence at sites along the southern Gulf Coast and in central Oaxaca, which are
contemporary with the earliest turkeys in and around the Valley of Mexico. More
research is needed, but the practice of turkey husbandry appears to have extended
outside of central/northern Mexico fairly early in time, suggesting either a rapid cultural
diffusion, or an early date of domestication.
Our review of current evidence reveals that the earliest evidence for turkey domestication likely predates the Tehuacan Valley specimens (Flannery 1967) most commonly cited. It further reveals that the timing and location of Mesoamerican turkey
domestication is still largely unknown, and that many of our present interpretations
are based on incomplete datasets. Nevertheless, it appears that turkey husbandry was
practiced at a fairly small scale throughout the Preclassic in many different parts of
Mesoamerica, but it may not have formed part of the ritual or subsistence economy at
each and every site.
The timing and pattern is similar to the American Southwest where sparse evidence
for turkey rearing appears across a fairly broad geographic area around 300 B.C.
(Munro 2011:550–551). In the Southwest, some researchers argue that this prolonged
period of early low-level husbandry reflects the initial use of domestic turkeys primarily
as sources of feathers or as ritual offerings rather than as a meat resource (Breitburg
1988; McKusick 1986). The evidence for this comes from ethnohistoric descriptions,
the recovery of feathers and feathered artifacts (e.g., blankets and feather wrapped
cordage), and the absence of turkeys from general midden deposits dating to before the
Pueblo II–III periods (A.D. 900–1300) (Muir and Driver 2002; Badenhorst and Driver
2009). In Mesoamerica, evidence of turkey use is primarily limited to more durable
skeletal remains, but feathers appear frequently in iconography as part of headdresses
and other regalia. The stylized depictions of the feathers, however, preclude the
identification of the plumes as specifically belonging to turkeys, and other species such
as quetzals (Pharomachrus mocinno) and macaws (Ara sp.) are clearly represented.
Many site reports do not provide detailed contextual data, but the available information
notes that Preclassic Mesoamerican turkeys were found in ritual contexts (i.e., offerings
and burials) as well as in middens and construction fill with some bones exhibiting
evidence of burning or butchery (Alvarez and Ocaña 1999; Breitburg 1988:73; Corona
Martínez 2006; Flannery and Marcus 2005; Thornton et al. 2012; Valadez Azúa and
Arrellín Rosas 2000). This suggests that turkeys were likely used as ritual offerings, as
well as for food, similar to many other animals in Mesoamerica where ritual and dietary
uses of species are rarely mutually exclusive. This contrasts with the archaeological
record from the Southwest, which more strongly supports nondietary use in earlier time
periods (Munro 2006). In Mesoamerica, it is possible that domestic turkeys fulfilled a
role similar to that of domestic dogs (Canis lupus familiaris), which were used
extensively during the Preclassic for both dietary and ritual purposes (Clutton-Brock
and Hammond 1994; Wing 1978), and perhaps primarily for the ceremonies and feasts
related to elite display and power negotiations (Emery et al. 2013; Rosenswig 2007).
Thornton and Emery
Therefore, although turkeys were consumed during this early period of population
growth, the scarcity of their remains suggests that they were not yet a dietary staple.
Instead, they may have been kept on-hand to serve as occasional insurance against
scarcity, or as components of elite ceremonial, feasting and status display activities.
Classic to Postclassic Expansion of Turkey Husbandry
Substantial increases in Mesoamerican turkey use, as evidenced by their proportional
abundance in faunal assemblages, did not occur until the Classic and Postclassic
periods (A.D. 600–1500). A long delay between initial domestication and later intensification also occurred in the American Southwest where turkey rearing increased in
intensity after A.D. 900 (Pueblo II–III periods). In the Southwest, this increase may be
attributed to resource depression associated with human population increases and
aggregation (Badenhorst and Driver 2009; Kohler et al. 2012; Muir and Driver 2002;
Munro 2011). Although large game (e.g., deer) depletion could have motivated greater
dependence on domesticated turkeys in Mesoamerica (Lapham et al. 2013b). turkey
use does not expand in all cases of major population increases. For example, in central
Mexico, population size and aggregation increased substantially during the Early
Classic (A.D. 250–600) with the rise of Teotihuacan (Cowgill 1997). Although turkeys
were used for both dietary and ritual purposes at Teotihuacan, they were less abundant
than other taxa such as deer, dogs, and rabbits (Starbuck 1975, 1987; Valadez Azúa
1993). Domestic turkey abundance may have been relatively low because they formed
part of a suite of managed species used in northern Mesoamerica for dietary and/or
ritual purposes. Domestic dogs are very common in Classic and Postclassic faunal
assemblages from central Mexico, and rabbits may have been occasionally reared in
captivity (Lapham et al. 2013b; Manzanilla 1996; Valadez Azúa 1993). Conversely,
wildlife resources may not have been strained to the point of widespread local scarcity
around Teotihuacan, or wild game could have been imported into the site from outlying
areas. Regardless, the Teotihuacan residents did not invest in intensive turkey rearing as
a food supplement for their growing populations.
Similarly, we do not see a sudden adoption of turkey husbandry in the Maya region
during human population peaks in the Late to Terminal Classic, even though largebodied prey populations may have been locally depleted around some sites (Emery
2007). Instead, turkey use does not increase in the Maya area until the Postclassic
(∼A.D. 900–1500), when populations were substantially reduced in most areas (Emery
2004a:47). The species’ early presence at El Mirador (Thornton et al. 2012) suggests
that the Maya were aware of turkey domestication prior to the Postclassic even if they
chose not to adopt it. In the Maya area, the availability of wild fauna, including the
local Ocellated Turkey, could have delayed the widespread adoption of nonlocal
domestic turkeys (Valadez Azúa and Arrellín Rosas 2000:315). The species’ later,
more widespread adoption in the Postclassic may relate to the nature of the Postclassic
Maya economy which is characterized by increased long-distance exchange between
central Mexico and the Maya area, and expansion of maritime trade routes around the
Yucatan Peninsula between the Gulf of Mexico and Central America’s Caribbean coast
(Guderjan and Garber 1995; McKillop and Healy 1989). Increased Postclassic exchange throughout Mesoamerica could have facilitated the dispersal of domesticated
turkeys to the Maya area through repeated introductions of breeding pairs and
The Uncertain Origins of Mesoamerican Turkey Domestication
transmission of rearing information. In contrast, the rare earlier introduction of the bird
might not have been sufficient to fully incorporate the species into the Maya economy.
The adoption of the domestic turkey by the ancient Maya thus could have resulted
largely from cultural interaction and exchange, rather than as a reaction to potential
protein stress due to population expansion.
Conclusions and Directions for Future Research
This review clearly demonstrates the need for expanded research focusing on the
timing, location, and process of turkey domestication and management in Mesoamerica. Greater attention to Mesoamerica turkey husbandry in will likely overturn some of
our current interpretations, and yield new insights into the history of North America’s
only indigenous domesticated vertebrate animal. At the most basic level, there is a
critical need for more thorough and systematic analysis and reporting of faunal remains
from Mesoamerican archaeological sites. Our review reveals that many relevant faunal
assemblages are underanalyzed and that the reported data are seldom presented in a
way that allows for temporal and spatial comparison across sites or regions. More
thorough analysis and reporting of zooarchaeological remains (e.g., see Emery
2004a,b; Grigson 1978), including sample quantification according to both NISP and
minimum number of individuals (MNI), division of samples by chronology, and
reporting of age, sex, skeletal element, and contextual data would greatly improve
our ability to reconstruct the history of turkey domestication in Mesoamerica. With the
increasing availability of 3-D scanning technology, it may also be possible to scan and
share digital or printed replicas of turkey bones among researchers to confirm identifications, and conduct inter-site morphological comparisons (Emery et al. 2014).
There is also a need to conduct combined morphometric and genetic analyses of a
temporal sequence of archaeological and historic wild and domestic turkeys from
Mesoamerica. Such combined analyses would allow us to evaluate potential changes
in genetic and morphological traits (e.g., changes in body proportion or overall size)
associated with the domestication process. Utilizing archaeological samples avoids the
effects of recent artificial selection that may make modern turkeys poor morphological
and genetic proxies for indigenous, pre-colonial domestic turkeys. It would then be
productive to compare the genetic and morphological traits of archaeological turkeys to
modern turkey populations from rural Mexico to trace more recent changes in the
species.
As with many domestic species, identifying more specifically when and where the
domestication process began in Mesoamerican is likely to be problematic. In
Mesoamerica, the transition from foraging to farming was a gradual one characterized
by a very long period of low level domesticated plant use alongside wild resources
(Piperno 2011). Based on the paucity of turkey remains in early archaeological
deposits, it seems likely that turkey domestication also started very gradually, and
was not intensified until much later in time. This pattern makes it difficult to determine
when and where turkey rearing first began, since the earliest captive turkeys will appear
within the geographic range of their wild counterparts, and because such low levels of
husbandry or captive rearing are unlikely to leave any genetic or morphological
markers until much later in the domestication process. Moreover, wild turkey hunting
Thornton and Emery
may have continued alongside the earliest examples of turkey rearing so sites could be
expected to contain the remains of both wild, and tame or captive-reared turkeys.
In the absence of other lines of evidence such as pen structures, increased species
abundance, morphological changes, and the presence of juveniles, one of the most
promising methods for determining the spatial and temporal origins of turkey domestication is stable isotope analysis, which can be used to reconstruct past diets and
determine geographic origins. Previous isotopic research on turkeys in the American
SW (Rawlings and Driver 2010; McCaffery et al. 2014) and other domesticated taxa
including pigs, sheep, goats, cattle, llamas, and alpacas (e.g., Makarewicz and Tuross
2012; Minagawa et al. 2005; Noe-Nygaard et al. 2005; Thornton et al. 2010; Hu et al.
2009) confirm the utility of such methods to document the timing of animal domestication and various types of husbandry practices. Among Mesoamerican turkeys, dietary
shifts associated with confinement or habitation within human settlements may be one
of the earliest indicators of domestication widely detectable in the archaeological
record. As such, stable carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen (δ15N) isotopes may be critical to
distinguishing between wild and domestic turkeys at various stages within the
domestication process. Stable carbon isotope analysis will also be useful for
reconstructing husbandry practices. For example, turkeys primarily kept in pens or
cages would need to be fed on a regular basis, and would thus likely show very high
δ13C values indicative of a diet consisting primarily of maize. In contrast, free range
turkeys could be expected to show more diverse diets slightly lower in human provided
fodder. Regardless of the husbandry pattern, tame or captive turkeys should be
isotopically distinct from wild turkeys due to their much greater access to maize
(Rawlings and Driver 2010; McCaffery et al. 2014; Thornton and Emery 2014). but
the degree of isotopic separation may vary according to rearing and foddering techniques. Variation in turkey stable carbon isotope values may therefore be useful for
comparing spatial and temporal diversity in turkey husbandry practices within
Mesoamerica, and between Mesoamerica and the American Southwest.
Other isotopic ratios can be used to answer additional questions such as whether the
earliest examples of turkeys found outside their natural geographic ranges represent
isolated trade items or on-site, local rearing. Combined strontium (87Sr/86Sr) and
oxygen (δ18O) isotope ratios in archaeological remains record the local isotopic
signatures found in a region’s underlying bedrock, and hydrological systems (Faure
and Powell 1972; Longinelli 1984). As an animal feeds and drinks, the local strontium
and oxygen values are thus recorded in its skeletal tissues. These isotopic measures
have been previously used in Mesoamerica to study human migration (e.g., White et al.
2007; Wright 2005) and animal trade (Somerville et al. 2010; Thornton 2011). When
applied to archaeological turkey remains found outside the natural geographic range of
wild M. gallopavo, strontium and oxygen isotope ratios can thus determine whether the
nonlocal turkeys represent traded animals killed before or shortly after their arrival, or
established domestic/captive populations. This information will allow archaeologists to
reconstruct the diffusion of turkey husbandry throughout Mesoamerica.
On a more conceptual level, researchers need to further explore the role that captive,
managed, and domestic resources played in Mesoamerican subsistence, ritual, and
political economies. The culture-specific motivations for animal management and
rearing often cannot be explained in terms of simple, single-force causality (Zeder
2006) but greater attention to how wild and domestic turkeys were used by ancient
The Uncertain Origins of Mesoamerican Turkey Domestication
populations, and how their use relates to overall changing patterns of animal use, can
reveal aspects of how the domestication process may have taken place, and why
humans were motivated to assume increasing control over the management and
breeding of this species. In both Mesoamerica and the American Southwest, the
impetus for turkey domestication could have been related to both subsistence and
symbolism. Turkeys served as a source of meat for ancient populations, but they also
were used in ceremonies, as sources of feathers, and possibly in elite displays of wealth
or status. Animals managed primarily for feathers, or ceremonial purposes could have
been subjected to very different selection pressures than those used primarily as a staple
meat resource. Similarly, the archaeological evidence for domestication could look very
different in each of these scenarios. The process and pattern of turkey domestication
may therefore differ greatly from what has been observed for the more widely studied
large-bodied mammalian domesticates (e.g., goats, sheep, and llamas). At a broad scale,
further investigations into Mesoamerican turkey husbandry will therefore contribute to
a more comprehensive and comparative understanding of the diversity of processes
involved in animal domestication.
Finally, there is a need for greater dialogue and collaboration between researchers
working on turkey domestication in Mesoamerica and the American Southwest.
Through greater discussion and synthesis, the two regional datasets may ultimately
be more comparable, and will benefit from novel methodological and interpretive
perspectives. With the realization that turkey domestication originated independently
in Mesoamerican the American Southwest (Speller et al. 2010). also comes the
opportunity to compare the timing, impetus, and process of turkey domestication in
these two regions. Such comparisons will allow researchers to evaluate how the origins
and later intensification of turkey husbandry were variously related to culture-specific
subsistence choices, environmental contexts, trade connections, and socioeconomic
structures in these two distinct but interconnected regions. Ultimately, this type of
cross-cultural comparison will lead to a more holistic understanding of turkey domestication in the ancient Americas.
Acknowledgments We would like to thank the interlibrary loan staff at the University of Florida and
Washington State University for helping us acquire many rare and difficult to obtain references. We are very
grateful to our many collaborators, including Camilla Speller and John Krigbaum for coordinating genetic and
isotopic analyses of Mesoamerican turkey specimens, as well as Rani Alexander, Charlotte Arnauld, Jamie
Awe, Arthur Demarest, Antonia Foias, Charles Golden, Chris Götz, Elizabeth Graham, Norman Hammond,
Richard Hansen, Gyles Ianonne, Takeshi Inomata, Marilyn Masson, Ray Matheny, Carlos Peraza, Andrew
Scherer, and Norbert Stanchly who provided access to archaeological faunal collections during the process of
our research. We also thank our graduate students Petra Cunningham Smith, Lisa Duffy, Brandon McIntosh,
and Ashley Sharpe who assisted in various stages of the project. Funding for our ongoing research on Maya
turkey husbandry is provided by the National Science Foundation (BCS-1434289), the Florida Museum of
Natural History, University of Florida, and the Washington State University Department of Anthropology.
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