Satpanth

S Sa’id Introduction ▶ Rizvi, Saeed Akhtar Andrew Halladay South Asian Languages and Civilizations, University of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA Saadat Hasan Manto (May 11, 1912–January 18, 1955) is generally considered to be one of the greatest writers of Urdu prose. Born to a Kashmiri Muslim family in modern-day India, Manto would die a Pakistani citizen in Lahore. Manto’s relatively short life was marked by a prolific career spanning several genres, including radio and screenplays, essays, literary sketches, and short stories. It is upon his achievements in the last of these categories, however, that his fame chiefly rests. Ayesha Jalal, a leading historian of Pakistan, has called him “the greatest Urdu short-story writer of the twentieth century” [6]. Salman Rushdie has similarly praised Manto as “the undisputed master of the Indian short story” [7]. Synonyms Early Education Manto; Saadat Hasan Manto; Saadat Hassan Manto; Sadat Hassan Manto Manto completed his early education in Amritsar. By most accounts, he was not an exceptional student, preferring his self-selected readings to his formal studies [2]. In high school he read voraciously, especially English novels and plays; during his college years, also initially in Amritsar, he developed an interest in Russian and French authors as well [7]. His translations of these European writers marked Manto’s initial entry into Urdu literary circles. Mostly notably, after transferring to Saadat Hasan Manto ▶ Saʿādat Ḥasan Maṅṫō Saʿādat Ḥasan Maṅṫō Definition Saadat Hasan Manto is considered one of the greatest writers of Urdu prose, best known for his stories about Partition. # Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018 Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3 588 Aligarh Muslim University in 1934, he began to associate with Premchand’s Indian Progressive Writers’ Association, a group that sought to orient Indian literature away from courtly conventions and toward real-life social issues. Two years later, at the age of 24, he published his first collection of short stories, Atish Pare. Bombay Years After a short time in Lahore, Manto settled in Bombay. He initially served as an editor for a monthly film journal and gradually transitioned into work as a screenwriter for Hindi films. In 1941, Manto left Bombay for Delhi to write radio plays for the Urdu branch of All India Radio. His stay in Delhi lasted only 18 months, but it proved highly productive. While producing a series of radio plays, he also wrote several essays and short stories. He continued to work at an impressive pace upon his return to Bombay in 1942. Although his most well-regarded screenplays – especially an early version of Mirza Ghalib – appeared during this time, it was in his short stories, far removed from the creative restrictions of producers, that Manto found his most enduring voice. Manto’s stories after his return to Bombay moved away from the aims of the Progressive Writer’s Association. They continued, to be sure, to reflect the groups’ characteristic emphasis on social issues, but Manto’s literary techniques – especially his frequent use of horrific surprise endings – were at odds with the realism of the Progressive camp [6]. Moreover, Manto’s writing in this period demonstrates an acute understanding of the power of brevity; his descriptions of setting, unlike those of many of his Progressive colleagues, are often restricted to a few sentences – sketching, for instance, the sound of the rain, or the bustle of a city street [7]. His Bombay writings also exhibit humanistic undertones: even horrific acts – and these are far from few – are depicted as the product of circumstances rather than of evil. Bombay, the site of the stories’ composition, plays a central role in the stories themselves; the city’s social problems – including such taboo topics as Saʿādat Ḥasan Maṅṫō prostitution and violence – are clearly implied, if not only always stated explicitly [1]. His most notable story of this period, “Bu” (Scent), details a sexual encounter between a poor woman and a rich man who had lost sexual interest after his betrothal to a woman who, according to society, was his ideal bride. The story exhibits remarkable subtleties and piercing social commentary, yet these qualities were lost on contemporary authorities, who tried Manto unsuccessfully for obscenity. Manto famously wrote in his defense: “If you find my stories dirty, the society you are living in is dirty. With my stories, I only expose the truth.” Partition and the Move to Lahore With the Partition of India in 1947, Manto entered a period of deep personal turmoil; he would himself say of the experience, “I could not decide which of the two countries was now my homeland – India or Pakistan” [4]. This inner crisis was exacerbated by professional woes. Ashok Kumar, who then headed Bombay Talkies for which Manto worked, had received a series of threatening letters demanding the removal of Muslims from the company’s highest positions [4]. Manto’s film career was successful enough that he was not asked to leave, but concerns for his own well-being severely impacted his productivity. Despite the protestations of his friends and colleagues, especially his fellow short-story writer and best friend, Ismat Chughtai, he sent his wife and children to Lahore and followed them there in early 1948 [2]. By all measures, Manto’s years in Lahore were not happy ones [4]. Partition had depleted Lahore’s film industry of its resources and talent, and Manto, now unable to write screenplays, struggled to find other work. He tried his hand at journalism, but his choice of themes was distasteful to the conservative ethos of the time, and his column was canceled. He found some success composing literary sketches of well-known contemporary figures – including Nargis, Ashok Kumar, and Muhammad Ali Jinnah – which were featured in Daily Afaq [5]. Although less Saʿādat Ḥasan Maṅṫō remembered than his short stories, these sketches were important in striking a balance between playfulness and frankness largely unknown in the genre before. Later Works and Death Manto’s lack of work left him with a great deal of free time, most of which he devoted to his short stories. These Lahore writings are generally considered his most mature, notwithstanding the difficult conditions under which they were composed. His earlier stories had centered around the social issues of Bombay; those written in Lahore, meanwhile, were dominated by the violence and contradictions of Partition. Although Manto was one of the many contemporary writers to confront Partition, he was one of the few both to successfully eschew melodrama and to move beyond a religio-national framework. Indeed, in many of his stories, the religious identities of his characters are either unclear or unimportant. As with his earlier work, his partition writing is marked by eerie, often horrific, coincidences and a tendency to evoke the general through intense focus on the particular [1]. Siyah Hashiye (Dark Margins), published in 1948, explores the horrors of Partition through vignettes, some as short as a few sentences: a Lahori rioter, injured in an attempt to demolish the statue of a Hindu philanthropist, is taken to a hospital founded by that very philanthropist; elsewhere, a hungry child mistakes a slain ice vender’s blood for jelly [4]. Although not mentioned explicitly in either text, rape is at the center of two of his most respected works from the period, “Khol Do” (Open) and “Thanda Gosht” (Cold Flesh). The topic angered the authorities, and Manto was tried, again unsuccessfully, for obscenity [3]. Although Manto had been tried three times in British India, conviction had never really been plausible. Now in Pakistan, with no financial resources and the very real possibility of jail time, these trials were especially damaging to Manto’s flagging spirit. “Toba Tek Singh,” generally regarded as Manto’s greatest story, was published in 1955. In 589 only a few pages, the story tells of a Sikh inmate at an insane asylum and his fruitless quest to determine whether his village, the eponymous “Toba Tek Singh,” is now in India or Pakistan. The story offers an interpretation of “madness” that moves beyond mental illness, taking aim at Partition itself and the political elite that engineered it. Although Manto the writer found inspiration in the alienation of Lahore and the devastation of Partition, the same events took a heavy toll on Manto the man. Acquaintances reported that he had become overly defensive and fragile, and that he would frequently ask acquaintances for money he could not return. Always fond of a drink, Manto in Bombay had limited his drinking to social occasions [4]. In Lahore, with few friends and an uprooted social structure, he began to drink heavily. In 1955, the poor quality of the alcohol, together with the vast amounts he consumed, led to his death, by cirrhosis, at the age of 42. Legacy Manto maintains a dominant position in the study of twentieth-century Urdu literature, as attested by several academic conferences that have explored his life, work, and legacy. In 2012, the centennial of his birth was marked by celebrations and special events among Urdu-speaking communities throughout the world. Indeed, Manto’s writing has achieved a near mythic status among many. One of his principal translators into English, Khalid Hassan, describes his writing process thus: “He was one of those writers who never revise anything they have written . . . [F]rom start to finish, the hand remains steady and unusually beautiful” [4]. Such praise notwithstanding, Manto’s writings are little known outside Urdu literary circles. Despite his many conservative detractors and his multiple obscenity trials there, in Pakistan Manto’s reputation is generally secure, and his works are regarded as an indispensable part of the Urdu literary canon. In India, however, his reputation has fared less well. Although India was Manto’s main subject, his writings there – like Urdu literature more generally – have increasingly disappeared from the national S 590 curriculum and popular consciousness [7]. In this regard, Manto’s words, penned during Partition, seem almost prophetic: “Will Pakistan’s literature be separate from that of India’s? . . . Who owns all that was written in undivided India? Will that be partitioned too?” [7]. Cross-References Saadat Hassan Manto Saiyad Sultān Ayesha A. Irani Department of Historical Studies, University of Toronto at Mississauga, Mississauga, ON, Canada Synonyms ▶ Aligarh Muslim University ▶ Ismat Chughtai ▶ Lahore Saida Sulatāna; Saiyada Sulatāna (in Bangla); Saiyyad Sulṭān (in Arabic and Persian) References Definition 1. Bhalla A (1997) Life and works of Saadat Hasan Manto. Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla 2. Flemming LA, Naqvi T (1985) The life and works of Saadat Hasan Manto. Vanguard Books, Lahore 3. Flemming LA (1979) Another lonely voice: the Urdu short stories of Saadat Hasan Manto. Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, Berkeley 4. Hassan K (1997) Mottled Dawn: fifty sketches and stories of partition. Penguin, India 5. Hassan K (2008) Bitter fruit: the very best of Saadat Hasan Manto. Penguin, New Delhi 6. Jalal A (2013) The pity of partition: Manto’s life, times, and work across the India-Pakistan divide. Princeton University Press, Princeton 7. Taseer A (2008) Manto: selected stories. Random House India, London Saiyad Sultān (fl. 1615–1646) was a Bengali ālim and Sufi pī r, who had ties to the Chittagong region of early modern east Bengal, in what today is part of the nation-state of Bangladesh. He is best known in the Bangla literary tradition for his Nabī vaṃśa, “The Prophet’s Lineage,” the first epic biography on the Prophet Muḥammad composed in Bangla. Saadat Hassan Manto ▶ Saʿādat Ḥasan Maṅṫō Sadat Hassan Manto ▶ Saʿādat Ḥasan Maṅṫō Saida Sulatāna ▶ Saiyad Sultān Historical Details About the Author Saiyad Sultān (fl. 1615–1646) was a Bengali ālim (Bangla for “learned man, theologian”) and Sufi pī r, who had ties to the Chittagong region of early modern east Bengal, in what today is part of the nation-state of Bangladesh. He is known among his literary confrères as a pīr who authored the Nabī vaṃśa, “The Prophet’s Lineage,” the first epic biography on the Prophet Muḥammad composed in Bangla. The text quickly achieved canonical status within the early modern Muslim Bangla literary tradition, in part due to the inaccessibility to native Bengalis in this period of Islamic literature written in Arabic and Persian [18 (Chapter 8), 23]. Little historical evidence is available to develop a clear picture of Saiyad Sultān’s life. Authorial colophons that periodically punctuate the Nabī vaṃśa attest Sultān’s allegiance to a Sufi guru/pī r by the name of Śāh Hosen, of Saiyad Sultān whose history and Sufi ṭarīqah little is known. Through the writings of Mohāmmad Khān, Sultān’s chief disciple, who came from a socially prominent family of Chittagong, it is known that Sultān instructed Khān to complete his tale by writing the account of the battle of Karbalā, followed by an account of the eschaton; Khān accordingly wrote Maktul Hosen, “The Slain Hosen” [4, 5], completing it in 1646 C.E. ([15], pp. 326–327). This dated manuscript ([22], Ms. 241, p. 161), along with other pieces of evidence, including Mohāmmad Khān’s family tree, suggests that Sultān’s birth date could have been no earlier than 1580 [10, p. 124], and that the Nabī vaṃśa was composed after 1600 but most probably closer in time to 1646 ([18], pp. 29–44). Manuscript evidence further suggests that Sultān resided at some time in his life in medieval Parāgalpur in Chittagong ([15], pp. 294–295). Local memory associates Saiyad Sultān, the pī r, with medieval Cakraśālā, in today’s Patiya district of Chittagong [13]. Manuscripts of the Nabī vaṃśa were largely collected from the Chittagong region, and to a lesser extent from neighboring Comilla, showing that the Nabī vaṃśa acquired popularity in these areas. Sultān’s writings suggest that he was keenly interested in issues of Muslim identity formation, community building, and conversion to the faith. The polemical nature of his text and his scathing critique of Kr̥ṣṇa, the supreme deity of the Gauṛīya Vaiṣṇavas, suggest that he viewed the missionary activities and rising popularity of Gauṛīya Vaiṣṇavism in seventeenth-century Bengal to be the most significant threat to the spread of Islam in the region. The Nabīvamśa, “The Prophet’s ˙ Other Works Lineage,” and Saiyad Sultān describes his magnum opus, the Nabī vaṃśa, as nabī ra pāñcālī (“The Prophet’s pāñcālī ”) ([6], e.g., Vol. 2, p. 112), placing it, on the one hand, in the Bangla narrative genre of the pāñcālī , devoted to purāṇic and non-purāṇic themes, prominent among which are the Bangla Rāmāyaṇa of Kr̥ttivāsa (Śrī rāma Pāñcālī ), 591 Mālādhara Basu’s Śrī kr̥ṣṇavijaya, and the maṅgala-vijaya literature celebrating various folk deities. Like these other pāñcālī s, the Nabī vaṃśa was largely written in the payāra and tripadī meters, and was performed and sung in various musical modes (rāga) specified by the author. The Nabī vaṃśa was thus a text to rival the Bangla Hindu pāñcālī s, the author himself stating his intention to steer Bengalis away from the enchanting stories of Rāma and Kr̥ṣṇa and toward the figure of the Prophet of Islam ([6], Vol. 2, p. 479). On the other hand, the Nabī vaṃśa’s selfdescription also places it in the narrative traditions of the Arabic qiṣṣa or the Persian dāstān, especially the qiṣaṣ al-anbiyāʾ (“tales of the prophets”). As a sacred biography, it stands within the Arabic sīra or biographical tradition on the Prophet Muḥammad as well as within the Bangla carita or hagiographical tradition, newly pioneered by the Gauṛīya Vaiṣṇavas around the figure of their charismatic founder, Kr̥ṣṇa Caitanya (1486–1533). Written as a universal history, the Nabī vaṃśa also shares continuities in scope and form with both the medieval Islamic tradition of the tāʾrī kh (“world history”) and with the Sanskrit purāṇa. Thus, the text straddles multiple linguistic, literary, and aesthetic traditions – Arabo-Persian and Indic ([18], pp. 192–196). After Sāhityaviśārada Abdul Karim—a farsighted East Bengali manuscript collector and literary expert, first brought the manuscripts of the Nabī vaṃśa to scholarly attention in the early twentieth century [21, 22], the text was critically edited by the Bangla literary historian, Ahmad Sharif [6]. Based on insubstantial evidence, M. E. Haq [15, (p. 298), 16, 17] and Sharif ([24], pp. 64–73), following him, have attributed to Sultān other works, such as Jñāna Pradī pa, “Lamp of Knowledge” [3]; Jñāna Cautiśā, “The Thirty-Four Consonants of Knowledge” [2]; some lyrical poetry, padāvalī [8]; and an untitled narrative poem on the Prophet Muḥammad’s defeat of the infidel King Jaykum, provisionally entitled Jaykum Rājāra Laṛāi, “The Battle with King Jaykum” [1]. In addition, Haq has attributed Iblisnāmā, “The Chronicle of Iblis” to Sultān ([15], p. 298), an attribution that Sharif has effectively refuted ([24], p. 68). Among these, there is S 592 some possibility that the Sufi practice-manual, Jñāna Pradī pa, may have been written by the author of the Nabī vaṃśa, based upon shared attestation of the master-disciple relationship between Śāh Hosen and Saiyad Sultān, and continuities between the two texts’ conceptual frameworks. The Nabī vaṃśa’s grand scale and ambitions make it the first major work to introduce Islamic doctrine to Bengalis in their mother-tongue. The text relates the sacred beginnings of the cosmos and its unfolding through religious history to meet its fulfillment in the Prophet of Islam. The cosmogonical narrative includes the Sufi conception of creation emanating from the mystical communion between God and the Nūr Muḥammad, the Muḥammadan Light; the formation of the primordial pair, Mārica (Mārij in Arabic) and Mārijāta (Mārija in Arabic), who produced two classes of jinn; the eventual destruction of both parties by sin; and the futile creation of the four Vedas, which, while failing to reform humankind, serves to acknowledge the future manifestation of the Prophet Muḥammad. The failure of various prophets (designated as “great men,” mahājana in the text) – identifiable as specific Hindu deities, such as Śiva, and various avatāras of Viṣṇu, including Rāma – to eradicate evil from the earth leads to the eventual creation of Ādam. He is followed by a line of prophets including Hābil (Abel), Śiś (Seth), Idris (Enoch), Nūh (Noah), Ibrāhim (Abraham), Hari (i.e., Kr̥ṣṇa), Musā (Moses), Dāud (David), Solemān (Solomon), Jākāriyā (Zachariah), and Īsā (Jesus), whose stories are told in some detail, building up to a lengthy account of the Prophet Muḥammad’s life. A prophet born of the line of Kābil (Cain), Hari/ Kr̥ṣṇa is the only Hindu god who punctuates the line of Judeo-Islamic prophets after Ādam. While simultaneously being subsumed within Islamic prophetology, this Muslim Kr̥ṣṇa, and the Śaiva and Vaiṣṇava predecessors of Ādam, uniquely magnifies the Prophet Muḥammad’s genealogy with the hoary heritage of Hindu gods [12, 18 (pp. 8081)]. Albeit making significant narratological innovations to the traditional Islamic accounts of the Saiyad Sultān prophets, Sultān’s text, in part, draws heavily upon al-Kisāʾī’s Arabic Qiṣaṣ al-anbiyāʾ [9], particularly for the tale-cycles of Mārica-Mārijāta, and Ādam down to the Prophet Īsā. The original source of the section of the Nabī vaṃsá on the Prophet’s life – the final section of the text – remains unknown. This section, designated Rasul Carita in Ahmad Sharif’s edition, is divided into three parts. Part one begins with an elaboration upon distinctly Sufi cosmogonical themes, particularly pertaining to the role of the Nūr Muḥammad in creation, adumbrated in the opening verses of the Nabī vaṃśa. Then follows Muḥammad’s birth and his early life as a Prophet. The focus of part two, Ś ab-i Merāj, “The Night of the Ascension,” is the Prophet’s ascension, and his later crises and eventual successes in consolidating the faith (For a discussion of this section see [18, 19]). Part three, Ophāt-i Rasul, “The Prophet’s Demise,” concerns his last days and eventual passing, ending with a brief description of the conquests of the first three caliphs [7]. Modern Legacy Unlike the Bengali Rāmāyaṇa of Kr̥ttivāsa and the Mahābhārata of Kāśīrāmadāsa, the Nabī vaṃśa did not find its way into print in the nineteenthcentury with the rise of print culture in Bengal. It was instead eclipsed by Baṭatalā publications of other Muslim Bengali genres and modern translations into dobhāṣī Bangla of Persian “tales of the prophets,” such as Muhammad Khāter’s translation of Ghulām Nabī Ibn ʿInāyatullāh’s Urdu translation of Isḥāq al-Nīsābūrī’s Persian Qiṣaṣ al-Anbiyāʾ ([25], Vol. 2, p. 713). The chief reason for the Nabī vaṃśa’s decline was the changing conceptions of Islam and the Prophet among urban Muslim Bengalis, who likely found Saiyad Sultān’s language and literary style, his prophetological innovations, and his portrayal of the Prophet Muḥammad increasingly incongruous with their sensibilities. Nonetheless, while the Nabī vaṃśa is not an important religious text for modern Bengali Muslims, there has been a revival, in Bangladesh, of interest in it as Saiyad Sultān cultural heritage. Its author’s legacy has in fact been contested by scholars and the faithful of two regions of Bangladesh – Chittagong and Sylhet [18]. The Chittagonian literary historians, M. E. Haq and Ahmad Sharif, and more recently Mohammad Ishaq Caudhuri [13], emphasize Saiyad Sultān’s links to the Chittagong region. Muhammad Asaddar Ali [10], Jatindra Mohan Bhattacharjee [11], Mazharul Islam [20], and Saiyad Hasan Imam Hoseni Chishti [14], who have espoused the Sylhettee cause, have made attempts to prove that Saiyad Sultān’s birthplace was Laśkarpur, a village within the Habiganj district of Greater Sylhet. Notably, Saiyad Hasan Imam Hoseni Chishti, a local Sufi pī r of Habiganj, Sylhet, who claims to be the eldest living descendant of Saiyad Sultān, founded, in 1988, the Mahākavi Saiyad Sultān Sāhitya o Gaveṣaṇā Pariṣada, the Mahākavi Saiyad Sultān Literary and Research Council. Such endeavors are a testimony to the early modern pī r-author’s enduring appeal to various modern-day Bangladeshi regional groups, operating within secular and religious contexts. Cross-References ▶ Tarīqah References Primary Sources 1. Jaykum Rājāra Laṛāi attributed to Saiyad Sultān (1978). In: Sharif A (ed) Saiyad Sulatān viracita Nabīvaṃśa, vol 2 (2 vols). Bangla Academy, Dhaka, pp 551–561 2. Jñāna Cautiśā attributed to Saiyad Sultān (1978). In: Sharif A (ed) Saiyad Sultān viracita Nabīvaṃśa, vol 2. Bangla Academy, Dhaka, pp 661–666 3. Jñāna Pradīpa attributed to Saiyad Sultān (1978). In: Sharif A (ed) Saiyad Sultān viracita Nabīvaṃśa, vol 2. Bangla Academy, Dhaka, pp 573–660 4. Maktul Hosen of Mohāmmad Khān (1996). In: Miya MS (ed) Mohammad Khān praṇīta Maktul Hosen: Sampādanā o ālocanā. DLitt thesis, Rabindra Bharati University 5. Maktul Hosen of Mohāmmad Khān. In: Miya MS (ed) (forthcoming) Mohammad Khān praṇīta Maktul 593 6. 7. 8. 9. Hosen: Sampādanā o ālocanā. Bangla Academy, Dhaka Nabīvaṃśa of Saiyad Sultān (1978). In: Sharif A (ed) Saiyad Sultān viracita Nabīvaṃśa, 2 vols. Bangla Academy, Dhaka Ophāte Rasul of Saiyad Sultān’s Nabīvaṃśa (1949/ 1356 B.Ś.). In: Ahmad A (ed) Ophāte-Rasul, Marhum Saiyad Sultān viracita. Ānjumān Ārā Begum, Comilla Padāvalī attributed to Saiyad Sultān (1978). In: Sharif A (ed) Saiyad Sultān viracita Nabīvaṃśa, vol 2. Bangla Academy, Dhaka, 667–679 Qiṣaṣ al-anbiyāʾ of Muḥammad ibn ʿAbd Allāh al-Kisāʾī (1922–23). In: Eisenberg I (ed) Vita prophetarum, 2 vols. E. J. Brill, Lugduni-Batavorum Secondary Sources 10. Ali MA (1990/1397 B.Ś.) Mahākavi Saiyad Sultān. Mahākavi Saiyad Sultāna Sāhitya o Gaveṣaṇā Pariṣada, Habiganj, Sylhet 11. Bhattacharjee JM (1944–45/1351–52 B.Ś.) Kavi Saiyad Soltān (ālocanā). Sāhitya Pariṣat Patrikā 51(1 and 2):96–98 12. Bhattacharya F (1999) Hari the Prophet – an Islamic view of a Hindu god in Saiyad Sultan’s Nabi Vamsha. In: Hasan P, Islam MM (eds) Essays in memory of Momtazur Rahman Tarafdar. Dhaka University, Dhaka 13. Caudhurī MI (1991) Saiyad Sultān viracita Nabī Vaṃś a kāvyera anulipi. Dainika I¯śāna [Published on December 26] 14. Ciśtī, Saiyad Hāsān Imām Hosenī (1987/1394 B.Ś.) Tarapha era itikathā. Maïnul Hāsān and Phirojā Iyāsmin, [Habiganj?] 15. Haq ME (1991/1398 B.Ś.) Muslim Bāṃlā sāhitya [Bāṃlā Sāhitye Muslim avadānera saṃkṣipta itihāsa]. In: Musa M (ed) Muhammad Enāmul Hak racanāvalī, vol 1. Bangla Academy, Dhaka 16. Haq ME (1957) Muslim Bengali literature. Pakistan Publications, Karachi 17. Haq ME (1997/1404 B.Ś.) Kavi Saiyad Sultān. Paper presented at the fourth monthly meeting of the Baṅgīya Sāhitya Pariṣada on 20th Aświn, 1341 B.Ś. In: Musa M (ed) Muhammad Enāmul Hak racanāvalī, vol 5. Bangla Academy, Dhaka 18. Irani AA (2011) Sacred biography, translation, and conversion: the Nabīvaṃśa of Saiyad Sultān and the making of Bengali Islam, 1600–present. PhD dissertation, University of Pennsylvania 19. Irani AA (2010) Mystical love, prophetic compassion, and ethics: an ascension narrative in the medieval Bengali Nabīvaṃśa of Saiyad Sultān. In: Gruber C, Colby F (eds) The Prophet’s ascension: cross-cultural encounters with the Islamic Miʿrāj tales. Indiana University Press, Bloomington/ Indianapolis 20. Islam M (1999) Saiyad Sultān: his birthplace and time. In: Das RP (ed) Essays on middle Bengali literature. Firma KLM, Calcutta S 594 21. Karim A (Sāhityaviśārada) (1997/1404 B.Ś.) Jñāna Pradīpa. In: Caudhuri AA (ed) Ābdul Karim Sāhityaviśārada racanāvalī, vol 1. Bangla Academy, Dhaka 22. Karim A (Sāhityaviśārada) (1914/1321 B.Ś.) Bāṅgālā prācīna puthira vivaraṇa. Eka khaṇḍa, dui saṃkhyā. In: Sāhitya Pariṣad Granthāvalī, no. 43. Baṅgīya Sāhitya Pariṣada Mandira, Calcutta 23. Miya MM (1993/1399 B.Ś.) Bāṃlā sāhitye Rasul carita (1295–1980). Bangla Academy, Dhaka 24. Sharif A (1972/1379 B.Ś.) 2006. Saiyad Sultān: Tām̐ra granthāvalī o tām̐ra yuga [pariciti khaṇḍa]. Reprint. Āgāmī Prakāśanī, Dhaka 25. Sharif A (1983) Bāṅgālī o Bāṅgalā Sāhitya, 2 vols. New Age Publications, Dhaka Saiyada Sulatāna Samā‘ James R. Newell Vanderbilt University, Nashville, TN, USA Synonyms Darbar-i-aulīya; Listening; Mahfil; Mahfil-isamā‘; Music; Spiritual concert; Sufi concert; Sufi ritual Definition Saiyada Sulatāna ▶ Saiyad Sultān An Arabic word signifying hearing, usually translated as “audition,” or “listening.” Most often refers to a Sufi ritual in the tradition of the Dhikr. Saiyid Ahmad Barelvi Introduction ▶ Sayyid Ahmed Barelvi In the context of mystical Islam, or Sufism, samā‘ refers to listening to the singing or chanting of inspired or sacred words accompanied by music for the purpose of spiritual arousal. The samā‘ is a ritual practice, a formal communal gathering arranged for listening to spiritual music, and may also include programs for spiritual dance. The samā‘ ritual is designed and enacted with the intention of focusing the attention of the listener upon God and upon the spiritual master as guide and exemplar. The purpose of the samā‘ gathering is to inspire ecstatic states of religious experience in the participants. In this sense samā‘ is related to the practice of dhikr [Arabic, remembrance, or dhikr allāh, remembrance of God]. The dhikr is a group ritual practice in which sacred words or phrases are rhythmically repeated in order to achieve communion with the divine and to inspire ecstatic spiritual states. In the case of samā‘, such words or phrases are most often poetic compositions set to classical and/or folk melodies and rhythms. The musical sounds supporting the sung texts in samā‘ are constructed and performed with the explicit intention of guiding the listener into subjective states of religious experience. In Saiyyad Sultān ˙ ▶ Saiyad Sultān Salāh ˙ ▶ Prayer, Islam Salāt ˙ ▶ Prayer, Islam Salīm ▶ Jahāngīr, Nūruddin Mohammad Samā‘ South Asia the most prominent form of samā‘ is qawwālī. Samā‘ History and Controversy As early as the ninth century there has been controversy in Islam regarding the acceptability of samā‘, with opposition to samā‘ coming from conservative Muslims. Even among Sufis acceptance of samā‘ was not unanimous. Islamic thinkers have always understood sound to be powerful; the primary objections to samā‘ have been that this power could be a distraction. The most cited objection to samā‘ has been that listening to music is a “diversion” that inhibits the believer from focusing upon God. In response to these objections, supporters of samā‘ have emphasized that music can be an essential aid to concentration on God rather than a hindrance [1]. The Andalusian Sufi shaykh Ibn ‘Arabī emphasized the importance of sound with the argument that God “. . .places listening before knowledge and sight. The first thing we knew from God and which became connected to us from Him was His speech (qawl) and our listening (samā‘). . . The cosmos can have no existence without speech on God’s part and listening on the part of the cosmos” [2]. In terms of sound and music in religious practice, the question for Muslims has never been whether sound is powerful; rather, the question is to what end will this power be used? The debate around the use of music, then, is essentially a question of into which category the use of music falls: ḥalāl or ḥarām, allowed or prohibited, lawful or unlawful. Although more precise legal distinctions may be made, the symbolic categories of ḥalāl and ḥarām are key concepts in understanding why it has been imperative for Sufis to affirm that music is coextensive with religion in the practice of samā‘. One of the earliest arguments against music, written in the ninth century, is Ibn Abī’l-Dunyā’s (d. 894) Dhamm al-Malahi [The Book of the Censure of Instruments of Diversion]. Ibn Abi’lDunya’s arguments in Dhamm al-Malahi became the standard model that continues to be followed in legalist arguments against music in Islam today. 595 Since there is no direct mention of music in the Qur’ān, Ibn Abī’l-Dunyā relies mainly upon citations from the traditions of the Prophet, most of which only touch on music tangentially. The citations usually address “diversions” generally, including games such as backgammon and chess, denouncing them as a distraction from prayer and religious practice [3]. Later writers, both Sufis and legalists, discussed a host of topics, including the legality of samā‘ at all, the use of musical instruments in sama’, whether dance should be permitted, or the clapping of hands, the stomping of feet, and the rending of clothing [1]. Responses to legalist objections to the use of music in religious contexts typically argue that, although some forms of music may distract Muslims from religious obligations, spiritual music is itself a form of supererogatory prayer and is an aid, not a hindrance, to the religious life. Important proponents of samā‘ include the famous theologian Abū Hāmid al-Ghazzālī (d. 1111) and his lesser-known brother, Majd al-Dīn alGhazzālī (d. 1126; also known as Aḥmed alGhazzālī). Although samā‘ has never been universally accepted, Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazzālī was such an influential thinker that his support of the practice led to greater tolerance among legalists and theologians [3]. Various details of behavior and etiquette [adab] that Sufis have employed in the practice of samā‘ have primarily been developed in an effort to assure that samā‘ falls unquestionably into the ḥalāl, permitted, category of Islamic law. The attacks upon samā‘, which were largely attacks by legalists upon the Sufi worldview in general, actually served to encourage early Sufis to attribute more and more powerful effects to music and to further emphasize its potential for spiritual benefit. These ongoing attacks on the practice of samā‘ contributed to the development of symbolic features of the ritual practice as well as symbolic characteristics in the music itself that represent the manifestation of spiritual power [baraka]. Although Ibn Abī’l-Dunyā includes music as one of a general group of “diversions” from right living in which the élite of Baghdad of the period indulged, he does not actually criticize samā‘ as S 596 a practice. Samā‘ as practiced by Sufi orders is not opposed until later periods. It has been suggested that Ibn Abī’l-Dunyā’s objections to music may have been influenced by the use of music at the court of the caliphate in Baghdad, where it was often combined with drinking and other indulgences [3]. This suggests that samā‘ as a formal practice may have been in its formative stages at this time and that key developments in samā‘ as a ritual practice were defensive moves developed to affirm the propriety of the practice and to contrast it to the use of music at court. Even today in India, the formal samā‘ is enacted as an imitation of the royal court. The physical arrangement is that of a darbar [royal court], with the musicians facing the shaykh, (or doorway of the tomb shrine of a departed saint [walī ]). The themes of the song texts of the samā ‘include songs in praise of Allah and the Prophet Muḥammad, but love songs [ghazals] are also included, as they were at court, although these are now understood metaphorically. To say that one is enraptured by the beloved is meant to signify love for the spiritual master, the shaykh, or God; the wine cup is the heart; the wine within the cup is the intoxicating, ecstatic love for God. It would seem that the development of the samā‘ ritual was constructed deliberately in response to legalists like Ibn Abī’l-Dunyā who criticized the use of music in the royal court at Baghdad. It is as if the Sufi response was: “Yes, we use music, just like the people at court, but we answer each of your objections by directing our activities towards the remembrance [dhikr] of God.” This in turn led to an emphasis on symbolic features in the music itself, which supported the spiritual aims of the samā‘. Samā‘ in South Asia: Qawwālī, Mahfil-i-samā‘, and Darbar-i-aulīyā In South Asia the centuries-old tradition of samā‘ has been largely preserved through the Sufi music of qawwālī . Qawwālī is essentially the South Asian variant of samā‘. The establishment of qawwālī as a musical genre is usually traced to the dargah of the Sufi shaykh Nizām Samā‘ al-Dīn Awlīyā (d.1325) of Delhi and his disciple, the famed Muslim poet Amīr Khusrau (d.1325). Nizām al-Dīn is a key figure in the Chishtiyya Sufi lineage, the Sufi fraternity most closely linked with qawwālī and samā‘ in South Asia. The mahfil-i-samā‘ [assembly for listening] is the most formal, ritualized aspect of qawwālī performance in South Asia. The mahfil is commonly performed in the religious context of a saint’s death anniversary [‘urs] and other highly structured religious observations. The mahfil-isamā‘ is the classic occasion for qawwālī . At this time a saint is honored in the person of a shaykh in the saint’s lineage. Such a gathering typically takes place at a major dargah (Fig. 1) and is characterized as the darbar-i-aulī yā, or the “royal court of saints.” As samā‘ developed in South Asia, it was not the court at Baghdad that was being imitated, but the court of the Delhi Sultanate. In the context of the darbar-i-aulī yā, the gathering symbolizes the spiritual reality of the institutional lineage of the Sufi order as well as its mystical spiritual hierarchy [4]. Not all Sufi orders in South Asia permit the practice of samā‘. The Naqshbandiyya and the Suhrawardiyya prohibit the use of music, although they do allow the reading of mystical poetry without musical accompaniment [5]. The Chishtiyya, on the other hand, hold samā‘ in the highest regard. Acknowledging the variety of attitudes towards music and samā‘ in South Asian Sufism, in their book Sufi Martyrs of Love, Western scholars Carl Ernst and Bruce Lawrence [6] summarize the possible Sufi approaches to samā‘. Sama‘ relates to the spiritual progress of a Muslim mystic or Sufi adept in one of three ways: (1) it may be totally excluded as inappropriate to Islamic teaching—mystical or nonmystical (as the Mughal Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi [d. 1624] and his suborder, the Mujaddidiyya Naqshbandiyya, believed); (2) it may be accepted as a penultimate stage on the mystical ladder leading to ontological unity, i.e. perfection; or (3) it may be viewed as the top rung of the ladder, itself the ultimate mystical experience when properly pursued. The Chishtiyya are the primary practitioners of samā‘ in South Asia, and for Chishti theorists, the Satpanth 597 Samā‘, Fig. 1 Mohammed Ahmed Warsi Nasiri Qawwāl (playing harmonium at left) and party, performing at the mahfil-i-samā‘ at the 2005 urs of Hazrat Babajan of Pune, India debate concerning samā‘ has always revolved around the second or third categories. Although the controversy around music and samā‘ remains unresolved in the larger Islamic community, for most Chishti Sufis samā‘ is an essential element of worship [6]. 5. Qureshi RB (1995) Sufi music of India and Pakistan: sound, context and meaning in Qawwali. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 6. Ernst CW, Lawrence BB (2002) Sufi martyrs of love: the Chishti order in South Asia and beyond. Palgrave Macmillan, New York Cross-References Satpanth ▶ Amīr Khusrau ▶ Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā ▶ Qawwali ▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia Carole A. Barnsley Department of Religion, Transylvania University, Lexington, KY, USA S Synonyms References 1. Gribetz A (1991) The samā‘ controversy: Sufi vs. legalist. Stud Islam 74:43–62 2. Chittick WC (1989) The Sufi path of knowledge: Ibn al-Arabi’s metaphysics of imagination. State University of New York Press, Albany 3. Shiloah A (1997) Music and religion in Islam. Acta Musicol 69(2):143–155 4. Qureshi RB (1994) Samā‘ in the Royal Court of the Saints: the Chishtiyya of South Asia. In: Smith GM, Ernst CW (eds) Manifestations of sainthood in Islam. The Isis Press, Istanbul Imām Shāhī; Khoja; Momna; Nizārī Ismā‘īlī; Shamsi Definition Satpanth literally means “true path” and is a term associated with both Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs and Imām Shāhīs in the context of the Indian subcontinent. 598 Context After the fall of Alamūt to the Mongols in 654/ 1256, the Nizārī Ismā‘īlī community was scattered from Syria to various areas including Persia, Central Asia, and South Asia. As a result, Nizārī Ismā‘īlism experienced a development of a wide range of religious and cultural traditions in a variety of different languages ([3], p. 403). In this context, the Imāms – designated spiritual heads of the community, henceforth imam – who had descended from Rukn al-Dīn Khurshāh were forced into hiding and consequently concealed from their followers. While a number of issues, including a scarcity of primary sources on the time period, not to mention the practice of taqiyya, or religious dissimulation, obscure much of the beginning of this community, it is worth noting that a number of scholars have studied and continue to study the gināns (religious corpus of hymns) and other related texts to shed more light on the subject ([2], p. 82). During the first two centuries postAlamūt, the Nizārī imamate split into two: the Muḥammad-Shāhīs and the Qāsim-Shāhīs. While the former were initially more successful, at least in the Indian context, the latter, beginning in the ninth/ fifteenth century, eventually took control over the communities in Syria, Central Asia, and India. While the imamate was still located in Persia, the imams remained in contact, however indirectly, with their followers in India through da‘wa, or mission activity. The communities in India centered themselves around a leader or pī r, who had either been appointed by the imam of the time or selected locally by the community. Eventually the pī rs developed their own lineages, became more autonomous, and subsequently threatened the central authority of the imam. In the face of this, the imams, starting with Mustanṣir bi’llāh II, began to send their own delegates to replace the local pī rs and increased contact with them in order to reorganize and control the communities in India. Satpanth and the Ismā‘īlīs Satpanth, meaning “true path,” is often used in conjunction with Ismā‘īlī to refer to the religious Satpanth community, including its beliefs and practices, that was established by the work of the Nizārī pī rs in South Asia. To that end it serves to both distinguish the Ismā‘īlīs in their Indic context from their non-Indic past and at the same time maintain their Shī‘ī, Imāmī, Ismā‘īlī, and Nizārī heritage. At different though often overlapping times, this Nizārī Ismā‘īlī community in its Indic context has been variously referred to as Khojas, Momnas, Shamsis, or Satpanthis. In these environs Satpanth Ismā‘īlism interacted with a variety of other traditions both Muslim and Indic and as a result took on many of their various religious concepts. Through the practice of taqiyya, the community often mimicked many of the local religious groups. To this end, Satpanth Ismā‘īlism is often likened to Sufi ṭarīqas. In fact many of the Nizārī pīrs were either directly or indirectly linked to Sufi orders and were often claimed by the often competing tradition posthumously. Like the Sufis, the Satpanth Ismā‘īlīs tend to champion the esoteric aspect of their faith, allowing for the adoption and adaption of a number of different exoteric guises. Thus, in the Indic context, the pī rs readily used local and often non-Muslim means of communicating Satpanth Ismā‘īlī beliefs and practices. A good example of this practice is seen in the ginān literature. The gināns or hymns composed by a number of different pī rs used both Indic languages and Indic poetic forms and often incorporated Hindu religious imagery to convey Nizārī Ismā‘īlī ideas. While the gināns continue to be central to the Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs, gināns, such as the Dasa Avatāra, that epitomize the use of Hindu imagery, while fundamental to Satpanth Ismā‘īlism, are now recited considerably less to the point of exclusion. The parallels with Indic traditions did not rest with literary adaptations, as the pī rs themselves were often characterized as yogis or ascetics. While on one level they could be likened to the shaykhs of the Sufi brotherhoods, on another level they were just like any other guru in the Indian context that was not necessarily Muslim. This is where the panth of Satpanth makes more sense. It literally means path and in its Indic context carried the connotation of being a group centered on an individual, in this case the pīr. As such, Satpanth was the way the pī rs often Satpanth referred to the Ismā‘īlism that they were preaching in their gināns, as a path superior to that promoted by others in their surroundings. Satpanth and the Imām Shāhīs Satpanth is also associated with the Imām Shāhīs, a group who share a history with the Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs in South Asia, but who also later seceded from the Nizārī community. It is specifically in this context of secession that the term Satpanth is used to designate the Imām Shāhīs as an albeit confusing way to distinguish them from the Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs. As noted earlier, the pī rs, though initially appointed and sent by the imam of the time, eventually became powerful locally, and this is evidenced in the development of their hereditary lineages and the autonomy they held in composing their teachings, namely, the gināns. After the first archetypal and legendary pīr Satgur Nūr, and the less elusive Pīr Shams al-Dīn, the pī rs tended to be sons who inherited the position. So Pīr Shihāb al-Dīn followed his father and was succeeded by his son, Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn, who in turn was followed by his son Pīr Ḥasan Kabīr alDīn. As with most hereditary lineages, it is not surprising that eventually there were challenges to the line resulting in schisms. After the death of Pīr Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn, it had become evident to the imam of the time that the pī rs wielded too much power in their locality and as such represented a threat to the authority of the imam. To this end, the imam decided to designate Tāj al-Dīn, the brother of Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn, as the next pīr. The designation upset his eighteen sons, some of whom were jostling to be pī r themselves. Tāj alDīn’s reign did not last long and ended tragically with his suicide, after he was accused of pilfering from the tithe owed to the imam. Imām alDin ‘Abd Raḥim b. Ḥasan (one of Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn’s sons), more popularly known as Imām Shāh, tried in vain to succeed him. The imam of the time, however, never gave him his official designation. This did not prevent him from following his calling as he continued to compose gināns and convert Hindus to Satpanth Ismā‘īlism. For all his work, he is considered 599 a sayyid within the Nizārī community. Upon his death in 919/1513, Imām Shāh’s son Nar Muḥammad allegedly seceded from the community and established the Imām Shāhī sect in his father’s name. It is in this context that the Imām Shāhīs are referred to as Satpanthīs. The Imām Shāhīs continued to compose and collect their own gināns, many of which are shared with the Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs. In time, they rejected any connection to the Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs and consequently their imams. That said, they recognize a number of the early imams but add that their pī rs after Imām Shāh were in fact imams, with Nar Muḥammad being the last. Similarly, they allege that the early pīrs up to and including Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn were Twelver Shī‘īs. So while Satpanth in reference to the Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs would seem to refer to their teachings and beliefs centered around the pīr and later adopted and adapted by the imam, for the Imām Shāhīs, it refers to their group identity as distinctly nonNizārī Ismā‘īlī and centered around a local leader initially known as the pīr but later understood to be the Imām. Cross-References ▶ Aga Khan ▶ Imām Shāhī ▶ Ismā‘īlīs ▶ Khoja ▶ Momna ▶ Pīr Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn ▶ Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn ▶ Satpanth ▶ Shamsi References 1. Asani A (1992) The Ismaili gināns as devotional literature. In: McGregor RS (ed) Devotional literature in South Asia: current research, 1985–1988. Cambridge University Press 2. Asani A (2002) Ecstasy and enlightenment. I.B. Tauris 3. Daftary F (2007) The Ismā‘īlīs. Their history and doctrines, 2nd edn. Cambridge University Press 4. Fyzee AAA (1934) Cases in the Muhammadan law of India and Pakistan. Oxford at the Clarendon Press S 600 5. Hamdani A (1956) The beginnings of the Ismā‘īlī Da‘wa in Northern India. Cairo, Sirovic Books 6. Hollister JN (1979) The Shi‘a of India. New Delhi, Luzac and Co 7. Ivanow W (1922) Ismailitica. Mem Asiatic Soc Bengal 8:1–76. Asiatic Society 8. Ivanow W (1936) The Sect of the Imam Shah in Gujrat. JBBRAS, NS 12:19–70 9. Ivanow W (ed) (1948) Collectanea, vol 1. Leiden 10. Kassam TR (1995) Songs of wisdom and circles of dance: hymns of the Satpanth Ismaili Saint, Pir Shams. SUNY 11. Khan D (1997) Conversions and shifting identities: Ramdev Pir and the Ismailis of Rajasthan. New Delhi, Manohar Publishers and Distributors 12. Misra SC (1964) Muslim communities in Gujarat. New York, Munshiham Manoharlal 13. Nanji A (1978) The Nizari Isma‘ili tradition in the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent. Delmar, New York 14. Shackle C, Moir Z, Ismaili (1992) Hymns from South Asia: an introduction to the Ginans. London, Routledge 15. Subhan JA (1960) Sufism, its saints and shrines. Lucknow 16. Virani S (2007) The Ismailis in the Middle in Middle Ages. A history of survival, a search for salvation. Oxford University Press Saudā Life Saudā was born in Delhi to a prosperous family. His pen name “Saudā” is a pun meaning both “mad passion” and “trade,” namely, his family occupation. His first teacher was Sulaimān Qulī Ḳhān “Vidād” and the tradition also considers Shāh Ḥātim his teacher although they were about the same age [1]. Saudā was not formally a student of the great philologist Ārzū but apparently received advice from him on the value of writing in Urdu as opposed to Persian. He was active in the period when Ārzū and others were establishing what precisely Urdu would be as a literary medium, and so he considerably influenced the direction of the new idiom. He moved to Farrukhabad (in modern-day Uttar Pradesh) in 1757. Towards the end of his life, he settled in Lucknow to serve Nawab Shujā‘ udDaulah and eventually his successor Āṣif udDaulah [2]. Poetry Saudā ▶ Saudā, Mirzā (d. 1781) Saudā, Mirzā (d. 1781) Arthur Dudney Faculty of Oriental Studies, Oxford University, Oxford, UK Synonyms Muḥammad Rafī‘ Saudā; Saudā Definition Mirzā Muḥammad Rafī‘ Saudā (1706?–1781) was a poet active in Delhi, Farrukhabad, and Lucknow. He is known particularly for his Urdu satires and odes. Saudā wrote verse in both Persian and Urdu, which was then called “reḳhtah” or “mixed” verse. His younger contemporary Mīr Taqī Mīr calls him the “Poet Laureate” of reḳhtah in his Nikāt al-shu‘arā [Subtleties of the Poets, 1752], the first tażkirah (biographical dictionary) of vernacular poets written in Delhi. Saudā was a prolific poet in the ġhazal form. He is regarded as one of the few outstanding qaṣīdah (ode) writers in Urdu, but his ḥajv (satire) is especially prized. Arguably his most famous poem is a satire usually known as Taẓḥī k-e rozgār (Ridiculing the Times), which portrays a world turned upside down since all the honest professions are no longer worth doing [2, 3]. Saudā left his greatest mark on the tradition by expanding the secular possibilities of poetry, since previously composition in Urdu in Delhi had generally been in a mystical vein (with the exception of the tradition’s other great satirist, Ja‘far Zaṭallī). His contemporaries Mīr Taqī Mīr and Mīr Dard were both considerably more mystically inclined than he was [2]. He was a Shī‘ah 601 Sawm ˙ and wrote a satire on Shāh Walīullah, the famous Sunni reformer of his time. However, religion does not appear to have played a major role in his work as he was instead drawn to criticizing pompous poets and ineffective government functionaries (and has no qualms about insulting fellow Shī‘ahs). His poems appeared on colonial Urdu proficiency examinations no doubt because of their secular inspiration [4]. Although he apparently did not consider himself a Persian scholar, he was competent in Persian like virtually all Urdu poets of his time. His style in Persian was similar to that of Mirzā Ṣā’ib (d. 1676), the great seventeenth-century poet active in Isfahan. He was drawn into a debate over proper Persian style with the self-serious Faḳhr Makīn of Lucknow [1]. The end result of this conflict was a mediation session personally overseen by Nawab Āṣif ud-Daulah, if Āzād’s much later account is to be believed. Saudā also authored a pamphlet against Makīn called ‘Ibrat ul-ġhāfilī n (Advice to the Heedless) and for good measure also wrote a vicious satire about him. The tradition records his visit with the Iranian émigré Shaiḳh Muḥammad ‘Alī Ḥazīn (1692–1766), who eventually settled in Banaras. Saudā greatly respected Ḥazīn and apparently explained the subtleties of an Urdu verse to him [4]. Cross-References ▶ Ārzū, Sirāj al-Dīn ‘Alī Ḳhān (d. 1756) References 1. Azad MH (2001) Āb-e ḥayāt. Translated by Frances Pritchett with Shamsur Rahman Faruqi. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 2. Russell R, Islam K (1968) Three Mughal poets: Mir, Sauda, Mir Hasan. Harvard University, Cambridge, MA 3. Hasan M (ed) (1966) Kulliyāt-e saudā. Popular Publications, Delhi 4. Court H (trans) (1872) Selections from the kulliyat or complete works of Mirza Rafi-oos-Sauda being the parts appointed for the high proficiency examination in Oordoo. J. Elston, Simla Sawm ˙ Golam Dastagir1,2 and Raihanah Abdullah3 1 Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh 2 Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia 3 Department of Syariah and Law, Academy of Islamic Studies, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Synonyms Fasting; Fasting in Islam; Fasting in Ramaḍān; Muslim fasting; Siyām Definition Ṣawm, often called al-Ṣawm by Islamic jurists (‘ulamā’), is an Arabic word (pl. ṣiyām), which literally means “to refrain from,” and, therefore, by ṣawm is understood, broadly speaking, “refraining from any action or speech.” Ṣawm also refers to ṣumt, meaning silence. Known as fasting in Islam, ṣawm is one of the five pillars of Islam – an obligatory rite for every capable Muslim, however with exception, in the month of Ramaḍān, the ninth month of Islamic lunar calendar. Ṣawm in Ramaḍān does not follow any specific date of the Gregorian calendar, because the lunar calendar moves through the solar calendar, and therefore, ṣawm is observed sometimes in the winter and sometimes in the summer [10]. For Muslims in the Indian subcontinent, ṣawm is known as rozā – a Persian term, just as Ramaḍān, is widely used as Ramzān – a term in Urdu, close to which is Ramazān in Persian. Meaning Ṣawm simply means abstention from eating, drinking, smoking, and sexual activity from dawn until sunset. However, indulging in lust, temptation, and lowly desire, and involving in altercation, S 602 backbiting, and lying are also forbidden for Muslims observing ṣawm, which is discerned as a sacred rite of religious penance and purification for body, mind, and soul. Muslims are also required to restrain their passion, anger, and emotion during ṣawm as embodied in shari’āh. Ordained by God, ṣawm has social, moral, and spiritual implications. Historical Background The root word of “ṣawm” is ṣawmā, meaning “to abstain from.” One of the commonalities visible in major world religions is fasting, though in different forms and on certain conditions. For example, Hindus observe upabāsh on certain days such as Purnimā (full moon) and Vaikunta Ekādasi (the eleventh day of the fortnight) [11], Buddhists observe upasotha on full moon days [12], while Jews fast on Yom Kippur (Day of Atonement), and Christian Catholics fast on Ash-Wednesday and Good Friday, etc. From the Islamic perspective, fasting was prescribed by God upon all the religious communities before the Prophet Muḥammad, as the Qur’ān confirms: O ye who believe! Fasting is prescribed to you as it was prescribed to those before you, that ye may (learn) self-restraint (taqwā) (II:183). However, compared to other religions that enunciate exceptions in eating and drinking during fasting – even eating certain fruits and drinking juices are permitted in certain circumstances – fasting in Islam covers a broad spectrum in terms of methods, requirements, and purpose. The aforementioned verse (II:183) concerning ṣawm was revealed in the month of Shaʿbān during the second year of the Prophetic migration (hijrah) to Medina, though ṣawm is observed as obligatory for a full lunar month called Ramaḍān. It is pertinent to mention that the Prophet of Islam, prior to having received this verse in 624 C.E., observed ṣawm on the day of Ashura (10th Muḥarram of Islamic calendar) in a similar fashion that Jews used to fast in Medina in pre-Islamic days ([9], Ḥadīth No: 2499). This relates to a historical event, which says that Mūsā (Moses) by the mercy of God rescued thousands of Israelites from the evil of Pharaoh by crossing the Red Sawm ˙ Sea (Q. XX:47). The Qur’ān mentions that Mūsā (Moses) completed the whole time appointed by his Lord of 40 nights (VII:142), which is attributed to ṣawm by Islamic scholars, as the Arabic term ta’bbatha mentioned in the said verse is interpreted to denote what is meant by ṣawm [3, 6, 8]. The Qur’ānic message concerning Mūsā’s fasting reflects what is mentioned in the Jewish scripture (Exodus, 34:28). The month Ramaḍān is chosen for ṣawm, because the term “Ramaḍān” is derived from the root word ramḍ, meaning “to burn into ashes,” “to destroy,” “to annihilate,” and the like and the purpose of ṣawm is, metaphysically speaking, to burn the commanding nafs (nafs-al-āmmara) [XII:53] that attaches human beings to the material world and incites to all evils. For early Ṣūfīs (mystics of Islam), fasting is one of the chief means for taming and training the nafs [13]. They even made fasting more difficult, inventing the so-called ṣawm dā’ūdi, which means eating one day and fasting another day [13]. Norms of Sawm ˙ Ṣawm, requiring one to make intention (niyāt) first, begins with the pre-dawn meal (saḥūr) in which God places grace (barakah) before dawn, and ends with ifṭār (breakfast) at sunset, just before the evening prayer time (Maghrib), as the Qur’ān says: And eat and drink until the white thread is distinct from the dark thread of Fajr (II:187). There is no specific food recommended for saḥūr (also called sehri in the subcontinent) or ifṭār. The Prophet used to break his fast with a few dates and a glass of water ([1], Ḥadīth No: 2349). The actions that Muslims are not permitted during the fast include eating, drinking, smoking, taking medicine; kissing, caressing, and having sex; watching obscene movies or pictures; altercating or arguing unnecessarily; assaulting, hurting, and harming others by words and deeds; cheating, telling lies, hoarding foods; speaking and thinking ill of others like backbiting, slandering, jealousy, hypocrisy, etc. Suffice it to say that sexual intercourse is not forbidden for couples during night time. 603 Sawm ˙ Furthermore, of the actions that do not cause one to break the fast include using tooth-stick (miswāk); taking bath, washing mouth and nose; blood testing and injections of non-harmful substances that do not provide nourishment; using eyedrops, and engaging in normal daily affairs, etc. A misconception about the fast that looms large in the public mind is the question of who should be fasting. God is kind, and He does not impose on any soul a duty beyond its scope (Q. II:286). Ṣawm is obligatory for those who have reached puberty and are mentally and physically sound. Thus, according to Islam, people who are exempted from fasting in the month of Ramaḍān are minor children, aged people who are not able to fast, travelers, physically sick people, those who are mentally retarded, and women who are pregnant, or breast-feeding, or menstruating (Q. II:185). Of them, all except for minor children and aged people are required to fast an equal number of days afterwards. Classification of Fasting Aḥmad bin Muḥammad bin ‘Abd Raḥman al-Muqaddasī [2] categorizes fasting into three levels as follows: 1. General Fasting – abstaining from food and carnal desires 2. Specific Fasting – lowering gaze, resisting speaking on matters of triviality and vulgarity deemed as unwanted in Islam, and abstaining from acting on matters that are forbidden by shari’āh. In this regard, a ḥadī th of the Prophet narrates that whoever does not leave vile speech and evil actions, God will not accept his fasting ([5], Ḥadīth No: 5710). 3. Explicit Fasting – this is the most intricate category whereby fasting purifies and protects the heart and soul of Muslims by way of charity, invocation, recitation, alms giving, etc. Purpose of Sawm ˙ To single out the objective of ṣawm, scholars refer to the Qur’ānic term taqwā (II:183), or “self- restraint,” which contains a number of connotations, for example, love of God, patience, sincerity, God-fearing, seeking God’s mercy, ethical steadfastness, controlling nafs (ego), etc. Broadly speaking, the purpose of ṣawm can be two-fold: social responsibility and self-discipline – the former is concerned with feeling in one’s body what the have-nots and hungry people feel, while the latter is concerned with individual morality accentuated in Islam [4]. Ṣawm as a solemn rite teaches Muslims to feed the hungry, to become involved in giving charity and making donations, to refrain from wasting food and drink, and above all to lead a simple social life imbued with the ethical teachings of Islam. Significance of Sawm ˙ Ṣawm tends to tame physiological and psychological states and diverts them to surrender to the Will of God. From the medical point of view, ṣawm acts to detoxify and protect the human body from the unending food intake. Besides, some health experts argue that fasting can have some advantages for health. Though practiced voluntarily on some occasions (for example, the day of ‘Āshūrā), ṣawm is obligatorily observed in the month of Ramaḍān, which is known as the blessed month in that the revelation of the holy Qur’ān commenced in this month (II:185), that is, on the night of “Night of Power” (Lailat-ul-Qadr) characterized as a better night than a thousand months (Q. XCVII:3). It is due to the sacred rite of ṣawm that in the month of Ramaḍān, the gates of heaven are opened, the gates of hell are closed, and the devils are chained ([5], Ḥadīth No: 6216.). Muslims believe that the one who fasts will be specially rewarded. The Prophet is believed to have said that God said to him: “Every good action is rewarded by 10 times its kind, up to 700 times, except fasting, which is for Me, and I reward it” [7]. One of the underlying meanings of ṣawm is that God has bestowed upon Muslims two types of pleasure resulting from ṣawm: the pleasure of breaking the fast with food and the pleasure of meeting with God in the Hereafter S 604 Sayed Akhtar Rizvi with consciousness of practicing ṣawm. Muslims often refer to Sahl ibn Sa‘d, who is believed to have reported that the Prophet had spoken about a gate in paradise called ar-Rayyān through which those who fast would pass on the day of resurrection ([9], Ḥadīth No: 2569). The one who fasts wears the armor of purity and sheds the deceitful life of the passionate tendencies of the human nafs (ego) [10]. One of the esoteric meanings of ṣawm is that it is not simply giving up the consumption of food and drink; rather, it strengthens faith, broadens brotherhood and solidarity, rejuvenates spiritual life, and remolds moral character. Muslims fast, not only because it is incumbent upon them, but also because fasting reminds them of God’s Divine design of creation and the purpose of the life of temporal existence in the world. Since during ṣawm, one can experience the pain of hunger and thirst as willed by God, one can make at the same time space in one’s heart for the Divine Presence through constant invocation of God (dhirk/zikr) – a must-to-do rite without which ṣawm translates into nothing but a hunger strike. ▶ Rizvi, Saeed Akhtar Cross-References Sayyid ▶ Dhikr/Zikr ▶ Nafs ▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia ▶ Ramaḍān ▶ Sūfism ▶ Rizvi, Saeed Akhtar 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. Bukhari: Arabic-English). Dar-us-Salam Publications, Riyadh Ibnu K (1999) Tafsir al- Qur’ān al-Azeem (Tafsir Ibnu Kathir) (ed: Sami Ibnu Muhammad Salamah), vol 1. Dar al-Tayyibah publication, Riyad Mālik ibn A (1989) Al-Muwatta of Imam Malik ibn Anas: The first formulation of Islamic law (trans: Aisha Abdurrahman Bewlwey). Kegan Paul International, London Mehar IA (2007) Al-Islam: inception to conclusion. BookSurge Publishing, South Carolina Muslim I (1976) Sahih Muslim (trans: Siddiqui AH). KAZI Publications, Chicago Nasr SH (2004) The heart of Islam: enduring values for humanity. HarperOne, New York Rinehart R (2004) Contemporary Hinduism: ritual, culture and practice. ABC-CLIO Greenwood Press, California Rinpoche W (2009) Buddhist fasting practice: The Nyungne method of thousand armed Chenrezig. Snow Lion Publications, New York Schimmel A (1975) Mystical dimensions of Islam. The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill Sayed Akhtar Rizvi Sayyid Abū’l-aʿlā Mawdūdī ▶ Mawdūdī References 1. Dawud A (2008) Sunan Abu Dawud. Dar Al Kotob Al Ilmiyah, Beirut 2. Al-Muqaddasi (1995) Mukhtasar Minhaj al-Qadisin. Dar al-Ahair Litabaati wa-Annasyr wa Al-Taudia, Dimascq 3. Al-Qurtub (1935) Al-Jamiah al-Ahkan al-Qur’ān (Tafsir al-Qurtubi), vol 1. Dar-al-Kutub al-Misriyyah, Egypt 4. Asad M (2004) Road to Makkah. Islamic Book Service, New Delhi 5. Bukhari M (1997) Sahih Al-Bukhari (trans: Khan MM, The translation of the meanings of Sahih Al- Sayyid Ahmad Barelwi ▶ Sayyid Ahmed Barelvi Sayyid Ahmad Shaheed ▶ Sayyid Ahmed Barelvi Sayyid Ahmed Barelvi Sayyid Ahmad Shahid ▶ Sayyid Ahmed Barelvi Sayyid Ahmed Barelvi Maheen Zaman MESAAS, Columbia University, New Hyde Park, NY, USA Synonyms Saiyid Ahmad Barelvi; Sayyid Ahmad Barelwi; Sayyid Ahmad Shaheed; Sayyid Ahmad Shahid Definition Sayyid Ahmed died while fighting against a Sikh army in Balakot, Pakistan, on May 6, 1831. He is remembered primarily for forming a reformist order, Tariqat-i Muhammadiyya – the Muhammadan Path – and leading his disciples in an armed struggle against the Sikh confederacy to establish a religiously organized state in the Northwest Frontiers of what is now Pakistan. Early Life: Piety, Education, and Military Adventures Sayyid Ahmed was born on November 29, 1786, in Rae Bareli, India, into a family recognized as descendants (sayyid) of the Prophet Muḥammad and enjoyed the high esteem commensurate with that socioreligious status. Unlike his brothers, however, he showed no interest in his studies, spending most of his time instead in physical sports and martial training ([3], p. 27). His biographers compensated for his functional illiteracy by extolling his piety, asceticism, generosity, chivalry, and courage in the face of insurmountable danger. Many of their narratives both exemplify his strict adherence to textually sanctioned 605 practices and beliefs, rather than blind adherence to customs and superstitions, and foreshadow his eventual reformist career and armed struggle in the way of God (jihād) ([1], p. 53). He moved to Delhi to further himself, like other young men of his age, in 1804 at the age of eighteen. There, he ensconced himself into the celebrated family of Shāh Walī Allāh (Waliullah) (d. 1762), one of the leading scholarly and reformist families of eighteenth-century Delhi. Sayyid Ahmed attached himself to Waliullah’s sons, Shah ‘Abd al-‘Azīz (d. 1824), considered the most important scholar of his time, and Shāh ‘Abd al-Qadīr (d. 1814–1815), one of the earliest and most famous translators of the Qur’ān into Urdu. Eventually, in 1811, he moved on from these scholarly and Sufi circles to join the cavalry of Amir Khan, a Pashtun warlord carving up territory in central India. By 1818 he lost this employment, as Amir Khan disbanded much of his army when he settled with the British and became the Nawab of Tonk, Rajasthan. Later partisans of Sayyid Ahmed would read into his sojourn in Delhi with Waliullah’s descendants and service in the company of Amir Khan as spiritual and martial training in preparation for his later armed struggle ([1], pp. 53–55). Establishing Tariqat-i Muhammadiyya and Organizing for Jihad When he returned to Delhi, he renewed his ties with the Walī Allāh family, and despite his lack of formal training in religious sciences, he attained a position of leadership among eminent younger scholars (‘ulamā’) and mystics (ṣūfī s). Clearly, whatever Sayyid Ahmed lacked in intellectual erudition, he more than made up for in charisma and sheer pietistic presence. Two of his most important disciples were Shah Ismail Shahid (d. 1731) and Shah Abdul Hayy of the Walī Allāh family. Conventionally, they should have given their oath of allegiance (bay‘ah) to the illustrious elders of their family; instead they pledged themselves to Sayyid Ahmed’s new order – Tariqat-i Muhammadiyya (The Muhammadan Path) – and its program of religious S 606 reform and armed struggle to establish a utopian Islamic state ([1], p. 57). Two generations of the Walī Allāh family in the twilight of Mughal rule would become seminal figures for almost all colonial-era Sunni reform movements; groups ranging from fundamentalist to modernist would appropriate them as their movements’ founding fathers. These two members of the family, especially Shah Ismail, would become the controversial ideologues for Sayyid Ahmed’s reformist struggle. Due to Sayyid Ahmed’s functional illiteracy, his ideas and words would be expressed and documented by his disciples. Shah Ismail’s Strengthening of Faith (Taqwiyat-ul-Iman), which posed an incisive criticism of the going Muslims practices and customs as contravening and compromising the central Islamic tenet of the Unity of God (Tawhid), was a manifesto for Sayyid Ahmed’s movement ([1], p. 56). Shah Ismail, Abdul Hayy, and others in the movement were pioneers in utilizing the printing press to disseminate their reformist doctrine. They had a clear and simple message: Muslims have strayed from the Prophetic example (sunnah) and indulged in such heretical mystical practices as seeking intercession from dead saints, adopting unsanctioned innovations in honoring the family of the Prophet in imitation of the Shī‘a sect, and allowing non-Islamic polytheistic customs to seep in to form a syncretic Muslim tradition. All of this, according to them, explains the political and social decline of Muslim polity and society. In order to right the ship, there needs to be strict vigilance against such heretical innovations (bid‘ah) and insidious polytheism (shirk). They took their message on a tour of North India, preaching and debating with all comers until 1921 when they set off by sea towards Mecca for the pilgrimage (ḥajj). Sayyid Ahmad then returned to his birthplace in 1923 after having taken oaths from his disciples at Mecca to start a Jihad for the establishment of a righteous and just religious state (imāmat) that would overturn the corrupt rulers (sulṭānat). This second tour did more than preach and debate; it collected Sayyid Ahmed Barelvi resources and recruited fighting men for the coming armed struggle. It made its way west from Rai Bareilly to the current borderlands of Afghanistan and Pakistan ([2], pp. 84–88). Destiny Disrupted: Failure at the Margin, Consequences for the Center Between 1926 and 1931, Sayyid and his group struggled to realize their ideals and dreams as their war against the Sikhs turned into an intraMuslim conflict with the very Pashtun tribes they expected to be their allies. They paid for their naiveté as one tribal intrigue, and betrayal after another turned the tribal groups against them, when their rigid reformist agenda clashed against intransigent local customs and clan interests. Eventually, they were driven out of their base in Peshawar and left to their tragic end in the hilly town of Balakot. Along with his close friend and disciple Shah Ismail, he died on May 6, 1831, while fighting against a siege by the Sikh army in Balakot, in modern-day Pakistan. Sayyid’s body was never definitively recovered, and that led one group of his followers to create myths of his imminent return, in preparation for which they would continue with the struggle ([2], p. 72). His supporters have memorialized him as a reviver of religion, reformer of society, as one who struggled in the way of God through words and swords and finally attained martyrdom in Balakot. In recognition of his sacrifice, he is also known as Sayyid Ahmed Shahid, i.e., Sayyid Ahmed the martyr. His Muslim detractors, however, judged him, his cohorts, and their reformist doctrinal orientation as a puritanical betrayal of traditional Sunni Islam. They ascribed the derogatory moniker Wahhabi to the movement in reference to the maligned militant reformist of the eighteenth-century Arabia, Muḥammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhāb. British colonial administrators and historians happily adopted this pejorative appellation for his group and all other Muslim subversive initiatives and their sympathizers ([2], pp. 72–73). Secularization and South Asian Islam References 1. Metcalf B (2005) Islamic revival in India: Deoband 1860–1900. New Delhi, Oxford 2. Jalal A (2008) Partisans of Allah: Jihad in South Asia. Harvard, Cambridge 3. Ahmad M (1975) Saiyid Ahmad Shahid: his life and mission. Academy of Islamic Research and Publications, Lucknow Sayyidul ‘Ulamā’ ▶ Naqvī, Ayatullah ‘Alī Naqī Secularism ▶ Secularization and South Asian Islam Secularization and South Asian Islam SherAli Tareen Department of Religious Studies, Franklin and Marshall College, Lancaster, PA, USA Synonyms Almaniyya; Colonialism; Modernity; Secularism Definition Secularization signifies a discursive and institutional process that strives to constantly control and reorganize the limits of religion as a category of life, such that religion is rendered more amenable to definition, rationalization, and representation as the inverse of the secular. 607 Religion and the Colonial Event in South Asia The idea of the secular can be understood in different ways. For instance, the secular can be conceptualized as the imposed relegation of religion to the private sphere of personal piety, the separation of politics and religion, the valorization of scientific rationalism over mysticism and the supernatural, and the reification and rationalization of religion as a category of life. Underlying these varied modalities of the secular is the modern promise of managing, controlling, and defining the limits of what counts as religion. Secularization as a process, like the ideology of secularism that it supposedly sustains, is intimately bound to a politics of “religion making” [15] invested in managing and constantly reconfiguring the ideological boundaries of religion. The objective of this chapter is to highlight some of the major features of the relationship between secularization and South Asian Islam. The focus of this chapter will be on the ruptures and transformations brought about by colonial secular modernity on the discursive tradition of South Asian Islam, especially in relation to Islamic law, Muslim reform movements, and intra-religious and inter-religious polemics involving Indian Muslim scholars. The category of the secular is bound up with its two twins: colonialism and modernity. Critical to navigating the interplay between secularization and South Asian Islam is the event of British colonialism during which religious identities in South Asia were indelibly transformed. Indeed, no exercise in thinking the question of religion in the postcolonial, post-secular present can avoid the colonial secular history of this category. That is especially true in the case of religious identities in contemporary South Asia that in their various communal and nationalist apparitions remain haunted by a colonial politics of representation. Perhaps that is why the question of how the experience of British colonialism transformed religion in South Asia has dominated the problem space of South Asian studies. S 608 Scholars have responded to this question in varied ways. These responses range from “the category of religion is itself a colonial construction” [15, 18], to “religion may have existed before the onset of colonialism but was no longer imagined the same way afterwards” [19, 22], to “the shift from the pre-colonial to the colonial represents more of a continuity than a rupture in how communities imagined their religious identities” [14, 17]. But however one engages the question of colonial power; what cannot be disputed is that the modern life of “religion” as a category is indelibly attached to the colonial discursive economy. Indeed, one may argue that the very labor of approaching “religion” as a translatable object of analysis and critique is indebted to the technologies of knowledge and governance inaugurated by the British in India during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. As various scholars have shown, “the [British] conquest of India was a conquest of knowledge” ([6], p. 16). The colonial empire was made possible by a discursive regime of “determining, codifying, controlling, and representing the [Indian] past” ([6], p. 16). Armed with modern instruments of manufacturing knowledge such as census and mapmaking, and abetted by the work of missionaries, philologists, and orientalists, the British constructed authoritative knowledges of what India’s “culture/religion/history” was/is all about. Through this tectonic epistemic intervention in native society, the British sought to reify India and its people into a series of religious and cultural essences. These colonial regimes of knowledge production profoundly altered the narrative of native religious identities and the normative horizons of how those identities were conceived and constituted [12]. Prior to the colonial moment, identities and more importantly the boundaries separating identity and difference were porous and fuzzy. To be clear, it is not as if a M(uslim would have not recognized herself as such or have been unable to distinguish herself from a Hindu, Sikh, and so forth. However, the idea of a collective identity, a collective “we” bound by a shared history, memory, and place, had not yet achieved ideological Secularization and South Asian Islam solidity. But following the epistemic interruptions brought about by colonialism, what it meant to be a Hindu, Muslim, or Sikh dramatically changed. The fuzziness of previous identities was replaced by a notion of the self that was more clearly defined and sharply delineated [12]. Identity was now countable. Moreover, it was accountable to both itself and to its various others. Accounting for an identity is not only the insertion of numbers in a census record corresponding to such signifiers as “Hindu,” “Muslim,” “Sikh,” etc. More importantly, accounting for an identity also involves fashioning for it a memory to which it might then be held accountable. An enumerated identity is narratively committed to a particular story of its memory. It is responsible to that memory. Therefore, in contrast to fuzzy identities, enumerated identities are much more amenable for rationalization, objectification, and ideological mobilization against each other. Central to this tectonic shift in how religious identities were imagined was the role of knowledge and translation in the consolidation of colonial power. The colonial production of knowledge about native “religions” was intimately connected to a larger vision of secular humanism whereby the state charged itself the mission of humanizing, rationalizing, and moderating native religious traditions. Pivotal to this process was the labor of translating the diversity of native traditions in a way that conformed to secular Protestant understandings of religious authenticity. In the case of Islam, one of the arenas in which such a process of translation generated far reaching consequences was that of Islamic law. Law, Knowledge, and Secularization The colonial cooption of the juridical landscape of South Asia in the late eighteenth century was in many ways a hinge moment in the narrative of native religious traditions. After the British East India Company established its political sovereignty over Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa in 1765, the British undertook a series of legal reforms and programs of codification [23]. These reforms produced major shifts in the conceptual and Secularization and South Asian Islam institutional apparatus of how law was imagined, interpreted, and implemented. Underlying colonial attempts to codify and regulate native legal discourses and traditions was the desire to construct a legal system that most “authentically” replicated the normative demands of authoritative religious texts and scriptures. The colonial desire to locate the authenticity of individual religious traditions in their “original” texts and scriptures is most clearly reflected in the following British legal proclamation issued in 1772: “in all suits regarding inheritance, succession, marriage and caste and other usages and institutions, the law of the Koran with respect to Mahomedans, and those of the Shaster with respect to the Gentoos [Hindus] shall be invariably adhered to” ([23], p. 21). The result of this colonial attempt to craft a legal code in accordance with authoritative Muslim religious texts was what came to be known as the “Anglo-Muhammadan law.” The Anglo-Muhammadan law was a juridical system that represented a rather arbitrary composite of English common law and certain classical Muslim legal texts. These texts were primarily drawn from the Ḩanafī School of Islamic law that was dominant among South Asian Muslims. According to this new legal system, the normative injunctions of Islamic law were to be implemented among Indian Muslims exclusively for matters of personal status such as marriage, divorce, children, and inheritance. On the other hand, criminal law and laws of governance were derived from the English common law. But even in regard to matters of personal status, it was British colonial officers who ultimately decided on how particular tenets of Islamic law were to be interpreted and enacted. Although native religious assisted the British in codifying and constructing laws, the power dynamics of this relationship were hardly egalitarian. The British were firmly in control of how the process of inventing a new juridical order unfolded. Moreover, following the abolishment of the office of Muslim judges (qāḍī /pl.quḍāt) in the late eighteenth century, it was non-Muslim colonial officers who came to occupy the position of judges in cases concerning Indian Muslims. Therefore, it 609 would be a mistake to call the “Anglo-Muhammadan” legal system a “hybrid” of Islamic and British law. The term “hybridity” masks the unevenness of power relations involved in the ostensible collaboration between the colonizers and the native scholars/informants. Certainly, the valorization of specific legal texts as the unchallenged authentic reservoirs of Islamic law and norms may have conformed to the hermeneutical sensibilities of traditionally educated Muslim scholars (the ‘ulamā’). But by arrogating to itself the task of fashioning and generating religious laws and, more importantly, by fundamentally reorganizing the conceptual and institutional terrain on which the very idea of law was imagined, the colonial state dealt a massive blow to the religious authority of Indian Muslim scholars. “Historically, the most distinctive aspect of their [the ‘ulamā’] vocation, the interpretation of the law, was effectively being removed from them” ([23], p. 25). Apart from eroding traditional modes of religious authority, the colonial construction of a new juridical order also signified a massive rupture in the conceptual economy of religion as a category of life. The colonial intervention in the discursive space of native tradition was authorized through a particular hermeneutics of religious authenticity. According to this hermeneutics, the authenticity of a religion was enshrined in its original scripture and authoritative texts. Moreover, that scripture was readily available for translation, evaluation, and comparison. In other words, religion constituted a fully rationalized and unambiguous repository of knowledge crying out to be canonized. By translating and canonizing particular texts, one could uncover the religious norms and laws that must govern particular communities. The knowledge contained in religious texts was perfectly translatable into positive law. Religion was not only timeless and unchanging; it was also rational and predictable and nestled in certitude. The colonial discourse on Islamic law was part of a much more significant movement: the production of religion as a translatable object of critique that was readily available to be humanized, rationalized, and canonized. Notice how the S 610 colonial attempt to determine and catalog the most authentic and authoritative sources of Islamic law operated on the assumption that there was an object out there called “Islam” that cried out to be authenticated, verified, purified, and humanized. In other words, the colonial discourse on Islamic law was inseparable to a modern secular politics of critique that sought to render religion – in this case Islam – more responsible to its own memory. This way of imagining religion was leavened by the secular promise of defining, limiting, and reifying the limits of what counted as “authentically” religious. In their zeal to rationalize, systematize, and canonize Islamic law, the British advanced a new political rationality governing the normativity of individual religious traditions. According to this new political rationality, the relevance and authority of native religious scholars depended on their capacity to demonstrate their adherence to a certain, predictable, rational, and unchanging law. To maintain their authority in the public sphere, Indian Muslim scholars were obliged to act as the representatives of an unchanging corpus of law. Put differently, Indian Muslim religious scholars were conscripted into a conceptual and institutional terrain that was not of their choosing or making. That terrain, on which the discursive tradition of Islam in South Asia was to operate from the late nineteenth century onwards, was dominated by the conceptual and political hegemony of colonial secular modernity. Tolerance and the Politics of Religion Making The colonial secularization of religious identities in South Asia, enabled through such mechanisms as the codification of native religious laws, was inseparable to a liberal secular discourse of tolerance. In fact, the idea of tolerating religious difference was at the heart of the very logic of colonial sovereignty in India. The intimate relationship between secularization, liberal tolerance, and colonial sovereignty is well captured in the British proclamation of sovereignty over Indian Secularization and South Asian Islam subjects as recorded in the Government of India Act of 2 August 1858. In this proclamation, the colonial state declared that it was “bound to the natives of Our Indian territories by the same obligations of duty which bind us to all our other subjects” ([7], p. 165). Moreover, according to this proclamation, all Indian subjects “were to enjoy the equal and impartial protection of the law. . .and they were to be secure in the practice of their religions” ([7], p. 165). This proclamation was based on two main assumptions on the part of the British: “firstly that there was an indigenous diversity in culture, society, and religion in India, and secondly that the foreign rulers had a responsibility for an equitable form of government which would be directed. . .to protecting the integrity inherent in this diversity” ([7], p. 165, emphases added). Despite its claims to neutrality, the colonial promise of protecting and tolerating the “inherent religious diversity” of India was anything but politically neutral. To the contrary, this fantastical promise was authorized by a discursive regime of regulating and defining the limits of what counted as “religion” worthy of toleration. The colonial discourse of religious tolerance was enmeshed in a modern secular politics whereby the state charges itself the responsibility of constantly regulating and reorganizing the limits of religion. In the context of British colonialism in India, the seemingly ecumenical gesture of tolerating religious difference was inextricable to the ideological reification of religion. It was precisely by showing deference to religion that its boundaries were demarcated. The moment of tolerating religion was also a moment of issuing a sovereign decision on what did and did not count as religion. The colonial state sought to establish itself as the sovereign caretaker of religious difference by mobilizing a discourse of tolerance. However, just like the promise of canonizing and defining religion remains incomplete and deferred to an unspecified future, so does the promise of resolving the threat of difference by making appeals to respect and tolerance. This is so because the desire to manage religious diversity by making appeals to tolerance Secularization and South Asian Islam remains arrested in an irresolvable contradiction. That irresolvable contradiction, that aporia, is this: the very diversity and pluralism that form the identity of the liberal secular state, colonial or postcolonial, also threaten the stability of that identity ([1], pp. 34–84). The promise of freedom and autonomy for all citizens represents a central tenet that sustains the liberal secular state. However, pluralism and difference threaten the survival of that freedom. This threat becomes visible during such moments of crisis as the destruction of the Babri Mosque by Hindu nationalist fundamentalists in Ayodhya in 1992, the attacks against Muslims/“Muslim looking” Sikhs in post-9/11 America, and most recently, the Park 51 controversy that erupted in 2010 over the proposed construction of a mosque in New York City. These were all moments when the relationship between the nation, citizenship, and freedom that the secular state strives to maintain was fractured. As a result, the state was compelled to remind its citizens about the virtues of tolerance and respect and of their responsibility to tolerate their minority others. But no measure of reminders could possibly resolve the irresolvable contradiction of pluralism threatening freedom. The liberal state strives to foster but is also constantly threatened by a divergent politics of religious and cultural pluralism. That is the irresolvable aporia of liberal secular democracy ([1], pp. 34–84). This aporia cannot be resolved by making appeals to tolerance, law, and justice. If anything, the reminder to tolerate minority communities only reinforces the distinctions of majority/minority, self/other, and colonizer/colonized. More than anything else, the moment of this aporetic deadlock allows the state to establish its own sovereignty as the moderator of religious difference. This was precisely the mechanism through which the British authorized their sovereignty in India. A discourse of tolerance and pluralism was critical to the construction of colonial sovereignty. Moreover, it also played a crucial role in reifying religious identities and in further congealing the boundaries separating identity and difference both within and between religious communities. 611 Religion and the Specter of the Secular There is now a growing consensus among scholars that “religion” cannot be treated as a culturally universal construct. Rather, religion is a relatively recent invention that emerged during the nineteenth century and that is inseparable from the story of Western colonialism and modernity [3, 4, 5, 8, 15, 16]. As one scholar has commented, “religion. . .must be considered the locus in which the identity or figure of the West has in principle been constituted and defined” ([8], p. 37). Therefore, “instead of speaking about the religious consciousness of the West, it would be more judicious to say that the West is religious only in the very exact and strict sense that religion, as a notion intended to isolate a set of phenomena thenceforth considered homogenous, is the exclusive creation of the West, and is thus what may constitute its innermost nature” ([8], p. 37). An impressive body of recent scholarship has also shown that approaching the idea of the secular as the inverse of religion or the process of secularization as a decline in religion is conceptually unsound. Rather, it is more helpful to think about the secular as a fundamental epistemic shift in which a field of discourse and practice comes to be constituted as religion as such. Rather than a more or less of religion, the secular should instead be understood as a decisive break in the epistemic field of what constituted “religion.” The modern concept of religion is embedded in a particular cognitive orientation that thrives on the intelligibility and translatability of life. According to such a narrative frame, life is readily available for division into compartments of thought and practice that correspond to the master signifiers of religious and secular. Rather than a set of cultivated practices unavailable for translation, religion emerges as a propositional truth claim that might be rationally interpreted, evaluated, and contested. Concomitantly, the truth claims of a religion also become available for ideological mobilization against other such competing truth claims. After all, “when there is no propositional ‘religion’ supposedly at the heart of the religious life, and when there are no ‘religions’ construed as mutually contradictory set of S 612 propositions, then the modern problem of ‘conflicting religious truth claims’ cannot come into play” [11]. The story of the ideological reification of religious identities in South Asia is also inseparable from the modern colonial rearrangement in the epistemology of religion. It is not a coincidence that the nineteenth century was a time of unprecedented intra-religious and inter-religious adversarial activity in India. Indeed, one of the most dramatic consequences of the secularizing conditions of colonial modernity in India was the explosion of both intrareligious and inter-religious polemics to which several prominent Muslim religious scholars generously contributed. These polemics that first erupted during the nineteenth century continue to haunt the religious imagination of postcolonial South Asian Muslims even today. The polemical warfare of the late nineteenth century was enabled by a set of modern discursive and institutional conditions that were particularly well suited for the sustenance of doctrinal battles and rivalries. In a profound conceptual shift, religion was now seen as a set of propositional truth claims readily available for translation, evaluation, and ideological competition. This way of imagining religion was in complete harmony with the liberal secular promise of defining and regulating the limits of religion as a category of life. The politico-conceptual terrain introduced by the British imperial project made thinkable the exercise of mobilizing a set of propositional truths called “religion” against other rival religions. Indeed, the relevance of a religious community now depended on the capacity of its members to establish the supremacy of their truth claims over those of their rivals. In this competition for doctrinal legitimacy, the discourse of religious polemics thrived. The native religious elite (including Muslim scholars) and foreign Christian missionaries participated in a number of polemics in which the truth and untruth of individual religions were publically contested. A particularly illustrative example of how the colonial political economy catalyzed the marketplace of religious polemics is found in a public event called “The Festival of Deciding the (True) God (maylā-yi khudā shināsī )” that was held for Secularization and South Asian Islam two consecutive years in 1876–1877 in the North Indian district of Shahjahanpur. Organized through the patronage of the British magistrate of the district Robert George Gray, this festival brought together leading Christian, Hindu, and Muslim scholars to debate the authenticity of their respective traditions ([10], pp. 364–450). Among the prominent figures who participated in this polemical festival were the founder of the Arya Samaj, Dayanand Saraswati (d. 1883), and one of the founders of the Deoband Madrasa, Qāsim Nānotawī (d. 1877). The leading protagonist on the Christian side was Father Knowles, a British missionary in Shahjahanpur, who also served as the headmaster of a local missionary school. Knowles had rapidly grown in prominence due to his highly effective proselytizing efforts in the region. A charismatic and aggressive debater, he had participated in a series of such polemics in North India, though none of this scale ([10], pp. 364–450). Preparations for this event had been under way for many months in advance. It was heavily advertised in local newspapers and through the distribution of pamphlets. In addition to the participants, hundreds of people from neighboring towns and villages attended the event and served as spectators to this mega polemical showdown. The participating scholars made their way to Shahjahanpur from various parts of North India on the train. For instance, Qāsim Nānotawī, accompanied by around twenty associates, traveled more than 400 miles on the train from Deoband to Shahjahanpur via Delhi. The actual event was held under large tents that had been put up on a tract of barren land in the village of Chandapur in Shahjahanpur. The British magistrate’s office provided more than 200 chairs, food, and other necessary items for the event. They had also arranged for the local police to monitor the venue and to prevent the eruption of communal violence. The format of the polemic was decided by the competing parties. It included both short and longer speeches on specific topics, followed by rebuttals and questions. The debate largely focused on theological and philosophical questions such as monotheism, divine will, the problem of evil, Secularization and South Asian Islam rebirth and transmigration, and so on, as each side strived to establish the exclusive authenticity of its doctrinal system. As one might expect, no resolution was reached and each side claimed victory. In addition to inter-religious polemics such as the one in Shahjahanpur, the Muslim scholarly elite in the nineteenth century also participated in a number of public intra-religious polemics that pitted the pioneers and leading scholars of leading reform movements such as the Deobandīs, Barelwīs, Ahl-i Ḥadīth, the Ahmadiyya, and so on. There was something both old and new about these polemical moments. On the one hand, the genre of polemics (munāẓarāt) has always been an important part of the Muslim scholarly tradition in South Asia and elsewhere. However, the proliferation of polemical activity in late nineteenth-century India also constituted a significant rupture from the past. Unlike premodern polemics, pivotal to the logic of religious polemics in the nineteenth century was the spectatorship of a “public” readily available to be reformed, evangelized, and doctrinally persuaded by competing truth claims. The witnessing capacity of the public represented the condition of possibility for such polemics. In fact, these polemics represented as much a competition for the assent of the public as they were invested with specific doctrinal positions and outcomes. There was something resoundingly modern about the idea of a “public” immediately available for persuasion through the display of doctrinal artifacts. Moreover, the emergence of a public that represented the object of polemical spectacles was in turn made possible by the technologies of print, transportation, and commerce introduced by the British in India. The conceptual space in which religion as a discursive category was imagined was inextricably bound to the institutional conditions that informed the contours of that space. Discourse and conditions were mutually entangled, each reinforcing the other. The competition over religious authenticity that consumed Indian religious scholarly elite (including Muslim scholars) was inseparable to the institutional conditions of colonial secular modernity. Indeed, the idea of public polemics 613 in which the veracity of religious truth was at stake would have been unthinkable even a few decades earlier. Secularization and Native Projects of Religious Reform The colonial reconstitution of the Indian public sphere also facilitated the emergence and efflorescence of major Muslim reform movements that transformed the religious consciousness of the elite and the masses alike. In the period following the 1857 mutiny (in which Indian Muslims were brutally defeated by the British), the learned elite of Muslim India were divided into competing “ideological orientations” (masālik, sing. maslak), each offering contrasting programs of religious reform. From this moment on, the production and dissemination of knowledge took on an unprecedented group-centered orientation. The concept of maslak which in its Urdu modality can best be rendered as an “ideological orientation” flowered in the latter half of the nineteenth century like it had never before in Muslim India. Arguably the most prominent of the nineteenth-century Indian Muslim reform movements was the Islamic seminary cum ideological orientation, the Deoband Madrasa. The Deoband Madrasa was established in the North Indian town of Deoband, Uttar Pradesh, in 1867 by a group of prominent Indian Muslim scholars (‘ulamā’). More specifically, it was the charismatic scholars Rashīd Aḥmad Gangohī (d. 1906) and Qāsim Nānotawī who set the foundations of this educational institution of religious learning that has impacted the intellectual, social, and political history of South Asian Islam in profound ways. Today, some 150 years later, with its parent institution in India, the Deoband School boasts the largest network of satellite madrasas all over Pakistan, Bangladesh, as well as neighboring countries in Asia and beyond, in countries as far afield as those located in the Caribbean, South Africa, Britain, and the United States. Deoband affiliated Madrasas number circa 50,000–60,000 institutions on the Indian subcontinent alone, with the largest concentration in India ([21], pp. 99–115). S 614 However, it is important to stress here that although numerous Islamic seminaries in various countries call themselves “Deobandi,” their ties to the founding school in the town of Deoband, which continues to exist until today, may well be only tenuous or even nonexistent. This is an important point because it illustrates that apart from the physical institution of the seminary, the term “Deobandi” also connotes a certain ideology, or a particular thought style within Sunni Islam in the modern world. At the centerpiece of Deoband’s reformist platform was an egalitarian imaginary of Prophet Muḥammad’s authority. For example, in the view of Deobandi scholars, calling the Prophet one’s brother would not amount to offensive or disrespectful speech or conduct. On the contrary, such an affirmation of the Prophet’s human qualities was to be encouraged. The well-known prophetic saying, “I am unlike any of you” (lastu ka ahadin minkum), only referred to Muḥammad’s unique status as a recipient of divine revelation, the Deobandīs argued. In all other matters of human existence, he was much like anyone else. Therefore, for the Deobandī scholars, it was intolerable to believe that the Prophet possessed knowledge of the unknown (‘ilm al-ghayb). This theological position was pivotal to their opposition to rituals such as the celebration of the Prophet’s birthday, during which he personally appeared at multiple gatherings simultaneously. For the pioneers of Deoband, the perfection of Muḥammad’s prophecy was enabled by the perfection of his humanity ([21], pp. 99–130). An important offshoot of the Deoband Madrasa was the Tablighī Jamā‘at, a transnational evangelical movement founded in 1926 by the North Indian scholar Muḥammad Ilyās Kandhlawī (d. 1944). Closely aligned to Deoband and its ideology, the centerpiece of the Tablighī Jamā‘at’s reformist platform was the cultivation of personal piety through intense salvational activity involving devotional bodily practices and evangelizing missions. Among traditionally educated scholars, the authority of the Deoband Madrasa was most eagerly challenged by its chief competitors, the Barelwī and the Ahl-i Ḥadīth schools that were Secularization and South Asian Islam also born in the late nineteenth century. The Barelwī school was founded by the charismatic and prolific nineteenth-century scholar Aḥmad Riḍā Khān (d. 1921) from the North Indian town of Barayli (hence the name Barelwī for his followers and group.) The pioneers of both the Barelwī and Deobandī schools were prominent scholars of the Ḥanafī School of Islamic law. They were also among the most influential Ṣūfī masters of their era. But while they were deeply invested in Ḥanafī law and Ṣūfīsm, the Deobandīs and Barelwīs differed sharply on the question of what it meant to be a Sunni Ḥanafī Muslim under conditions of colonialism. In contrast to their Deoband rivals, the centerpiece of the Barelwī ideology valorized above all the element of love characterizing the Prophet’s relationship with God. For the Barelwīs, any normative argument that might undermine the Prophet’s charisma as God’s most beloved subject, such as questioning his ability to intercede on behalf of sinners or calling his birthday celebration a heresy, was nothing short of anathema. Moreover, it was not only distasteful but also heretical for anyone to even ponder, let alone actualize, such utterances as calling the Prophet one’s brother. Any speech or conduct that even theoretically punctured the aura of Muḥammad’s prophetology was unpalatable to Barelwī sensibilities ([21], pp. 165–200). The Barelwī-Deobandī conflict, centered on competing imaginaries of prophetic charisma, generated a fair number of polemics, rebuttals and counter rebuttals, and even charges of unbelief. But despite all their doctrinal animosities, because they were both adherents of the Ḥanafī School of law, Barelwīs and Deobandīs at least honored the authority of the same juridical texts and personalities. While their interpretations differed, they shared a common interpretive canvass. That was not the case with the Ahl-i Ḥadīth, the other major Muslim reform movement in colonial India, who rejected the very legitimacy of that canvass by denying the canonical authority of the four Sunni schools of law. The pioneers of the Ahl-i Ḥadīth, such as the founder of the school Siddiq Hasan Khan (d. 1890), argued for an interpretive canvass that Secularization and South Asian Islam restricted the sources of religious norms to the Qur’ān and the normative model of the Prophet exclusively. Apart from this hermeneutical disagreement, Ahl-i Ḥadīth scholars also quarreled with their Indian Ḥanafī counterparts on the normative legitimacy of three specific practices related to the performance of the fivefold daily prayers: raising both hands (raf‘al-yadayn) during prayers, saying “Amin” aloud (amin bil-jahr), and reciting the Fātiḥa behind a prayer leader (fātiḥa khalf al-imām). In addition to the Deobandīs, Barelwīs, and the Ahl-i Ḥadīth, the religious landscape of nineteenthcentury Muslim South Asia was also populated by a number of other reformist movements, figures, and ideologies. The growth of print in late nineteenth-century India made it possible to access demographically and geographically diverse audiences. As a result, the authority of traditionally educated Muslim scholars was fragmented, as several new competitors and banner bearers of religious reform established themselves in the public sphere. Among the Muslim modernists, arguably the most influential religious reformer was Sayyid Aḥmad Khān (d. 1898), the founder of the famous Aligarh Muslim University. According to Khān’s conception of reform, it was incumbent on Indian Muslims to embrace Western scientific knowledge as a way to restore the rational foundations of Islam, a view for which he was scathingly criticized by traditionally educated scholars. His vision of normative Islam was also hostile to ritualism and popular practices that in his opinion were unsanctioned by the Qur’ān and the normative model of the Prophet. These two bodies of knowledge, he argued, represented the exclusive sources of authority in Islam. Underlying his reform project was the desire to establish compatibility between Muslim tradition and the modes of reasoning operative and dominant in modernity. For instance, in just one among his many innovative moves, he argued that in modernity, it was no longer viable for Muslims to argue that the inimitability of the Qur’ān was due to its unmatched linguistic prowess, the traditional Muslim position regarding Qur’ān’s inimitability. While he agreed that the Qur’ān was linguistically 615 unparalleled, this line of argument, Khān argued, was destined to fall on deaf ears during the modern moment. Instead, he proposed, Muslims should argue that the Qur’ān was inimitable because of the eternal nature of its message for humans of all generations. Grounding the reasoning for Qur’ān’s inimitability on its content rather than its form, Khān suggested, represented a better strategy to convince non-Muslims in modernity of the Qur’ān’s and in turn Islam’s veracity. Khān, a bureaucrat in the colonial administration, strived to provide Indian Muslims with intellectual resources that might facilitate their assimilation into the political and institutional environs of colonial modernity. To this end, he founded the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College in 1875 (later Aligarh Muslim University). The mission of this university was to produce graduates who were at once faithful to Muslim tradition and active participants to colonial civil society. In addition to traditional sources of religious learning, students were also taught Western science and English [13]. Another important movement of Muslim reform in colonial India was represented by the Nadwat al-‘Ulamā’, an Islamic seminary cum ideological orientation that originated in 1894 and was formally established as an institution of higher learning in 1906 in the North Indian city of Lucknow. The Nadwat al-‘Ulamā’ sought to harmonize the traditionalist and modernist currents of South Asian Islam by producing Muslim scholars who were both intimately familiar with traditional disciplines of knowledge and also attuned to the epistemologies of modernity. At the heart of Nadwat al-‘Ulamā’s program of religious reform was the promise of fashioning a class of Indian Muslim scholars who were at once cosmopolitan modern citizens and impeccable custodians of traditional knowledges, norms, and virtues. Among the most influential scholars attached to Nadwat al-‘Ulamā’ were such towering figures as the founder of the school Muḥammad ‘Alī Mongīrī (d. 1927), Sayyid Abū’l-Ḥasan ‘Alī Nadvī (d. 1999), and Shiblī Nu‘mānī (d. 1914). A more messianic project of reform was spearheaded by Mirzā Ghulām Aḥmad (d. 1908), a prolific scholar from the town of Qadian in S 616 Punjab. Aḥmad claimed to be a reviver (mujaddid) of the Indian Muslim community. More controversially, he also proclaimed to be the promised messiah (the Mahdī ) who was to appear at the end of time in Muslim eschatology. Aḥmad’s claims were based on a complicated reading of the doctrine of prophecy in Islam that allowed for its continuity after Prophet Muḥammad’s death. His followers and the movement they established came to be known as the Ahmadiyya. In addition to defending his views from the onslaught of other Muslim scholars in colonial India, Mirzā Ghulām Aḥmad also engaged in several public debates and polemics with Christian missionaries and Hindu religious figures. Despite being intensely persecuted, especially in Pakistan where the state declared them unbelievers in 1974, the Ahmadiyya have thrived and grown not only in South Asia but also all over Asia, Europe, and North America [9]. The Jamā‘at-i Islāmī, founded by the charismatic journalist turned scholar Abū’l ‘Āla Mawdūdī (d. 1979) towards the end of colonial rule in 1941, is another Muslim reform movement cum political organization that continues to impact the religious and political landscape of postcolonial South Asia in important ways. While adopting the hermeneutical minimalism of the Ahl-i Ḥadīth that valorized the Qur’ān and the Prophet’s normative model as the exclusive sources of normativity in Islam, the Jamā‘at-i Islāmī’s notion of reform hinged on the promise of establishing an “Islamic state” that might materialize divine law in the temporal world. Mawdūdī’s and Jamā‘at-i Islāmī’s political theology was detained in the irresolvable contradiction of seeking to resist Western modernity and secularization through arguably the most modern of all institutions: the nation state [2]. Moreover, Mawdūdī’s program of restoring the sovereignty of divine law by lending that responsibility to the man-made institution of the state was at once thoroughly modern and pregnant with irony. The reform movements described above articulated overlapping yet contrasting narratives of ideal norms of life and ways of interpreting those norms. Each of these movements sought to Secularization and South Asian Islam “reform” Islam in light of the new position of Indian Muslims as colonized subjects. However, what the work of reform meant for them varied significantly, often resulting in heated debates and polemics. These competing currents of Muslim reform were as much products of a transformed colonial public sphere as they contributed to that sphere’s transformation. The conceptual and institutional terrain of colonial modernity represented their condition of possibility. Advancements in technologies of print and transportation, an increased sophistication in networks of commerce, the introduction of new methods of education, and the creation of vernacular languages were all critical factors in making thinkable the idea of “reforming” a public. Apart from propagating their ideologies through the technologies of colonial modernity, the pioneers of nineteenth-century Muslim reform movements were also indebted to the modern epistemic promise of recovering an authentic religion unadulterated by the corruptions of both internal and external others. As such, even as these Indian Muslim reformers contested each other’s normative claims, they shared the underlying conceptual assumption that an ideological entity called religion was available to be reformed, contested, and rationalized. In the new institutional terrain of colonial India, two separate yet interconnected fields of moral contestation simultaneously operated. On the one hand was the field of inter-religious polemics that pitted against each other Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, and Christian missionaries. At stake in this dialogue with the external “others” was the legitimacy of individual religious identities. On the other hand was the site of dialogue with the internal “others” [15]. These internal antagonisms stemmed from competing views on the limits of authenticity and tradition. While the first domain concerned the negotiation of the self’s relationship with the other, the second revolved around the character of the authentic self. Despite their varied points of application, however, both these discourses of identity formation depended on a colonial politics of representation. According to this politics of Secularization and South Asian Islam representation, accessing the self required the negation of all its actual and potential competitors. Identity was constructed precisely through a relationship of antagonism with difference. To be absolutely clear, these ideological projects of Muslim reform were not colonial inventions as they were equally the products of pre-colonial discursive traditions. However, what cannot be disputed is that the conditions for the emergence of these native reform movements “were defined by new forms of power, new social technologies, new forms of knowledge, new modes of social organization and political mobilization, and new forms of subjectivity that mark out the modernizing and, specifically, secularizing space of what might be called colonial civil society” ([20], p. 55). In short, the story of Muslim reform movements in South Asia is inextricable to the master narrative of the modern colonial secular. The public competition between rival ideologies of Muslim reform that metastasized during the late nineteenth century would have been unthinkable even a few decades before the consolidation of British colonial power. Conclusion This chapter has focused on some of the major ways in which the discursive tradition of South Asian Islam was reconfigured by the conceptual and institutional ruptures of colonial secular modernity. From the early nineteenth century onwards, the intellectual history of Islam was characterized by an ever-intensifying competition for religious authority and contestation over the limits of normativity. However, the remarkable intellectual fermentation found in nineteenthcentury South Asian Islam amply demonstrates that this period cannot be conceptualized as one of decline. To the contrary, after the demise of the Mughal Empire in 1857, the variety of Indian Muslim responses to the changed conditions of colonial modernity were staggering and in many ways unprecedented. Indian Muslim scholars who 617 thrived during the nineteenth century and onwards creatively mobilized and used the technological and institutional possibilities made available by colonialism to their own benefit. Even as they were politically colonized, they colonized the conditions of colonialism to advance their ideological projects. One can even claim that the pioneers of Indian Muslim reform movements, despite all their internal disagreements and debates, were among the foremost beneficiaries of the secularizing conditions of British colonialism. In fact, as I have argued in this chapter, the very idea of reforming a public and contesting the limits of an ideological entity called religion was indebted to the secularizing political rationality of colonial modernity. It is important to underscore that the secularization of South Asian Islam was not some kind of a one-time event that has already happened in the past. The religious and moral lives of postcolonial South Asian Muslims remain haunted by the colonial moment. For instance, the intra-Muslim polemics that began during the late nineteenth century, such as those between the Deobandīs and the Barelwīs, have only metastasized in recent decades. Moreover, following the legacy of their colonial predecessors, the postcolonial states in South Asia have often played a violent role in reorganizing the limits of what counts as Islam. One of the most blatant and tragic examples of such state administered violence was witnessed in 1974 when the Pakistani government led by then Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto amended the constitution to declare the Ahmadiyya a “nonMuslim minority.” To this day, Pakistanis wishing to receive or renew their passports must declare Ahmadis as non-Muslims. The last section of the passport application entitled “Declaration in Case of Muslim” requires applicants to affirm the following statement: “I consider Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiyani to be an impostor nabi [prophet] and also consider his followers whether belonging to the Lahori or Qadiyani group, to be non-Muslim” [24]. In effect, any Pakistani wishing to renew her passport must affirm the sovereign decision of the state to deny the Ahmadiyya membership in Islam. In order to establish her loyalty S 618 to the state, a Pakistani must establish her otherness to the Ahmadiyya. Similarly, for an Ahmadi to enjoy the privileges of Pakistani citizenship, she must account for herself as a “minority” external to the fold of Islam. While such exclusivism may seem like a product of “religious” myopia, it is in fact in complete harmony with the liberal secular valorization of the state as the regulator of religious authenticity. The idea that the state represents the ultimate sovereign on the decision of what counts as religion is the hallmark of secular modernity. Similarly, the Pakistani state’s imposed exclusion of the Ahmadis from the fold of Islam is ensconced in a politics of accountability that is thoroughly modern. According to this politics of accountability, identity is not only countable; it is also accountable to both itself and its competing others. Moreover, both identity and difference are subsumed under the sign of such signifiers as majority/ minority, self/other, and host/alien. These are all limits of identity that the modern state, be it Islamic or secular, strives to maintain, manage, and control. However, the secular promise, the secular fantasy if you will, of managing identity and its limits represents an impossible task that is always imperfect, incomplete, and deferred to an unspecified future. This way of imagining religion whereby the affirmation of identity hinges on its capacity to differ from its various others is indebted to a secular colonial politics of representation. The event of colonialism may have passed. But the secularizing disruptions inaugurated by colonial power continue to haunt the discursive and lived tradition of South Asian Islam in profound and often unpredictable ways. References 1. Abeysekara A (2007) The politics of postsecular religion: mourning secular futures. Columbia University Press, New York 2. Ahmad I (2009) Islamism and democracy in India: the transformation of Jamaat-e-Islami. Princeton University Press, Princeton 3. Asad T (2003) Formations of the secular: christianity, Islam, modernity. Stanford University Press, Stanford Secularization and South Asian Islam 4. Asad T (1993) Genealogies of religion: discipline and reasons of power in Christianity and Islam. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore 5. Balagangadhara SN (1994) “The Heathen in His Blindness”: Asia, the West, and the dynamic of religion. Brill, Leiden 6. Cohn B (1996) Colonialism and its forms of knowledge: the British in India. Princeton University Press, Princeton 7. 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Mandair A (2009) Religion and the specter of the West: Sikhism, India, postcoloniality, and the politics of translation. Columbia University Press, New York 16. Masuzawa T (2005) The invention of world religions; or, how European pluralism was preserved in the language of universalism. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 17. Nicholson A (2010) Unifying Hinduism: philosophy and identity in Indian intellectual history. Columbia University Press, New York 18. Oberoi H (1994) The construction of religious boundaries: culture, identity, and diversity in the Sikh tradition. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 19. Pennington B (2005) Was Hinduism invented?: Britons, Indians, and the colonial construction of religion. Oxford University Press, New York 20. Scott D (1999) Refashioning futures: criticism after postcoloniality. Princeton University Press, Princeton 21. Tareen SA (2012) The limits of tradition: competing logics of authenticity in South Asian Islam. PhD dissertation, Duke University, Durham 22. Van der Veer P (1994) Religious nationalism: Hindus and Muslims in India. University of California Press, Berkeley 23. Zaman MQ (2002) The ‘Ulama in contemporary Islam: custodians of change. Princeton University Press, Princeton 24. http://www.embassyofpakistanusa.org/forms/A%20form % 20fillable.pdf Seyyed Hossein Nasr 619 Śekha Hāsinā ▶ Sheikh Hasina Self-Determination ▶ Muslim Personal Law Sephardic Jews ▶ Bombay’s Baghdadi Jews Seyyed Hossein Nasr Golam Dastagir Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Definition Seyyed Hossein Nasr (b. 1933) is an outstanding philosopher in perennial tradition, comparative studies, Islamic science, and spirituality. A gnostic thinker and a prolific writer, Nasr is a University Professor of Islamic Studies at George Washington University, Washington, DC. He is a renowned scholar in the history of Islamic philosophy in the present century, both in the Islamic world and the West (Fig. 1). Life and Work Seyyed Hossein Nasr was born on April 7, 1933, in Tehran into an aristocratic family. His father, Seyyed Valiallah, was a scholar, philosopher, and a great physician. The family name “Naṣr Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Fig. 1 Seyyed Hossein Nasr (1933–) al-Aṭṭibā’,” meaning “succor to physicians,” was conferred by the King of Persia on Seyyed Hossein Nasr’s grandfather, who was also a physician. An ardent reader and passionate for knowledge, Nasr started reading the classical works of Sa‘adi, Ḥāfiẓ, Rūmī, and Firdawsī, early on in his life at the age of 4 or 5. In 1945, shortly after World War II, he left Tehran at the age of 12. This was a major turning point in his life [1]. In 1950, he graduated from Peddie School in Highstown, New Jersey, as the valedictorian of his class and also winner of the Wyclifte Award. Nasr completed his B.S. in Physics and Mathematics at M. I.T in 1954 and M.S. in Geology and Geophysics at Harvard. He completed Ph.D. when he was only 25, under the supervision of Sir Hamilton Gibb, H. A. Wolfson and I.B. Cohen in 1958 at Harvard. His dissertation entitled “Conceptions of Nature in Islamic Thought” was published in 1964 by S 620 Harvard University Press as An Introduction to Islamic Cosmological Doctrines [2]. Career Although Nasr received an offer of a faculty position at M.I.T, he began his illustrious academic career at Tehran University in Iran as Associate Professor. He became Dean of the Faculty of Letters, Professor at the age of 30, and Vice Chancellor of this University. Shortly after that, he also became president of Aryamehr University in Iran. Just before the victory of the Iranian revolution in 1979, he returned to America and engaged in teaching, first at the University of Utah in Salt Lake city, and then at Temple University, Harvard University, and has been at George Washington University since 1984. He has delivered lectures in many universities including the Rockefeller Lectures at the University of Chicago, the Wiegand Lecture on the philosophy of religion at the University of Toronto in Canada, at the American University in Beirut as the first Aga Khan Professor of Islamic studies, and the Cadbury Lectures at the University of Birmingham, to name but a few. He has also given lectures at Oxford, the University of London, and at many European Universities. Nasr is the only Muslim (also non-Western) philosopher to have been given this rare opportunity to deliver the Gifford Lectures at the University of Edinburgh. Perennial Tradition Nasr’s encounter with the Perennial Tradition (philosophia perennis) through the works of René Guénon (1886–1951), Frithjof Schuon (1907–1998), Titus Burckhardt (1908–1904), Marco Pallis (1895–1989), Martin Lings (1909–2005), and Ananda K. Coomaraswamy (1877–1947) played a significant role in his intellectual and spiritual domains of life, especially in his quest of metaphysical knowledge. In the same Seyyed Hossein Nasr vein, he became familiar with Indian traditions, particularly Hinduism through the writings of Sri Aurobindo Ghosh (1872–1950), Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan (1888–1975), and Surendranath Dasgupta (1887–1952). Tradition comprises truths and principles of celestial archetypes, in Nasr’s words, “tradition means truths of sacred origin revealed originally, with the different nuances given to them in different traditional religions. . .” [11]. There are two essential aspects in tradition: first, truths of divine origin, and secondly, the continuity, transmission, and application of those truths over the centuries within a particular civilization created by the original revelation [11]. The Primordial Tradition that contains all truths of all forms is what he means by sophia perennis (perennial philosophy) [6]. Characterizing perennial philosophy as sophia perennis or eternal wisdom – the heart or inner aspect of religions – also called religio perennis, Nasr is of the opinion that it is revealed in scriptures and is the source of ethics and of metaphysics, as opposed to modern western philosophy that disregards scriptures as a source of philosophical knowledge [13]. Islamic philosophy, like medieval Jewish and Christian philosophy, has always been based on scriptures. The distinctive feature of perennial philosophy is that it looks upon scriptures on symbolic level [13]. Islamic Religious Pluralism Nasr is a staunch advocate for religious pluralism [8], which is explicitly articulated in the Qur’ān (see II:115, 256; V:48; XLIX:13). He argues that religions should not claim exclusively to be the one and only truth. For Muslims living in the present modern world, he prioritizes the synthesizing and integrating aspects of Islam that help Muslims to understand the presence of the reality of other religions [3, 8]. He delineates sacred knowledge as opposed to the secularized process of modernism in the context of sophia perennis and sees all religions as diverse manifestations of divine truths revealed by God through various agencies [6]. Seyyed Hossein Nasr 621 Islam and Modernity Sacred Science As a traditionalist scholar, Nasr makes a clear distinction between the domains of traditionalism and modernism; the former stands for what is sacred, whereas the latter for that which is human, and increasingly subhuman [12]. Modernism, as Nasr puts it, is that “which is cut off from the Transcendent,” and therefore, it is contrasted with tradition, which implies all that is of divine origin [12]. Nasr has always been a fervent critic of modernism and fundamentalism in Islam, which are inherently two sides of one coin. Emerging in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, both Islamic modernism and “fundamentalism,” which Nasr calls religio-political movements, accept the authority of the Qur’ān and sunnah, and in this sense, they have no conflict with traditionalism, but their approach is different. While the modernists attempt to modernize Islamic principles in light of modernity, they, in fact, argues Nasr, fail to understand that they dilute those Islamic issues that are in conflict with modernity, such as shari’āh and women’s rights [2]. Given their narratives and understanding of Islam, modernists and fundamentalists vehemently oppose traditional Islam and traditional Islamic art as well. Nasr argues that traditional Islam with its alternative culture can confront the supremacy of the material worldview of the West [2]. Islamic science, which is the scientific study of natural phenomena that are attributed to the signs of God (āyāt Allah), is rooted in the metaphysical principles of Islam, requiring a teleological view of the universe. Nasr is a pioneering thinker of Islamic science, which can be categorized as medicine, pharmacology, alchemy, agriculture, and various forms of technology, and so on, to which he applies the sacred principles [9]. As a critique of Western secular science, Nasr believes that modern science or the Western secular science developed out of certain philosophical assumptions by sidelining medieval Christian thought. With the scientific revolution in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in Europe, the secular view of the universe emerged by disentangling its roots from the Divine, which is why life is more desacralized today [7]. Islamic or Traditional Art Nasr presents an in-depth analysis of Islamic art, which expresses the inner essence of reality. The Islamic view of art for Nasr plays a significant role in inspiring spiritual life with the grace (barakah) of God. Art is like a lamp that provides light to the soul during its journey “from multiplicity to Unity, from the particular to the Universal” [3]. Man’s spiritual life is illuminated through rituals like ṣalāt (prayer), ṣawm (fasting), fikr (meditation), zikr or dhikr (invocation of God), etc. Nasr attributes sanctity to Islamic art that ranges across calligraphy, painting, architecture, literature, music, etc. [5]. Environment Nasr attributes contemporary environmental and social crises to the consequences of the applications of modern science devoid of metaphysical and theological roots, threatening peace on earth [10]. Human beings, attached too much to manmade modern technological development, are deviating from the divine purpose of creation intended by God. Man in the modern times, attracted by natural science, has lost his spiritual relationship with God, as a result of which he has been alienated from what should be a harmonious relationship with nature. Salvation from this alienation is possible only through the rediscovery of metaphysical knowledge and revitalization of a theology that could minimize the application of science and technology [10]. Islamic Spirituality Nasr has been a critic of modernism throughout his works, especially in his writings on Sufism. Modern man imbued with a secular worldview S 622 divorced from the Sacred is faced with tumultuous spiritual crises. He believes that a revival of the spiritual heritage of Islam, Sufism, can address this problem [3, 4]. His Legacy Nasr has had close contact with the intellectual circles in the Indian subcontinent, particularly with those in Pakistan since 1959. He has been a leading contributor for many years in the development of the Pakistan Philosophical Congress. More than a dozen of his books have been translated in Pakistan. His books, written mostly in European languages, have been translated into Bengali, Hindi, Urdu, Bosnian, Turkish, Indonesian, Chinese, Japanese, etc. His Ideals and Realities of Islam has been translated by the Indonesian president, Abdurrahman Wahid [11]. A large number of his former students influenced by the perennial tradition are making enormous contributions to the development of Islamic studies in various parts of the world, especially in Pakistan, Bangladesh, India, Malaysia, Iran, Turkey, and, needless to mention, North America. Nasr’s Knowledge and the Sacred is taught in many Catholic universities in the United States such as Notre Dame [11]. His books are extensively read by Muslims, as well as Hindus, Christians, and Jews. With over 50 books and more than 500 articles to his credit [11], and his special attention to training students across the world, Professor Seyyed Hossein Nasr is a living legend – an encyclopedic mind with a rare combination of head and heart – clear, organized, sympathetic, humble, and helpful. Shah Bano References 1. Aldrich A (1992) The soul and science of Islam. George Wash Univ Mag 15–17 2. Aslan A (1998) Religious pluralism in Christian and Islamic philosophy: the thought of John Hick and Seyyed Hossein Nasr. Curzon Press, Richmond 3. Nasr SH (1972) Sufi essays. George Allen & Unwin, London 4. Nasr SH (1975) Islam and the plight of modern man. Longman, London 5. Nasr SH (1987) Islamic art and spirituality. State University of New York Press, New York 6. Nasr SH (1989) Knowledge and the Sacred. State University of New York Press, Albany 7. Nasr SH (1993) The need for a sacred science. State University of New York Press, New York 8. Nasr SH (1994) Ideals and realities of Islam. Aquarian, London 9. Nasr SH (2007) Islamic science: an illustrated study. Kazi Publications, Chicago 10. Nasr SH (2007) Man and nature: the spiritual crisis in modern man. Kazi Publications, Chicago 11. Nasr SH (2010) In search of the sacred: a conversation with Seyyed Hossein Nasr on his life and thought. Introduction by Terry Moore. Praeger, Santa Barbara 12. Nasr SH (2011) Islam in the modern world: challenged by the west, threatened by fundamentalism, keeping faith with tradition. HarperOne, New York 13. Norton MB (2004) An interview with Seyyed Hossein Nasr “scripture, society, and traditional wisdom”. J Philos Scr 2(1):39–43 Shah Bano ▶ Muslim Personal Law Shah Jalal Mujarrad Cross-References ▶ Dhikr/Zikr ▶ Prayer ▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia ▶ Ritual ▶ Sūfism ▶ Women ▶ Jalāl ad-Dīn Mujarrad Shāh Jalāl of Sylhet ▶ Mujarrad, Shāh Jalāl Shams al-Dīn Iltutmish 623 Origins and Rise Shah Sūfi Khwaja Yunus Ali ▶ Khwaja Enayetpuri Shahādah ▶ Tawḥī d Shahzādī Jahānārā Bēgam Sāhib ˙ ˙ ▶ Jahānārā Begum Shaikh Jalaluddin Mujarrad ▶ Jalāl ad-Dīn Mujarrad Shaikh Muhammad Ikbāl ˙ ▶ Iqbāl, Allamah Sir Muḥammad Shams al-Dīn Iltutmish Colin P. Mitchell Department of History, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS, Canada Synonyms Eltotmesh Definition Iltutmish was an early ruler of the Delhi Sultanate (r. 1211–1236). Relatively little is known about Shams al-Dīn Iltutmish except that he was a Turkish (Qipchāq) slave who was purchased in Delhi by slave-officer Quṭb al-Dīn Aibak on behalf of the Ghurid ruler, Mu‘izz al-Dīn (r. 1203–1206) [4]. By all accounts, he performed well and was acknowledged with gubernatorial posts in cities like Gwalior and Badā’ūn and connected himself with Quṭb alDīn Aibak’s family by marrying his daughter [2]. After the collapse of Ghurid rule in India, Aibak ruled as a de facto sultan in the Punjab (based in Lahore), while Iltutmish continued his tenure as governor in Badā’ūn. However, when Aibak died in 1211, and his son Aram Shah was in turn killed by disgruntled nobles, Iltutmish moved from Badā’ūn to Delhi; he was named as the official successor by notables and jurists alike, but there were other parts of the former Ghurid empire still being ruled by former military slaves: Nāṣir al-Dīn Qabācha was based in Multan and Lahore, while the Khaljis were still independent in Bengal [4]. Iltutmish spent the next two decades consolidating his base in Delhi and slowly moving against his rivals; the Khaljis of Bengal were defeated by 1226, while Qabācha was defeated at Uch in the following year [2]. The 1220s and 1230s were a chaotic time for the Delhi Sultanate as the Mongols had invaded the Punjab in pursuit of the refugee Khwarazmian ruler, Jalāl al-Dīn, and his army. The frontier to the west of Delhi was in a state of constant flux, and it is certain that Indo-Muslim rulers like Iltutmish were increasingly disconnected from the Abbasid caliph to the west on account of these Mongol incursions into Central Asia and eastern Iran. It was likely this perceived disconnection that motivated the Abbasid caliph of the day, al-Mustanṣir bi’llāh (r. 1226–1242), to send an extravagant ambassadorial retinue from Baghdad to Delhi. For the first time, the Abbasid caliph recognized the legitimacy of an Indo-Muslim ruler with a formal letter of investiture, and Iltutmish commemorated this development with a new currency bearing his new title (laqab): “Victor [on behalf of] the Commander of the Faithful” (Nāṣir Amīr S 624 al-Mu’minīn) [2]. Iltutmish astutely avoided direct conflict with the Mongols and the Punjab frontier and instead concentrated on consolidating control of areas like Bengal, Gwalior, and Malwa during the early 1230s. However, when dispossessed Isma`ilis (previously based in Multan) attempted an assassination in 1235, Iltutmish ordered an expedition against the region of Sindh, focusing on areas of suspected Ismā‘īlī activity; however, he died en route in April of 1236, and his body was returned to Delhi to be interred. Cultural and Religious Patronage There is little doubting that the cultural and religious landscape of India was profoundly altered by the Mongol invasions of the 1220s. Numerous religious scholars, poets, literati, administrators, and adventurers fled from war-torn Central Asia and Khurasan to find solace and patronage in the Delhi Sultanate during Iltutmish’s tenure as sultan. Scholars like Sadīd al-Dīn ‘Awfī (author of the biographical dictionary Lubab al-albāb and prose work Javāmi` al-hikāyāt va lavāmi` alrivāyāt), Fakhr-i Mudabbir (author of the political ethics text, Ādāb al-ḥarb wa’l-šajāʿa), and Minhāj al-Sirāj Juzjānī (author of Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī) initially based themselves in the Lahore court of Nāṣir al-Dīn Qabācha before joining Iltutmish in Delhi [1]. Large numbers of Turks arrived in the Indo-Gangetic plains, and Iltutmish “settled” them in the troublesome areas of the Punjab in the hopes of using them as a foil to decentralized tribal elements like the Khokkars. He also introduced courtly institutions like the Chihilgānī, an elite group of “forty” slave officers popularly believed to be directly loyal to Iltutmish, but there is considerable debate among historians regarding what exactly this “forty” referred to [3, 7, 9]. Iltutmish was also an active patron of Muslim religious scholarship, most notably evident in his construction of the Nāṣiriyya madrasa in Delhi in the name of his son and future ruler, Nāṣir alDīn Maḥmūd (r. 1246–1265); the historian Juzjāni would eventually be appointed as the madrasa chief during the rule of Iltutmish’s daughter Shamsi Rażiyya (r. 1236–1240) [8]. Iltutmish commissioned the building of the famous Qutb Minar, not in honor of his former patron Quṭb al-Dīn Aibak, but in recognition of the Sufi sheikh, Khwājah Quṭb al-Dīn Bakhtiyār Kākī [2]. Perhaps one of the most famous ruling sultanas in Islamic history, Rażiyya, was appointed as successor monarch by Iltutmish, but ironically it would be his very own group of elite slave officers (the “Forty”) who would machinate to have her eliminated [6]. Cross-References ▶ Delhi Sultanate ▶ Lahore References 1. Ahmad A (1964) Studies in Islamic culture in the Indian environment. Clarendon, Oxford 2. Iltutmish AS (1971) Bazmee Ansari. In: Encyclopedia of Islam. 2nd edn, vol 3. E. J. Brill, Leiden, pp 1155–1156 3. Jackson P (1999) The Delhi Sultanate: a political and military history. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 4. Jackson P (1998) Eltotmesh, Shams-al-Din. Encyclopedia Iranica 8:371 5. Jackson P (1990) Jalal al-Dīn, the Mongols, and the Khwarazmian conquest of the Punjab and Sind. Iran 28:45–54 6. Jackson P (1998) Sultana Radiyya bin Iltutmish. In: Hambly G (ed) Women in the medieval Islamic world: power, patronage, and piety. St. Martin’s Press, New York 7. Kumar S (2009) The ignored elites: Turks, Mongols and a Persian Secretarial class in the early Delhi Sultanate. Modern Asian Studies 43(1):45–77 8. Rizvi SAA (1987) The wonder that was India, vol 2, 1200–1700. Sidgwick & Jackson, London 9. Singh V (2009) Interpreting medieval India, vol 1, Early medieval, Delhi Sultanate and Regions (circa 750–1550). Macmillan Publishers India, New Delhi Shamsi ▶ Satpanth Shari’atullah (d. 1840) Shansabānīs ▶ Ghūrids Shari ‘at ▶ Muslim Personal Law Shari’atullah (d. 1840) Clinton Bennett Department of Philosophy, State University of New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA Synonyms Haji Shariat Allah; Haji Shariatullah; Haji Shariat Ullah; Shariat-Ullah Definition Muslim scholar and founder of the Faraizi movement, which flourished in Bengal, where he remains an iconic figure; Shari‘atullah combined religious reform to purify Islam of what he saw as Hindu contamination with social reform aimed to improve the economic condition of poor Muslims oppressed by mainly Hindu landlords. Early Life and Education Haji Shari‘atullah (commonly rendered Shariatullah) (1781–1840) was born in what is now Faridpur District, Bangladesh, where his father was probably a ta‘luqdār (local landowner with tax collecting privileges) [1]. Little is known about his life before he went to Arabia in 1799, initially to perform the Hajj. He stayed on for 20 years, studying with various teachers, chiefly with Tahir al-Sumbal al-Makki, a leading 625 member of the Muwaḥḥidūn (Wahhābīs). The Wahhābīs captured Mecca and Medina in 1805–1806. Shari‘atullah also spent time at Al Azhar, Cairo [2]. He was most influenced by the ideas of Ibn Taymīyyah (1263–1328), who called for complete dissimilitude between Muslims and non-Muslims in dress and religious practice, objecting to how some Muslims took part in Christian festivals [3]. Shari‘atullah was also initiated into the Qādirī ya order of Sufis [4]. After Ismail Pasha of Egypt defeated the Wahhābīs in 1818, Shari‘atullah returned to Bengal where he began to condemn what he considered syncretistic and innovative, especially saint veneration, attending Hindu festivals and observing Shī‘a commemorations. While Wahhābī influence informed his preaching, he also stressed social equality, which Wahhābīs do not generally emphasize. He criticized landlords for levying excessive rents and taxes. This brought Shari‘atullah and his followers into conflict with landowners, mainly Hindus, although some were Muslim and British. Yet Shari‘atullah was not hostile toward poor Hindus; there is even evidence that some supported him [5]. Conflict with the British led to the movement’s classification as anti-colonial and jihadist, although Shari‘atullah did not call for a jihad. However, in April 1831 the British did expel Shari‘atullah from his home village following violent clashes with landowners [6]. Founder of the Faraizi Movement The movement he founded, the Faraizi, is often called Wahhābī, a label that the British attached to any movement they perceived as hostile to colonial rule, even if this was not wholly true [7]. Shari‘atullah used Bengali poetry to spread his message. His opposition to how Islam in Bengal had become indigenized was countercultural; his use of Bengali, which many who elevated an Arab-flavored Islam over Bengali-flavored Islam despised, was not. Lack of hostility toward Hindus per se was also typical of Bengali Muslims. The movement’s name is from the Farsi term for obligatory religious duties, which Shari‘atullah emphasized. Until all syncretistic practices and S 626 beliefs had been abandoned, Bengal was dār-alḥarb (the realm of conflict). Shari’atullah ruled that until legitimate Islam was established, neither the Friday congregational prayer nor Eid prayers could be observed [8]. Members were initiated into the movement, entering an ustādhshāgird (teacher-student) relationship similar to that of Sufi master and disciple but which did not demand servitude [9]. Followers were permitted to perform Qādirī yah dhikr. Members were discouraged from dealing with British courts; parallel village arbitration councils were set up as alternatives using the traditional panchāyat (elder’s council) system [10]. Yet his attitude toward the British is ambiguous; he actually encouraged members to settle in British-controlled territory because poor Muslims received better treatment there. Opposition to Shari‘atullah’s teaching came from several quarters, including Keramat Ali (1800–1874) and his Taiyuni movement, for whom India remained dār-al-islām under British rule, and congregational prayers were permitted [11]. Others argued that Muslims should not follow legal schools; Shari‘atullah remained Hanafi. Legacy Shari‘atullah’s ideas were propagated by his descendants, who succeeded as leaders of the movement. Dudu Miyan (1819–1862) was not as renowned a scholar as his father but consolidated the movement’s organizational structure; three levels of khalifa headed villages, groups of villages, and districts, all under the Ustādh [12]. Dudu Miyan preached that God owns the land, so it should not be taxed. His sons continued the policy of opposing unjust landlords, finally gaining the support of the British, who eventually took measures to protect tenant rights, setting up a commission in 1879 [13]. In 1899, the British awarded Dudu’s youngest son Sa‘īd al-Dīn Aḥmad (1855–1906) the title “Khān Bahādur” for his loyalty. He enthusiastically supported Bengal’s partition in 1905, which gave Muslims a majority in the East [14]. Members became disillusioned with British policy following Bengal’s Shari’atullah (d. 1840) reunification and joined the demand for a separate Muslim state. A small remnant still exists. Some opponents accused Shari‘atullah’s heirs of monarchical ambitions [15]. In Bangladesh, he is seen today as a pioneer of East Bengal nationalism and is remembered by a College in Dhaka and by Shariatpur District in Dhaka Division, which are both named for him. His tombstone describes him as a defender of religion against “all falsehood and vanity” and as a “deliver of Islam” from “darkness.” Eaton cites an early twentieth-century poem that immortalizes him as an “almost super-historical figure, a savior of Islam in Bengal” [16]. Cross-References ▶ Bangladesh (Islam and Muslims) ▶ Fara’izi movement ▶ Qādirīyah Order ▶ Wahhabism in Sri Lanka References 1. Rahim, MA (1978) The Muslim society and politics in Bengal, A.D. 1757–1947. University of Dacca, Dacca 2. Banu UAB, Akter R (1991) Islam in Bangladesh. Brill, Leiden 3. Ibn-Taimīya, Aḥmad Ibn-ʻAbd-al-Ḥalīm, and Thomas Frank Michel (1984) A Muslim theologian’s response to Christianity. Caravan Books, Delmar 4. Chakrabarti K, Chakrabarti S (2013) Historical dictionary of the Bengalis. The Scarecrow Press, Lanham 5. Rutherford S (2009) The pledge ASA, peasant politics, and microfinance in the development of Bangladesh. Oxford University Press, Oxford 6. International Studies in Sociology and Social Anthropology (1963) E.J. Brill, Leiden 7. Hatina M (2009) Guardians of faith in modern times: ʻulamaʼ in the middle east. Brill, Leiden 8. Ahmad N (1991) Muslim separatism in British India: a retrospective study. Ferozsons, Lahore 9. Bose S, Jalal A (1998) Modern South Asia: history, culture, political economy. Routledge, New York 10. Jain MS (2005) Muslim political identity. Rawat Publications, Jaipur 11. Metcalf BD, Ahmed R, Hasan M (2007) India’s Muslims: an: an omnibus. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 12. Hardy P (1972) The Muslims of British India. Cambridge University Press, London Shattārīya ˙˙ 13. Sarkar B (1989) Land reforms in India, theory and practice: a study of legal aspects of land reforms measures in West Bengal. Ashish Publishing House, New Delhi 14. Johnson G, Jones KW (1989) The new Cambridge history of India. Cambridge University. Press, Cambridge 15. Campo JE (2009) Encyclopedia of Islam. Facts On File, New York 16. Eaton RM (1993) The rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204–1760. University of California Press, Berkeley Sharīʿah Laws ▶ Fiqh Shariat-Ullah ▶ Shari’atullah (d. 1840) Shattari ▶ Shaṭṭārīya Shattārīya ˙˙ Moin Ahmad Nizami Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies, Oxford, Oxfordshire, UK Synonyms Shattari; Shattariyya Definition Shattārīya was a Ṣūfī order introduced in India during the fifteenth century and flourished in the regions of Malwa, Gujarat, Bengal, and Deccan. 627 The Founder Shaṭṭārīya was a Ṣūfī order introduced in India by Shaykh ‘Abdullāh (d. 890 A.H./1485 A.D.), a descendant of Shaykh Shihāb-ud-dīn Suhrawardī. The Shattārīya order was greatly influenced by the Busṭāmī order of Turkey (founded by Bāyazīd Taifūr Busṭāmī, d. 874) and the ‘Ishqīyya order of Transoxiana and Persia. Following the traditions of its predecessors, the Shattārīs were known for sukr (ecstasy) and considered the sulūk-iShaṭṭārī (The Shattāri Path) as the quickest means to achieve ma‘rifat (gnosis). They were staunch followers of waḥdat-ul-wujūd (Unity of Being) and their entire spiritual discipline was based on this fundamental concept. Great stress was laid on “interiorization” of religious rites and performance of zikr. Shaykh ‘Abdullāh arrived in India during the fifteenth century, at a time when the Delhi Sultanate (1206–1526) was fast disintegrating. Himself clad in a royal dress, in full pomp, and with a large following holding banners and drums, he made a quick tour of the country. After visiting Manikpur, Jaunpur, Bengal, Malwa and Chittor, he finally settled in Mandu (in Malwa), where he died in 1485. These tours were not meant for spiritual perfection but as means of inviting people to join the Shaṭṭārīya order. Shaykh ‘Abdullāh was also the author of Latā’if-i-Ghaybiya, which outlined the basic ideas of the order and formed a framework for later writings [1, 2]. Development and Spread The work of Shaykh ‘Abdullāh was continued through two main branches: the Jaunpur branch led by Shaykh Ḥāfiẓ and the Bengal branch led by Shaykh Muḥammad ‘Alā Qazīn (d. 1487). Both these branches produced some leading Ṣūfī Shaykhs who worked enthusiastically for spreading the order. As a result the Shattārīs spread widely in Bengal, in northern India between Delhi and Jaunpur, and later in Gujarat, Gwalior, and Burhanpur [2–4]. From Gujarat, the order spread into the Hijaz and Southeast Asia as well. S 628 A leading successor of Shaykh Ḥāfiẓ Jaunpuri was Shaykh Buddhan who lived during the reign of Sultan Sikandar Lodi (r.y. 1489–1517). Among his followers, the most famous were Shaykh Rizqullāh Mushtāqi (d. 1581, author of Wāqi‘āt-i-Mushtāqi, and uncle of Shaykh ‘Abdul Ḥaq Muḥaddis of Delhi) and Shaykh Bahā-al-dīn (d. 1515), the author of Risala-i-Shattārī ya (a popular treatise on the Shattāriya devotional practices) [4, 6]. During the early Mughal period, the Bengal branch of Shaykh ‘Alā Qazīn fared even better. One of his closest disciples, Shaykh Zuhūr Hīmid (d. 1524), initiated Shaykh Muḥammad Ghaus (d. 1563) into the Shattāriya order. The influence and works of Shaykh Muḥammad Ghaus remains unmatched in the history of this order. He was a prolific writer and authored Kanzal-Tauhī d, Risala-i-Mi‘rājiyya, Zamā’ir, Basā’ir, and Kalī d-i-makhzan. He possessed deep knowledge of the Hindu mystical thought and wrote Baḥr-ul-ḥāyāt to draw connections with Islamic mysticism [1, 6]. The most famous of his works is the Jawāhir-i-khamsa written in 1522–1523 (revised in 1549–1550), which talks about ascetic practices, performance of zikr, devotional exercises, and the discipline of the Shattāriya order [1]. His khānaqāh at Gwalior became a major pilgrimage center where his sons continued to enjoy great prestige. The further expansion of the order was the result of the efforts of his disciples particularly, Shaykh Wajīh-al-dīn ‘Alawī (d. 1589), a well-known ‘ālim of Ahmadabad. He not only defended his Shaykh from being targeted by the ‘ulamā’ (led by Shaykh ‘Alī Muttaqī), who criticized him for some of the content of his writings, but also wrote rejoinders to these criticisms. Under Wajīh-al-dīn’s successors, the order was overshadowed by the emerging Naqshbandī order in north India. However, mention may be made of Shaykh ‘Abdullāh Shaṭṭārī (d. 1594, not to be confused with the founder of the Shaṭṭārīya order). A native of Sandila (near Lucknow), he studied under Shaykh Wajīh-aldīn before staying in Mecca for 5 years. On his return, he remained in Ahmadabad for 15 years. Afterwards, he also spent 2 years at the tomb of Shaykh Ghaus in Gwalior. Shaykh ‘Abdullāh proved to be a prolific author who wrote several Shattārīya ˙˙ commentaries on the books of Shaykh Ghaus. These include Sirāj-us-sālikī n, Risāla-i-Ṣūfiyya, Risāla-i-kanz-ul-asrār, etc. [6]. Shattārīya Order in the Deccan ˙˙ It was sometime in the late sixteenth century that the order reached Deccan as a result of the activities of the successors of Shaykh Muḥammad Ghaus and Shaykh Wajīh-al-dīn ‘Alawī. It was Shaykh ‘Ārif (d. 1585), a disciple of Muḥammad Ghaus, who was responsible for introducing the order in the region when he migrated to Burhanpur from Ahmadabad. Many Shaṭṭārīs of Gujarat claiming connections with Shaykh Wajīh-al-dīn also moved to Bijapur during this period. The most significant among them was Shāh Sibghatullāh (d. 1606). Shah had been a student of Wajīh-al-dīn, and on returning from Hajj around 1591, he settled in Bijapur, where he came to exert great pressures on the ‘Ādil Shāhi rulers. His stay in Bijapur was short and stormy mainly because of his strong antiShī‘a convictions. Within 5 years of his stay, he was ordered to migrate to the Hijāz, where he died in 1606. Later on, some disciples of Muḥammad Ghaus such as Shams-ud-dīn (d. 1582), Shaykh Mākhu (d. 1601), Shaykh Wadūd (d. 1585), and Shaykh Walī Muḥammad (d. 1579) settled in different towns of the Deccan and propagated Shaṭṭārī teachings. Burhanpur emerged as the most important and influential center of Shattārī activities. An influential Shaykh in Burhanpur was Shaykh Ṭāhir (d. 1594), a disciple of Muḥammad Ghaus. Like Wajīh-al-dīn, he too was interested in ‘ulūm-i-zāhiri, established a madrasah alongside his khānaqāh, and gave lectures on Ṣaḥiḥ Bukhārī. He wrote several works on different fields such as Tafsī r Majm‘a-ul-Bahār, Mukhtasar Qūt-ul-Qulūb, Tafsī r-i-Madārik, Asma’-i-Rijāl Ṣaḥiḥ Bukhārī, and Riyāz-us-sālikī n [6, 7]. The successors of Shaykh ‘Ārif continued to play a major role in popularizing the order in the Deccan. Shaykh Muḥammad ‘Īsa (d. 1622) became known for his learning and erudition and wrote a number of works explaining the ideas of Ibn ‘Arabi such as Anwār-ul-asrār. He also wrote a commentary on Insān-i-kāmil of ‘Abdul Karīm Shattārīya ˙˙ al-Jīlī and other works on Shaṭṭārī forms of zikr and exorcism. Shaykh Burhān (d. 1678) was the most outstanding figure among the Shaṭṭārīs of Deccan, whose madrasah became a hub for Shaṭṭārī activities. He was a strict disciplinarian who did not approve of any ecstatic behavior under the influence of spiritual intoxication (sukr) [6, 7]. Shattārīs and the Political Establishment ˙˙ The Shaṭṭārīya order was urban in its nature, appealing more to the elites than to the common people. Its Shaykhs, with some exceptions, closely identified themselves with the political establishment and at times enjoyed the royal protection and patronage of Mughal Emperors. Its founder Shaykh ‘Abdullāh dedicated his work Latā’if to Sulṭān Ghiyās-al-dīn Khaljī (r.y. 1469–1500, the Khaljī Sulṭān of Malwa). Shaykh Muḥammad Ghaus and his elder brother Shaykh Bahlūl (d. 1539) developed close connections with Emperor Humāyūn (r.y. 1530–1540 and 1555–1556) and instructed him in da‘wat-iasma’ (exorcism). Shaykh Bahlūl was eventually killed because of political intrigues at the orders of Hindāl, brother of Humāyūn. Shaykh Ghaus moved to Gujarat when Humāyūn was ousted by Shēr Shāh Sūrī and remained in correspondence with the exiled emperor. With the accession of Akbar (r.y. 1556–1605), Muḥammad Ghaus returned to Gwalior but Akbar remained indifferent towards him. Shaykh Ghaus continued to enjoy his jāgīr at Gwalior, but after his death, his family could not enjoy the same prosperity. Nevertheless, Akbar ordered for the construction of the Shaykh’s tomb in Gwalior. Muḥammad Ghaus’ successor Wajīh-al-dīn ‘Alawī maintained a respectable distance from the royalty and retained all through his life an independent character of his institution without supplicating for state help. His successors, however, came to have cordial relations with Emperor Jahāngīr (r. y. 1605–1627) and accepted jāgī rs from him [5]. In Burhanpur and Bijapur, the twin Deccani centers of Shaṭṭārīya order, its Shaykhs remained involved in political affairs. Shaykh ‘Īsa provided moral support to Bahādur Shāh Fārūqī (r.y. 629 1597–1601, the Fārūqi ruler of Khandesh) during Akbar’s siege of Asirgarh in 1599, which became the reason for his imprisonment. Shah Sibghatullāh of Bijapur publicly criticized Ibrāhīm ‘Ādil Shāh II’s (r.y. 1580–1627, the ‘Ādil Shāhī ruler of Bijapur) religious views and also attacked the Shī‘a tenets of the kingdom’s population. One exception to this attitude of Deccani Shaṭṭārīs was Shaykh Burhān, who, although much respected by the Emperor Aurangzeb (r.y. 1658–1707), was critical of participation in politics and accumulation of wealth [7–11]. Cross-References ▶ Akbar ▶ Jahāngīr, Nūruddin Mohammad ▶ Waḥdat ul-Wujūd References 1. Muhammad Ghausi (1908) Gulzār-i-Abrār (Urdu translation). Fazl Ahmad, Agra 2. Ghulam Muinuddin Abdullah, M’ārij-ul-wilāyat, 2 vols. MS, K. A. Nizami personal collection, Aligarh 3. Shaykh Abdul Haq Muhaddis (1309 AH) Akhbār ul akhyār. Mujtabai Press, Delhi 4. Ghulam Sarwar (1873) Khazīnat-ul-āsfiya, 2 vols. Nawal Kishore, Lucknow 5. Abdul Qadir Badauni (1973) Muntakhab-ut-tawārīkh (English translation: Ranking G, Lowe W, Haig W), 3 vols. Idarah-i-adabiyat-i-Delhi, Delhi; Abul Fazl (1973) Akbar Nāma (English translation: Beveridge H), 3 vols. Delhi; Jahangir (1989) Tuzuk-i-Jahāngīri (English translation: Rogers A; ed: Beveridge H), 2 vols. Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi 6. Nizami KA (1950) The Shattari saints and their attitude towards the state. Medieval India Q 1. Rizvi, SAA (1983) A history of Sufism in India, vol 2. Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi 7. Nizami KA (1974) Sufi movement in the Deccan. In: Sherwani HK (ed) History of medieval Deccan, vol 2. Govt. of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad 8. Fatima Maryam (2012) Relations of the Sufis with the rulers of Deccan (14th–17th centuries). Unpublished PhD thesis, Aligarh Muslim University 9. Eaton R (1978) Sufis of Bijapur 1300–1700. Princeton University Press, Princeton 10. Muhammad Ibrahim Zubairi, Rauzat-ul-auliyā’-iBijāpur, MS. Oriental Manuscript Library, Hyderabad 11. Ghulam Ali Musavi, Mishkāt-un-nubuwwa, MS. Oriental Manuscript Library, Hyderabad S 630 Shattariyya Overview Shattariyya ▶ Shaṭṭārīya Shaykh ▶ Pīr Shaykh al-Islām ▶ Ibn Taymīyya Shaykh Shāh Jalāl ▶ Mujarrad, Shāh Jalāl Shaykh Shihāb al-Dīn al-Suhrawardī Erik S. Ohlander Department of Philosophy, Indiana UniversityPurdue University Fort Wayne, Fort Wayne, IN, USA Synonyms Abū Ḥafṣ Sohravardī ʿUmar al-Suhrawardī; ʿUmar Definition Shaykh Shihāb al-Dīn al-Suhrawardī (d. 1234) was an influential medieval Sufi master who along with his paternal uncle and teacher Abū l-Najīb al-Suhrawardī (d. 1168) is widely considered the eponym of the Suhrawardī Sufi order. Shaykh Shihāb al-Dīn Abū Ḥafṣ ʿUmar b. Muḥammad al-Suhrawardī (d. 1234), who along with his paternal uncle and teacher Abū l-Najīb alSuhrawardī (d. 1168) is widely considered the eponym of the Suhrawardī Sufi order, was a celebrated thirteenth-century Sufi master of Baghdad who, while never visiting the Indian subcontinent himself, had a decisive influence on the history of Sufism in Muslim South Asia through the widespread dissemination of his teachings there by a number of erstwhile disciples. A member of a prominent family of religious scholars and Sufis from the northwestern Persian city of Suhraward, Suhrawardī came to Baghdad as a youth where he was placed under the charge of the aforementioned Abū l-Najīb, a religious scholar and popular Sufi master who directed a residential lodge for Sufis in the city. Shihāb al-Dīn al-Suhrawardī would eventually go on to establish himself as a notable Sufi master in his own right, and in addition to directing a number of Baghdad’s endowed residential lodges for Sufis would become a high-profile court diplomat of the ambitious 34th Abbasid caliph al-Nāṣir li-Dīn Allāh (r. 1180–1225). Gathering around himself a sizable group of associates, students, and disciples hailing from across the Muslim world, during his lifetime his teachings were spread as far as Egypt in the west to Bengal in the east. He would routinely authorize elect disciples to both transmit his written works as well as take on disciples of their own. In the Indo-Muslim hagiographical literature, the most prominent of Suhrawardī’s khalī fas (“vicegerents,” or “lieutenants”) said to have been authorized by the master to disseminate his teachings in India were Bahāʾ al-Dīn Zakariyyā in Multan (d. between 1262 and 1267–1268), Jalāl al-Dīn Abū l-Qāsim Tabrīzī (d. ca. 1244–1245) in Bengal, and in Delhi the qadi Ḥamīd al-Dīn Nāgawrī (d. 1246), Nūr al-Dīn Mubārak Ghaznavī (d. 632/1234), and Żiyāʾ alDīn Rūmī (d. between 1316–1320). The ʿAwārif al-maʿārif A prolific author, Shihāb al-Dīn al-Suhrawardī left behind a corpus of some 55 individual Shaykh Shihāb al-Dīn al-Suhrawardī works, of which his ʿAwārif al-maʿārif (“Benefits of intimate knowledge”) is the most important. A widely disseminated Arabic Sufi manual which had considerable influence on a number of early Sufi ṭarīqa- lineages, Persian translations of the text began to appear shortly after his death. The first of these, by Qāsim Dāwūd Khaṭīb Darācha, was completed around 1241–1242 with the approval of the aforementioned Bahāʾ al-Dīn Zakariyyā at the behest of the son of the then governor of parts of Sind, Multan, and Ucch. In its 63 chapters, the manual treats of the sciences of the Sufis, their institutions, mystico-ascetic practices, behavioral codes, accoutrements, life in the Sufi residential lodge, ethics and comportment, epistemology and mystical experience, the human psycho-spiritual constitution, and the states and stations of the mystical path. Evincing its continuing relevance, numerous commentaries on the text were produced by South Asian Sufi authors, such as by the Gujarati Sufi scholar ʿAlī b. Aḥmad Mahāʾimī (d. 1432), the prolific Chishtī author Sayyid Gēsūdarāz (d. 825/1422), the latter’s disciple Abū l-Fatḥ ʿAlāʾī Qurayshī of Kalpī (d. 862/1458), and the Ṣābirī-Chishtī litterateur ʿAbd al-Quddūs Gangōhī (d. 944/1537). Influence in India A central idea in the ʿAwārif al-maʿārif, which had a direct influence on the way in which the Suhrawardī order positioned itself vis-à-vis the wider social world which its members inhabited in medieval India, is Suhrawardī’s argument that due to their heightened spiritual state the Sufis were the only legitimate “heirs to the Prophets” and as such had a duty to minister to the spiritual needs of the Muslim community at large. In this, Muslim political and economic elites were to play the role of supporting the activities of the Sufi masters living within their jurisdiction who, in turn, would look after the spiritual welfare of the whole. As an advocate of a communalist style of mystical theory and practice which recognized varying levels of affiliation with, and participation in, the life of the Sufi khānaqāh (residential lodge), Suhrawardī distinguished between full-time disciples and those simply 631 seeking guidance, the latter not being held to the strict discipline of the former. The net result, as evinced in the careers of his aforementioned khalī fas, was articulations of Sufi communities which embraced a relatively wide constituency, from craftsmen and merchants to land-owning elites and, as evinced in the particularly vivid case of the aforementioned Bahāʾ al-Dīn Zakariyyā and his magnificent khānaqāh complex in Multan, members of the ruling class as well. Cross-References ▶ Sūfism ▶ Suhrawardī Order References 1. Ahmad N (1972) The oldest Persian translation of the ‘Awárifu’l-Ma‘árif. Indo-Iranica 25(3–4):20–50 2. Chittick WC (1982–) ʿAwāref al-Maʿāref. In: Yarshater E (ed) Encyclopaedia Iranica, vol 1. Routledge/Kegan Paul/Mazda Publishers/Encyclopaedia Iranian Foundation, London/Boston/Costa Mesa/New York, pp 114–115 3. Hartmann A (1954–2004) al-Suhrawardī, Shihāb alDīn Abū Ḥafṣ ʿUmar. In: The Encyclopaedia of Islam, New edn, vol 9. E.J. Brill, Leiden, pp 778–782 4. Knysh A (2000) Islamic mysticism: a short history. Brill, Leiden, pp 195–203 5. Naushahi A (2000) Barr-i ṣaghīr maiṅ ʿavārifuʾlmaʿārif kī maqbūliyat par chand shavāhid. Fikr-onaẓar (Islamabad) 37(2):111–125 6. Ohlander ES (2011) Mecca real and imagined: texts, transregional networks and the curious case of Bahāʾ al-Dīn Zakariyyā of Multan. In: Curry JJ, Ohlander ES (eds) Sufism and society: arrangements of the mystical in the Muslim world, 1200–1800. Routledge, Abingdon/New York, pp 34–49 passim 7. Ohlander ES (2008) A new terminus Ad Quem for ʿUmar al-Suhrawardī’s magnum opus. J Am Orient Soc 128(2):285–293 8. Ohlander ES (2008) Sufism in an age of transition: ‘Umar al-Suhrawardi and the rise of the Islamic mystical brotherhoods. Brill, Leiden 9. Rizvi SAA (1978–1983) A history of Sufism in India, vol 1. Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi, pp 86–93, 190–240 passim 10. Suvorova A (2004) Muslim saints of South Asia: the eleventh to fifteenth centuries. Routledge Curzon, London/New York, pp 132–154 passim S 632 Shaykhnā Pulavar ▶ Kadir, Shaykh Abdul Sheikh Hasina Clinton Bennett Department of Philosophy, State University of New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA Synonyms Śekha Hāsinā; Sheikh Hasina Wazed Definition Leader of Awami League since 1981, daughter of Bangladesh’s assassinated founding father, and winner of several major prizes for peace and human rights achievements, she began her second term as Prime Minister of Bangladesh January 2008, having previously served 1996–2001, succeeding and preceding her rival, Begum Khaleda Zia, leader of Bangladesh Nationalist Party with whom she has dominated Bangladeshi politics for over two decades. Shaykhnā Pulavar politically active, later commenting that politics is in her bloodstream [3], serving as Secretary of her Hall’s Students’ League and Vice-President of Eden’s Student Union (1966–1967) [4]. She says that her father regularly talked politics with her. Hasina married M. A. Wazed Miah (1942–2009), a nuclear physicist, on November 17, 1967, the year Durham University awarded him his doctorate. In public life, Hasina always uses “Sheikh Hasina,” not “Wazed,” although some literature does refer to her with that name. In 1972, her father Mujib became the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, formerly East Pakistan. He had led the movement to protect the status of Bangla, for autonomy and finally independence from West Pakistan, which treated East Pakistan as a colony. Hardly any Bengali military officers reached star rank, and the West dominated the civil service. West Pakistanis thought Bengali Islam syncretistic, mixed with Hinduism, and saw Bengalis as physically weak [5]. Mainly generated in the East, national income was spent in the West. The war of liberation began on March 26, 1971, and ended on Victory Day, December 16, 1971. At this time, Hasina was close to her future rival, Khaleda Zia, after her father helped save her marriage with Ziaur Rahman. A brigade commander in the war, Zia was reluctant to take her back; she had surrendered to Pakistani troops. After initially avoiding capture, Hasina and Wazed were interned [6]. Early Life, Family, and Education Family’s Murder Sheikh Hasina (born December 28, 1947) in Tungipara, Dhaka, is the oldest of five children of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (Mujib) and his wife, Fazilatunnesa Mujib. Her prefix “Sheikh” (more properly Śekha) is sometimes described as a traditional name in her family or as title (chief) used in Bangladesh by some members of the gentry [1]. After primary, secondary, and intermediate schooling in Dhaka, Hasina graduated BA in Bengali Literature from Dhaka University (1973) through Eden College, the pioneer and prestigious women’s academy founded in 1873 by Brahmo women [2]. At College, Hasina was On August 15, 1975, junior officers stormed Mujib’s home, killing him, his wife, and three sons; Hasina and her sister were visiting Germany, so they survived. Chaos followed. Regimes came and fell. Finally, Zia emerged as leader (July 21, 1976). Mujib had concentrated power in his own hands, arrested opposition leaders, and restricted press freedoms, alienating many. Defenders point out that Mujib needed special powers to deal with competing factions, a major flood, mass rehabilitation of displaced peoples and armed bandits roaming the countryside [7]. Sheikh Hasina After the murder of her parents and brothers, unable to return to Bangladesh, Hasina and her husband stayed with India’s Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, and then from April 1980 lived in London, setting up an Awami League (AL) branch; her father had cofounded AL (1949). Hasina began her long campaign to bring her family’s murderers to justice. In 1979, Zia lifted a ban on political parties (including religious ones), founded the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), and won a parliamentary election. Zia changed the nation’s constitution, which he associated with Mujib, removing “secularism” and redefining “socialism” as “economic and social justice” and “Bengali nationalism” as “Bangladeshi” [8]. “Bengali” crosses borders into the wider linguistic-cultural context; “Bangladeshi” is geopolitically more specific. The BNP version of events on March 26, 1972, credits Zia with proclaiming independence, obscuring Mujib’s role [9]. In February 1981, Hasina was elected AL Chair, returning to Bangladesh May 17th. The party was fractured, its leadership decimated through assassinations; the man who might have become Chair, Abdur Razzak nominated Hasina, thinking he could control her. He was also aware of the political value of her survivor status and dynastic links. Later, Razzak split from Hasina [10]. Campaigning for Democratic Restoration Following Zia’s assassination on May 30, 1981, his civilian deputy Abdus Sattar won the presidential election before falling in a bloodless coup to military dictator H. M. Ershad. By 1984, Khaleda was BNP Chair. Believing Zia to be part of the conspiracy that ended Mujib’s life, Hasina now saw her former friend as a foe. However, in campaigning for democratic restoration, they more or less cooperated. Hasina was thrice under house arrest but won a seat in the 1986 election, which BNP boycotted. Strikes, riots, and civil unrest led to Ershad’s resignation, tendered on December 6, 1990. He was found guilty of corruption. 633 BNP and AL Alternate in Power Elections followed (February 1991), which BNP won. Hasina became the official leader of the opposition. During 1996, she boycotted a February ballot, supporting demands for a Caretaker Government to oversee elections. She won the next election (June) with 146 out of 300 seats, succeeding Khaleda as Bangladesh’s second woman Prime Minister. Khaleda returned to office from 2001 to 2006. In 2006–2008, under a Caretaker Government, both women were charged with corruption (neither were convicted) and banned from politics. In the end, they led their parties in the 2008 election. Hasina won a two-thirds majority. As Prime Minister In power, archrivals Hasina and Khaleda actually pursue similar policies; AL has shifted from the left to the center. Both encourage private enterprise. Both prioritize gender and children’s issues, passing legislation in these areas. Hasina increased women’s representation in local government. Under both, the economy grows at about 4% per annum. Hasina tries to achieve a consensus by including opposition members in the government; BNP and Ershad’s Jatiya party have had posts. BNP allies with Islamist parties, stressing Islamic identity. AL is secular, attracting nonMuslim support. AL is friendlier toward India; BNP foreign policy focuses on the Muslim world, claiming that AL’s pro-India stance potentially compromises sovereignty. Hasina negotiated a water treaty with India (1996) and a peace accord with Chittagong Hill Tract tribes (1997). Internationally, she encourages a Culture of Peace. In 1997, she co-chaired the Microcredit Summit. In 2001, she attended the G8 meeting, the first South Asian leader invitee. Following a 2005 Supreme Court decision invalidating constitutional changes under military rule, the Fifteenth Amendment (2011) restored secularism, socialism, and Bengali nationalism as state principles, although Ershad’s eighth Amendment, making Islam the state religion, was kept. S 634 A clause protects religious freedom. Caretaker oversight of elections was removed; having initially opposed this, BNP now objected to its abolition. The Amendment also increased women’s reserved seats from 45 to 50. Both leaders boycott parliament in opposition, fomenting strikes and demonstrations. They meet so rarely that a 2009 ifṭār encounter made headlines [11]. Their rivalry precludes conciliatory politics, creating gridlock [12]. Critics accuse Hasina of spending too much time rehabilitating Mujib’s legacy; his “father of the nation” status is now again constitutionally enshrined, and his killers have stood trial. Reducing Hasina’s career to substitution for her slain father fails to credit her with any gifts and acumen of her own. The fact remains, though, that in several Asian societies considered patriarchal, women have played vital roles in leading democratic transitions, begging discussion about this phenomenon, the role of dynastic links, slain relatives, and women’s prodemocracy bias [13]. A controversial election held January 5 2014 which BNP and other opposition parties boycotted, saw AL win 233 seats. 154 were uncontested. By claiming victory and her third term as PM, Hasina's democratic credentials are arguably compromised. Due to violence, some seats remain vacant. Honors Hasina has received several honors, including the UNESCO Félix Houphouët-Boigny Peace Prize (former US Senator George J. Mitchell was co-recipient) and Oslo’s Mahatma Gandhi Award (both 1998). Abertay Dundee, Australian National, Boston, Bridgeport, Brussels’s Catholic, Visva-Bharati, and Waseda universities have all conferred honorary doctorates. Her husband, unlike some male spouses of Asian female leaders, did not engage in politics, pursuing his separate career. Their son Sajeeb joined AL in 2009; so far he holds no significant post. Important sources are Hasina’s collected works [14] and speeches [15]. For analysis of her career, see Bennett [16]. Sheikh Hasina Wazed Cross-References ▶ Bangladesh (Islam and Muslims) ▶ Mujibur Rahman, Shaykh ▶ Zia, Begum Khaleda References 1. Khan ZR (1996) The Third World charismat: Sheikh Mujib and the struggle for freedom. University Press, Dhaka 2. Amin SN (1996) The world of Muslim women in colonial Bengal, 1876–1939. Brill. US Women’s Academy, Leiden 3. Matin A (1997) Sheikh Hasina: the making of a prime minister. Radical Asia Publications, London 4. Āhameda S (1998) Sheikh Hasina, prime minister of Bangladesh. UBS Publishers’ Distributors, New Delhi 5. Ahmed AS (1997) Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic identity: the search for Saladin. Routledge, London 6. Gerlach R (2013) Female political leadership and dueling dynasties in Bangladesh. In: Derichs C, Thompson MR (eds) Dynasties and female political leaders in Asia. LIT Verlag, Berlin, pp 113–150 7. Ahmed M (1983) Bangladesh: era of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. University Press, Dhaka 8. Sukumaran Nair P (2008) Indo-Bangladesh relations. A.P.H. Publishing Corporation, New Delhi 9. Datta S (2004) Bangladesh. Shipra, Delhi 10. Chowdhury MH (2003) Democratization in South Asia: lessons from American institutions. Ashgate, Aldershot 11. The Daily Star (2009) “Senakunja Iftar gets Hasina, Hhaleda together,” 11 Sept 2009 12. Carpenter WM, Wiencek DG (2005) Asian security handbook terrorism and the new security environment. M.E. Sharpe, Armonk 13. Thompson MR (2003) Female leadership of democratic transitions in Asia. Pacific Aff J 75(4):535–555 14. Hāsinā Ś (2009) Collected works. Mowla Bros, Dhaka 15. Hāsinā Ś (1998) Miles to go: a collection of speeches of prime minister Sheikh Hasina. The Wing, Dhaka 16. Bennett C (2010) Muslim women of power: gender, politics, and culture in Islam. Continuum, London Sheikh Hasina Wazed ▶ Sheikh Hasina Sheikh Maududi ▶ Mawdūdī Shibli Numani 635 Early Education and Final Sheikh Mujib ▶ Mujibur Rahman, Shaykh Shīʿa Imāmī Ismāʿīlis ▶ Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs Shibli Nomani ▶ Shibli Numani Shibli Nu’mani ▶ Shibli Numani Shibli Numani Maheen Zaman MESAAS, Columbia University, New Hyde Park, NY, USA Synonyms Allama Shibili Nu’mani; Shibli Nomani; Shibli Nu’mani Definition Shibli Numani (1857–1914) was a scholar of Islamic intellectual history and theology. He is most famously associated with two of the most important post-1857 rebellion educational institutional initiatives – the Aligarh and the Nadwa movements. Shibli Numani, popularly simply known as Shibli, was born and died in Azamgarh, present-day Uttar Pradesh, India. His formative years were spent with Maulana Muhammad Farooq Chirayakoti, an eclectic rationalist scholar and opponent of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan. In Chirayakoti’s study circle, Shibli received a diverse religious education. From Chirayakoti he studied the classical noncanonical texts of Mu‘tazilite theology, Arab adaptations of ancient Hellenic natural science, and philosophy. Through him, Shibli was exposed to Muslim scholars with philological interests in Sanskrit and Hebrew ([2], p. 341). Shibli spent most of his life as an educator and a pioneering writer who contributed to the early development of Urdu prose. From among his literary productions, he is most remembered for his biography of the Prophet Muhammad and early Muslim personalities. Along with his attempt at reformulating the Islamic discipline of theology (‘ilm al-kalām), these historical and biographical writings contributed to the nineteenth-century apologetic responses to the polemical interventions of colonial Christian missionaries ([1], p. 193). His most important appointments were as a teacher of Arabic and Persian at Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh, which later became the Aligarh Muslim University, and as a founding member of the Nadwa movement and its seminary (madrasa), founded in Lucknow in 1898. At Aligarh Shibli was greatly influenced by the English educator and orientalist Thomas Arnold and learned from him modern historical research methodology ([3], p. 147). They developed a close friendship and had a very productive scholarly fellowship. During his Aligarh years, he also encountered disagreeable western representations of Islamic history and the Prophet’s biography, which prompted him to spend the rest of his life writing biographies and attempting to develop a new theology to meet the challenges posed by the new natural sciences. His most celebrated contribution is the six-volume prophetic biography that was completed from his manuscripts and S 636 notes by his close associate and student Syed Sulaiman Nadwi ([2], p. 339). Although Shibli shared with Sir Syed Ahmad Khan and others of the Aligarh movement the goal of reconciling modern knowledge systems with traditional Muslim beliefs and practices, he judged them to have conceded too much. After Sir Syed’s death in 1898, Shibli moved onto an advisory position in the princely State of Hyderabad and then in 1908 to Nadwat al-Ulama’s newly established seminary at Lucknow. Soon after, he began voicing criticism of Aligarh’s lack of seriousness in engaging Islamic intellectual traditions and the little space made for this in the formation of Aligarh’s graduates. At Nadwa Shibli was involved throughout Nadwa’s formative years when it was an annual conference of traditional religious scholars in the 1890s as it sought to give them political significance and a public role as the Muslim community’s representatives in British India. Nadwa’s stated goal and practical attempts at creating a “big tent” Muslim scholarly association to unite the community of believers failed in the face of internecine sectarian conflicts. Almost as a consolation in the end, key members of the group established a seminary in Lucknow appropriating British bureaucratic modernity in the pattern set by the then far more famous and influential seminary in Deoband. What was supposed to set Nadwa apart was its middle way between the overly accommodationist Aligarh and the reactionary isolationism of Deoband. Shibli took the lead in advocating the teaching of English and even Sanskrit at Nadwa. His years at Nadwa were no less embroiled in office politics and power struggles. Eventually, toward the end of his life, he moved on from Nadwa having fallen out of favor with more powerful factions there and resigned in an atmosphere of bitter acrimony. Throughout his career at Aligarh and Nadwa, one of the causes of friction with colleagues attributed to him by both his Shihāb al-Dīn detractors and supporters was his constant defensiveness and sensitivity to any and all perceived slights. This is usually explained by his relative lower social origin compared with that of the Ashraf class that dominated his social scene ([2], p. 341). After he left Nadwa, he ended back where he began, at Azamgarh. There, he left behind two legacies that would memorialize him much more than his activities at Aligarh and Nadwa. The first was the Dar al-Musannifin, a research institute that went on to attract graduates from Nadwa and elsewhere interested in producing historical works. The second was the Madrasa al-Islah (the Reformist Seminary) founded by an associate of his, Hamid al-Din Farahi. Graduates of this seminary appended the title Islahi to their names, and its most famous graduate, Amin Islahi, produced many notable students in Pakistan. Foremost among them is Javed Ahmad Ghamidi, whose group Al-Mawrid Institute of Islamic Sciences claims to be the successor of a so-called Shibli school of thought, one that proposes indigenous reformist Islamic solutions unsullied by modern western accretions. Through his historical and theological writings and educational initiatives, Shibli has remained relevant in twenty-first-century South Asian Islamic discourse. References 1. Ayesha J (2008) Partisans of Allah: Jihad in South Asia. Harvard University Press, Cambridge 2. Metcalf B (2005) Islamic revival in India: Deoband 1860–1900. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 3. Troll CW (1997) Muhammad Shibli Nu’mani (1857–1914) and the re-form of Muslim religious education. In: Grandin N, Gaborieau M (eds) Madrasa: La transmission du savoir dans le monde musulman. Editions Arguments, Paris, pp 145–157 Shihāb al-Dīn ▶ Muḥammad Ghūrī 637 Shirk Deities; Partnering with God; Polytheism; Sin; Worshipping many gods (sincerity) in which God is characterized as absolute, self-caused (causa-sui), self-subsisting, and unique without any wants or constraints. Since Allāh does not beget, nor was He begotten (Q. CXII:3), He is the ultimate reality, the supreme being, and hence, “there is none comparable unto Him” (Q. CXII:4), while all of His created beings including humans are contingent with constraint. Denial of this thesis means committing polytheism. Unlike a disbeliever (kāfir), a polytheist (mushrik) may accept the existence of God but in reality fail to prove it in practice. Definition Historical Development The term shirk in Islam is used to refer to idolatry or polytheism, which means deification, or worship of deity, gods, or anything other than Allāh. As opposed to polytheism, Islam preaches strict monotheism embedded in tawḥī d (oneness of God), i.e., God is one, unique, and absolute. The Arabic word shirk is derived from the root verb sharaka, meaning “to share with someone,” or “to include something.” From an Islamic perspective, shirk means attributing an equal partner unto Allāh, or associating anyone or anything with Him. The Islamic view of monotheism that Allāh is one and nothing is like Him is clearly stated in the Qur’ān: “nothing is like unto Him” (Q.XLII:11) that scripturally asserts God’s oneness and His uniqueness. The denial of this tenet is what in Arabic is called shirk (polytheism), which implies associating God with other gods, or deities, or idols. That worshipping anything besides Allāh is shirk is exemplified in the Qur’ān (X:18). The origin of shirk can be traced back to the community of Prophet Noah. Islam claims that tawḥī d (oneness of Allāh), which was introduced by Prophet Adam, the first human being created by God, continued (Q. II:213) for generations until the time of Noah [1]. However, polytheism intruded when the community of Noah was led astray by IblĪs, the Satan, instigating the followers of righteous men to erect statues of them, after their death in a bid to make them memorable. Out of sheer ignorance, these statues had been venerated and, to the extreme extent, worshipped ([2], vol 8, Ḥadīth no. 534). The Prophet Muḥammad is believed to have said in a ḥadīth al-qudsĪ that God said to him, “I created all my servants upon the true Religion (upon tawḥī d, free from shirk). Then Satan inspired them and led them astray from their true Religion” ([3], vol 8, Ḥadīth no. 159). From the sacred historical perspective, the monotheism established by Prophet Abraham was practiced without any disruption until ‘Amr bin Luhai, a brave warrior and a renowned religious leader, introduced idol-worship in Mecca by placing in the middle of the Ka‘bah an idol (Hubal) brought from Syria [5]. This action sparked the spread of paganism across Arabia, especially Mecca, though the action of ‘Amr bin Luhai was considered an act of innovation rather than deviation from the Abrahamic religion. Shirk Ismath Ramzy and Golam Dastagir Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Synonyms Antithesis of Shirk As mentioned, the cornerstone of Islamic belief lies in tawḥī d – the fundamental thesis of the attributes of Islamic God repeated in several verses of the Qur’ān, the opt-recited verse of which is “Say: He, Allāh, is One” (Q. CXII:1). On the metaphysical level, God in Islam is portrayed in the Qur’ānic chapter called al-Ikḥlāş S 638 Causes of Shirk Shirk is caused by several factors, such as intentional innovation, exaggeration of devotion and love, extreme forms of veneration of the Prophet or Messengers, etc. The Qur’ānic injunction enshrined in IV:171 and the Prophetic tradition warn against exaggerations that transgress the proper bounds of Islam, to the extent that humans, including Messengers and their followers, are placed in the rank and status of God. Such warnings abound in Islamic literatures. The Prophet Muḥammad himself advised his followers not to exaggerate his status as it leads to shirk. As he put it, “Do not praise, laud, approbate, or eulogize me the way that the Christians did to Jesus, the son of Mary. I am only the slave of Allāh, thus say, ‘The slave of Allāh and His messenger’.” ([2], vol 4, Ḥadīth no. 654). In recent times, reformist Islamic scholars argue that excessive reverence toward community leaders, elders, or religious heads may lead to shirk, especially if it involves irrational and illogical whims of devotion with emotion. They also claim that visiting Sūfi shrine, or paying homage to a Pīr, offering supplication at the tomb of the Prophet Muḥammad facing his grave, even blindly following (taqlī d) one’s culture and ancestors, and the like may prompt to shirk. As for any ancestral tradition, the Qur’ān forbids following such traditions without inspection, for such an act may commit shirk and people go astray (see Q. V:104, VII:28, X:78, XXI:53, XXVI:74, XLIII:22). In the same breath, humanization of God’s attributes and deification of creatures are likely to lead to shirk. However, the aforesaid exposition of shirk attributed by Islamic modern reformists is often rejected by scholars belonging to traditional Islam. From a perspective of a Sūfi, relying upon a created being means “hidden associationism” – a form of shirk called shirk khafī as opposed to tawḥī d that demands tawakkul (absolute reliance upon God) [6]. Shirk sorcery, orphan’s property appropriation, and involvement in interest-based business, but not shirk, as the Qur’ān said: “Lo! Allāh forgiveth not that a partner should be ascribed unto Him. He forgiveth (all) save that to whom He will. Whoso ascribeth partners to Allāh, he hath indeed invented a tremendous sin” (Q. IV:48). Classification of Shirk Based on the consequences of a person’s intention or action, shirk can be classified into two types, namely, shirk al-akbar (major sin) and shirk alasghar (minor sin). The major shirk (shirk alakbar) is known as open polytheism, which can take two forms: associating anyone or anything with God, such as believing in multiplicities of god and associating His attributes with someone or something. The belief in many gods is called shirk al-rubūbī yya (shirk in the Lordship of God), and deification of God and His attributes is known in Arabic literature as shirk al-asma wa al-ṣifāt (shirk in God’s names and attributes). Besides, there is another major shirk called shirk al‘ibādah (shirk in worship), which includes prostration, fasting, offering sacrifice, offering supplication, and the like intended to be offered to anything or anyone other than Allāh. On the other hand, by the shirk al-asghar (minor shirk) is meant hidden polytheism that includes a wide range of human actions such as making incantations, participating in love spells, wearing turquoise beads, or charms, or amulets with the belief that these would protect them from evil, etc. It is believed that the Prophet is reported to have said that sanctimony (al-riyā’) with the intention of pleasing God for the purpose of reward or admiration from people is also committing minor shirk. Another form of such shirk is tiyārah – superstitious belief in omens practiced in some rural areas of the subcontinent associated with folk cultures. Significance of Shirk Shirk in Modern Context Shirk is an unforgivable sin in Islam. God may forgive major sins including killing, robbery, The issue of shirk became a focal point of Islamic revivalism in the postmodern period with Siddi Lebbe, Mohammed Cassim a variation of interpretation of the term in changing circumstances. The views and interpretations of shirk in modern times often reflect the scholarship and background of these scholars concerned [7]. Interestingly, according to some radical Muslim movements, local traditions and cultures are viewed as shirk, while attempting to promote Middle East culture in non-Arab countries. Consequently, they are accused, to a greater extent, of having destroyed several Islamic traditional icons and symbols. This radical approach to shirk especially in Muslim minority countries leads to the erasure of Muslim history and of the contributions of Muslims in sociopolitical, economic, and religious affairs in those countries. In response to such Islamic radical movements, Sūfism claims that it seeks to set humans “free from the prison of multiplicity” and cures the soul of the deadly malady of shirk [4]. If local traditions and cultures were labeled as shirk, then there would be no Islamic country that did not commit shirk, for Islamic tradition, particularly Islam influenced by Ṣūfīsm, as found in the subcontinent, has accommodated local cultures, to a greater extent, and as such, although many of the Sūfi practices (such as reverence for the pīr, visiting the tombs of saints, offering blessing to the Prophet, etc.) are construed as shirk, Ṣūfīsm does not subscribe to what has already been identified as reliance on anyone other than one Allāh. It further claims that all its “shirk-like” practices are intended toward fulfilling the goal of attaining nearness to God. Indeed, the centrality of the Ṣūfī practice of zikr (remembrance of God) expressed as Allāh, or Lā ilāha, or Lā ilāha ill’ Allāh (there is no god, but Allāh), which is the fountainhead of Shahādah – the first and foremost pillar of Islam – explicitly shows that Ṣūfīsm confesses to tawḥī d (oneness of Allāh), and therefore, it lies at the heart of Islam. Cross-References ▶ kāfir ▶ Pīr ▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia ▶ Sin ▶ Sūfism 639 ▶ tawḥī d ▶ Worship References 1. Abdul-Rahman MS (2009) Tafsir Ibn Kathir (Part 02): Al-Baqarah. MSA Publication Limited, London 2. Bukhari M (1997) Sahih Al-Bukhari (trans: Khan MM, The translation of the meanings of Sahih Al-Bukhari: Arabic-English). Dar-us-Salam Publications, Riyadh 3. Muslim I (1976) Sahih Muslim (trans: Siddiqui AH). KAZI Publications, Chicago 4. Nasr SH (1972) Sūfi essays. George Allen & Unwin, London 5. Safi-ur-Rahman al-Mubarkpuri (2002) Ar-Raheeq AlMakhtum (The sealed nectar): biography of the prophet. Dar-us-Salam Publications, Riyadh 6. Schimmel A (1975) Mystical dimensions of Islam. The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill 7. Sirriyeh E (1990) Modern Muslim interpretations of shirk. Religion 20(2):139–159 Siddi Lebbe, Mohammed Cassim Torsten Tschacher Centre for Modern Indian Studies (CeMIS), University of Göttingen, Göttingen, Germany Institute of Islamic Studies, Freie Universität Berlin, Berlin, Germany Synonyms Muḥammad Qāsim b. Ṣiddīq Mukammatukācim Cittilevvai Labbai; Definition Mohammed Cassim Siddi Lebbe (1838–1898) was a Ceylonese Muslim reformer, publisher, and educationist. Introduction Mohammed Cassim Siddi Lebbe (1838–1898) was one of the driving forces in the development S 640 of Muslim revivalism in Ceylon in the late nineteenth century and the most important Muslim intellectual of the island in the colonial period. He was particularly pushing toward reforms for the improvement of education and the founding of schools among Muslims. He was furthermore an active publisher and writer, founding and editing Ceylon’s main Muslim newspaper for many years. His activities had a substantial impact on Muslim politics and identity formation in Ceylon in the first half of the twentieth century. Background Siddi Lebbe was born in Kandy in 1838 as the son of a lawyer. Receiving an English education, he followed his father’s footsteps in entering the legal field and becoming a proctor in 1862, practicing from his hometown Kandy. He also acted as a municipal magistrate for some time [6, 9]. In the mid-nineteenth century, it was generally rare for Muslims in Ceylon to pursue an English education. While a basic command of literacy and arithmetic may have been fairly common among shopkeepers, and some Muslims received a religious education in schools attached to mosques or in madrassas in South India, Muslims generally maintained a distance to the missionary and government institutions imparting English education [4, 5, 7, 9, 12]. By the final decades of the nineteenth century, the disadvantages of this attitude became increasingly clear to the small Muslim middle class [1, 9]. Developments during the 1880s finally galvanized some members of the Muslim elites, among them Siddi Lebbe, to work for reforms in Muslim society. One was the arrival of the exiled Egyptian nationalist leader, Ahmad ‘Urabi Pasha (1841–1911), in Colombo in 1883. ‘Urabi avoided anti-colonial political activism in exile, but he did support English education and the improvement of Muslim education in general [5, 9]. At the same time, Muslim elites began to react more sharply to the assertions by non-Muslim Tamil scholars and politicians that the Muslims of Ceylon should be considered as Tamils. These claims, it was understood, were primarily Siddi Lebbe, Mohammed Cassim advanced to legitimize the representation of Ceylonese Muslims through non-Muslim Tamil politicians [8, 12]. Finally, debates about the registration of Muslim marriages in the late 1880s sharpened not only Muslim identity but also the fault lines between reformers and traditionalists within the community [3, 5, 9]. Educational Reforms Siddi Lebbe is best known for his involvement in attempts to reform Muslim education in Ceylon and to spread English education among his coreligionists. On the practical side, he was involved in the foundation of schools. The most important of these was the Maradana Mohammedan Boys School, also known as Al Madrasathul Zahira, founded in 1892 in a suburb of Colombo, which later grew into Zahira College. The school was constructed by the Colombo Muslim Educational Society, which had been jointly established by Siddi Lebbe, ‘Urabi Pasha, and A.M. Wapichi Marikar (1868–1925), a wealthy landowner, in the year before. Already some years earlier, in 1884, Siddi Lebbe and Wapichi Marikar had attempted to start a school at the same site, but it had faltered soon after its establishment [5, 6, 9]. At the same time, Siddi Lebbe and his wife operated a school for Muslim girls in Kandy, one of three Muslim girls schools in the Central Provinces. However, Muslim girls schools faced serious difficulties. Most students left at the onset of puberty, and there were few qualified teachers. As a result, most of the early attempts to establish girls’ schools among Muslims faltered [5]. On the whole, the early Muslim education movement was focused on the mercantile communities in western, southern, and central Ceylon, while no attempts were made to reach the rural Muslim population of the east [12]. Besides his practical engagement in the foundation of schools, Siddi Lebbe also had to engage with questions of the syllabus. There was an insistence by many Muslims on Arabic education in Muslim schools, both as a result of growing attempts by the Muslims to define themselves as a racial group apart from the Tamils by stressing Siddi Lebbe, Mohammed Cassim descent from Arabs and as a concession to religious orthodoxy. Siddi Lebbe suggested means to incorporate this subject into Muslim schools while keeping the main education in Tamil, as Arabic was not recognized as a language of examination by the Education Department [5, 9]. He was also critical of the existing teaching materials and grammars in Tamil and criticized Muslim Tamil authors for their excessive focus on poetry [10]. As a result, he published Tamil primers on grammar, arithmetic, and Arabic, as well as an elementary Arabic reader [2, 6]. 641 is kidnapped as an infant, grows up in India, receives an English education, and marries a British woman who converts to Islam before he is reunited with his Egyptian family, exemplifying many of Siddi Lebbe’s own aspirations [13]. Perhaps Siddi Lebbe’s most important work is Asrar al-‘Alam, published in 1897, shortly before Siddi Lebbe’s death. Written as a dialogue between a Sufi master and his disciple, the book criticizes “orthodox” religious scholars and their dogmas as much as traditional Tamil Muslim poets and seeks to integrate “modern” scientific knowledge with Sufi doctrines. It is probably the most succinct compilation of Siddi Lebbe’s religious thought [9, 10]. Publishing Activities While Siddi Lebbe is best known for his involvement in the promotion of Muslim education, he was also a prolific publisher. In late 1882, he had established a weekly newspaper in Kandy, the Muslim Nesan (“The Muslim Friend”), which discussed a wide variety of matters of importance to Muslims. The Muslim Nesan also published reports from other Muslim-run newspapers, both Arabic and Tamil, as well as reports by correspondents from India and Southeast Asia. Readers’ letters and the resulting debates made Muslim Nesan the most important forum of Muslim public opinion in Tamil, with contributors not only from Ceylon but also from India and the Straits Settlements. In fact, a close relationship between the newspaper and Tamil Muslim newspapers from Penang and Singapore developed, in which Muslim Nesan became an important source for events in Arab countries, whereas the Southeast Asian newspapers contributed information on the situation of Muslims in their own region. In the 1890s, Siddi Lebbe furthermore edited a Muslim monthly called Ñāṉatīpam [1, 2, 11]. Apart from his journalistic and educational publications, Siddi Lebbe authored some other noteworthy books. Acaṉ Pē Carittiram (“The Story of Hasan Bey”), published in 1885, is generally considered to be the second novel written in Tamil and the first Tamil novel of Ceylon. It is noteworthy that Siddi Lebbe chose the new genre of the novel rather than any of the traditional poetic genres he criticized. The hero of the novel is an Egyptian who Cross-References ▶ Sri Lanka (Islam and Muslims) References 1. Azeez AMA (1968) Some aspects of the Muslim Society of Ceylon with special reference to the eighteen-eighties. In: Proceedings of the first international conference seminar of Tamil studies: Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, April 1966, vol 1. International Association of Tamil Research, Kuala Lumpur 2. Barnett LD, Pope GU (1909) A catalogue of the Tamil books in the library of the British Museum. British Museum, London 3. Farouque HMZ (1986) Muslim law. In: Mahroof MMM, Azeez M, Uwise MM et al (eds) An ethnological survey of the Muslims of Sri Lanka from earliest times to independence. Sir Razik Fareed Foundation, Colombo 4. Mahroof MMM (1972) Muslim education in Ceylon 1780–1880. Islam Cult 46(1):119–136 5. Mahroof MMM (1973) Muslim education in Ceylon (Sri Lanka) 1881–1901. Islam Cult 47(1):301–325 6. Mahroof MMM (1986) British rule and the Muslims. In: Mahroof MMM, Azeez M, Uwise MM et al (eds) An ethnological survey of the Muslims of Sri Lanka from earliest times to independence. Sir Razik Fareed Foundation, Colombo 7. Mahroof MMM (1986) Muslim education. In: Mahroof MMM, Azeez M, Uwise MM et al (eds) An ethnological survey of the Muslims of Sri Lanka from earliest times to independence. Sir Razik Fareed Foundation, Colombo 8. McGilvray DB (1998) Arabs, Moors and Muslims: Sri Lankan Muslim ethnicity in regional perspective. Contrib Indian Sociol 32(2):433–483 S 642 9. Samaweera V (1979) The Muslim revivalist movement. In: Roberts M (ed) Collective identities nationalisms and protest in modern Sri Lanka. Marga Institute, Colombo, pp 1880–1915 10. Siddi Lebbe MC (1897) Asṟāṟul ālam. Star Press, Colombo 11. Tschacher T (2011) ‘Walls of illusion’: information generation in colonial Singapore and the reporting of the Mahdi-Rebellion in Sudan. In: Heng D, Aljuneid SMK (eds) Singapore in global history. Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam, pp 67–88 12. Wagner C (1990) Die Muslime Sri Lankas: Eine Volksgruppe im Spannungsfeld des ethnischen Konfliktes zwischen Singhalesen und Tamilen. Arnold Bergstraesser Institut, Freiburg i.Br 13. Zvelebil KV (1986) The first six novels in Tamil. J Tamil Stud 30:1–14 Siddiqi, Maulana Abdul Aleem Yasien Mohamed Department Foreign Languages, University of the Western Cape, Bellville, South Africa Synonyms Abdul Aleem; Siddique Definition Maulana Shah Abdul Aleem Siddique was one of the salient modern figures of the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent, and traveled the world for 40 years to preach the message of peace and harmony among nations. Introduction Maulana Shah Abdul Aleem Siddique (r) was born in Meerut, India, on 3 April 1892 and died in the Holy City of Medina on 22 August 1954. He left behind a literary legacy and selflessly served humanity. He was also a salient figure in the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent. He encountered leading men of letters, prominent politicians, and renowned spiritual figures of the time. As the Siddiqi, Maulana Abdul Aleem “Roving Ambassador of Peace,” he traveled the world for 40 years to preach peace and harmony among nations. This biography deals with his contributions as a scholar, writer, missionary, preacher, educationist, diplomat, peace maker, Sufi shaykh, theologian, and orator. His Religious Education and Spiritual Training Maulana Siddique (r) directly descends from the first Caliph, Sayyidinā Abū Bakr al-Ṣiddīq (ra), and was reared in a respected scholarly family. His father, Maulanā ‘Abdul Ḥakīm (r), an esteemed scholar, imparted to him religious and general knowledge. Among his teachers were Maulanā Shah Aḥmad Rīḍā (r) of Bareily, Shaykh Aḥmad al-Shams (r) of Morocco, Shaykh al-Sanūsī (r) of Libya, and Maulanā ‘Abd al-Bārī (r) of Farangi Mahal. Maulana Siddique (r) grew up in a spiritual atmosphere; his mother, a pious woman, took sole care of him at the age of 12, after his father’s demise. He completed his spiritual training under his brother-in-law Qazi Intizamudin, and his elder brother Maulana Aḥmad Mukhtar Siddique (r), from whom he received ijāzah (authorization) in several Sufi orders, including the Qadiriyyah, Suhrawardiyyah, and Naqshbandiyyah. This training raised him to the level of a Sufi teacher, which commenced his quest for spiritual illumination. He frequently visited Makkah and Medina to meet spiritual luminaries such as Shaykh Aḥmad al-Shams of Morocco. Therefore, such a social context naturally acted as a powerful stimulus on his temperament. His spiritual orientation is reflected in his Kitāb-al-Taṣṣawwuf (The Book of Sufism), intended to guide his disciples. His underlying desire to understand modern world problems impelled him to acquire an English education, which he diligently pursued after completing the Dars-e-Nizami at Islamia High school, Etowah, and the Divinity College, Meerut. Shortly after graduating in 1917, he became the manager of a reputed firm in Bombay, and was promoted to partner. However, after his pilgrimage to Makkah, he devoted himself entirely to the moral and religious revival of humanity. Siddiqi, Maulana Abdul Aleem A Missionary Since childhood, Maulana Siddique (r) aspired to be a missionary, and traveled the globe bearing the torch of Islam. He relinquished the lucrative business he established in 1919, and devoted 40 years of his life to propagating Islam. As a missionary, he only returned home for short intervals, until his demise. The countries he visited were: China, Reunion, Uganda, Congo, Palestine, France, Britain, United States, and South Africa. He brought the message of peace to thousands, and raised the moral and spiritual levels of countless Muslim communities. He was received hospitably wherever he went. In exchange for the knowledge and inspiration he provided, people warmly offered him food and shelter. Maulana Siddique’s (r) first occupation was to teach Urdu to Englishmen, who were required to be fluent in the language in British India. During his stay in Makkah in 1919, he lectured students on Ibn ‘Arabī’s Fuṣuṣ al-Ḥikam, Jalalayn’s Qur’ānic commentary, and the Mishkāt ḥadī th collections. He continued these when he returned to India, and established the National High School (Jamia Millia) at Poona, as principal from 1920 to 1922. His formal teaching was short-lived, but throughout his travels, especially Medina, eager students and religious scholars came to him to learn and to take ijāzah (authority) in ḥadī th and taṣṣawuf (Islamic spirituality). As an educationist, Maulana Siddique (r) believed that education meant fully building up character, and that secular and religious education should be integrated in the educational curriculum of Muslim countries. Such an educational reform was first attempted in Makkah where science, mathematics, history, and geography supplemented the religious and literary curricula. He initiated a similar reform at the National High School in Poona. The idea of educational integration also appealed to Maulana Mohammad Ali of Khilāfat fame, who prepared the foundations of the later fully fledged National Muslim University at Aligarh. Maulana also initiated similar reforms in Malaysia and Pakistan, especially in the Colleges of Sind and Karachi. It was under his guidance that his disciple, Maulana Fazlul Rahman 643 Ansari (r), wrote his epoch-making book on Muslim education, The Present Crisis in Islam and our Future Educational Programme (Aligarh Muslim University Muslim League, 1944). A Pluralist As a pluralist, Maulana Siddique (r) wanted everyone to be united in their common spirituality against the destructive forces of secular materialism. He stood for peace, but did not discount jihād as a form of self-defense, a view inspired by Sayyid Amīr ‘Alī, Sayyid Aḥmad Khān, and Shiblī Nu‘mānī. Maulana stood for peace within the self, peace with God, and peace with others. He strove for peace and harmony and humanity’s spiritual regeneration. He felt that ignorance of God’s Omnipresence and His moral order has led to human suffering. Likewise egoism can only be alleviated by affirming God’s existence and moral order. Religious leaders should unite toward this, and fight against the common enemy of atheism and secular materialism. Thus, His Eminence initiated the Inter-Religious Organization in Singapore, which remains active in bringing various religious leaders together to fight the forces of secular materialism. Maulana invited religious leaders to join his organization, and in 1950, he wrote a letter to Pope Pius XII, proposing a solution to the crisis facing humanity. He maintained that peace is unattainable by modern humanity unless humankind strives for spiritual revivification. The Inter-Religious Organizations aimed to unite religious leaders to combat secular materialism. A Diplomat Maulana Siddique (r) was in contact with prominent leaders such as Muḥammad ‘Alī Jinnāḥ, Mahatma Gandhi, and Pandit Nehru, and many others from Malaysia, Indonesia, the Middle East, and Africa. He devoted an entire year to promote the Indian Muslim struggle for independence, especially in the Middle East. At that time, Muslim leaders regarded Pakistan’s creation an S 644 impediment to India’s freedom. The All-India Muslim League, preoccupied with internal issues, could not pay attention to propagating its cause outside India. Maulana Siddique, however, being fluent in Arabic and having contacts with Arab leaders, was able to represent its cause in Egypt, Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, Trans-Jordan, and Iraq. In Egypt, he stayed with Shaykh Ḥasan al-Bannā, the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, and was thus able to convince Egyptians about the legitimacy of the Indian Muslim struggle. His efforts here were long and arduous, but successful. He was welcomed by Arab leaders, including the king of Jordan and the Mufti of Palestine. Maulana Siddique’s political activity was not confined to the Indo-Pakistan continent. Undeterred by worldly temptations and dangers, he wrote an Arabic memorandum condemning Sharīf Ḥusayn of Saudi Arabia for compromising with the West, and for undermining the Turkish Caliphate. He also actively partook in the Khilafat Movement of India, which attempted to restore the Khilāfah. Through constant contact with King Ibn Sa’ud, he was able to address the problem of the unjust ḥajj tax. He received an internationally supported official mandate from the All-India Muslim League in 1946, and led a delegation to King Ibn Sa’ud, which led to the decrease in tax. Maulana led a delegation to the Indian Premier Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru to protest against the maltreatment of Indian Muslims, the suppression of Islamic culture, and the desecration of Islamic monuments by Hindus and Sikhs. When the nationalist Muslims in India sought independence from British India, he joined the Khilafat movement, and gave countrywide lectures to create political awareness among the sub-continental Muslims. However, his political participation was short-lived, and he devoted his life to Islamic missionary activity among Muslims and non-Muslims. A Theologian Maulana Siddique (r) was concerned about the theological conflicts between the Barelwīs and Deobandīs, Ṣūfīs and Salafīs, Sunnīs and Shī‘as. Undoubtedly, he started his religious career as Siddiqi, Maulana Abdul Aleem a Barelwī, and was initially aggressive toward other theological schools, but gradually shifted from polemics to reconciliation, and concentrated attention on creating goodwill and harmony between different schools of thought. Thus, he became a founder member of the Society for the Promotion of Harmony between Muslim Religious Groups, under the leadership of Muḥammad ‘Alī Pāshā of Egypt. While his earlier lectures were theologically biased, his later lectures concentrated on presenting Islam as a religion of peace and tolerance. Although he had his theological preferences, he was not hostile toward other theological schools. He always bore in mind the need to unite against the common enemy of secular materialism. His Demise Maulana Siddique’s love for the Prophet (ṣ) was so great that he traveled the world for 40 years to spread this love through his missionary work. It was his life-long dream to die in Medina, near the Prophet (ṣ); in 1954, he passed away in Medina, and was buried in Jannatul Baqī ‘, near the Prophet’s wives, behind the grave of Ayesha (ra). His daughter, Dr Farida Ahmed Siddique, founded the Women’s Islamic Mission of Pakistan to commemorate and continue the work of her late father, and they recently published The Greatest Propagator of Islam. Maulana’s lectures in South Africa unprecedentedly awoke the country, and several nonMuslim leaders embraced Islam. He established the Islamic Service Centre in Durban, which publishes Muslim Digest, Ramadan Annual, and the Makki publications (a series of Islamic Books). His Urdu lectures were presented in Durban and Johannesburg to a predominantly Indian Muslim community, and his English lectures were given in Cape Town and the Boland areas. His most popular English lecture was delivered at the Green Point Track in Cape Town in 1952. The English version of his Urdu lectures in South Africa appeared in The Roving Ambassador of Peace. Many of Maulana Siddique’s Urdu lectures were presented in mosques, especially Queen Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khān ˙ Street Mosque in Pretoria, Grey Street mosque in Durban, and Habibia mosque in Cape Town. A central theme in his lectures was the Prophet’s (ṣ) great example for mankind. Maulana Siddique was a Shaykh of the Qadariyyah Sufi order, and initiated others into this order. Many South African Muslims became his disciples. Their children, who still have memories of the “Holy Man from the East,” continue the meditations he initiated. Maulana Siddique’s (ṣ) visit strengthened the already strong Sufi tradition in South Africa. His Sufi meditations and invocations were reinforced by his disciple, Maulana Ansari (r), who visited South Africa in the 1970s. Thus, the Aleemi Qadari Ansari Mehfil, named after them, was started, and the members continue with Thursday dhikrs in Cape Town. Among the early local disciples of Maulana Siddique (r) were Hajie Ebrahim Paleker and Hajie Yusuf Zalgonker. His presence influenced every country he visited, even after his demise. He zealously promoted all the great philanthropic and religious institutions. Orphans and orphanages received his ready aid; student educational institutions received his ever-ready support. Muslims of diverse schools of thought were embraced in the circle of his charity, and they were all so inspired by him that when he died, they lamented his demise in a thousand pulpits. Maulana Abdul Aleem Siddique (r), the saint, philosopher, and orator, is known for his inspirational lectures – especially in the East and in Africa where he also established mosques, orphanages, and centers of learning, some of which bear his name. Thousands embraced Islam through his Islamic missionary activity, and many more were initiated into his spiritual order. His life and death are testimony to his love for the Prophet (ṣ). His dream of being buried in Medina near the Prophet (ṣ) manifested in 1954: he was buried in Jannatul Baqī ‘ at the feet of Ayesha (ra). 645 Further Reading 1. Mohamed Y (ed) (2006) The roving ambassador of peace: the lectures of Maulana Abdul Aleem Siddiqui in South Africa. IQRA Publishers, Cape Town 2. Qadri MY (ed) (2003) The greatest propagator of Islam: Muhammad Abdul Aleem Siddiqui. Women’s Islamic Mission, Karachi Siddique ▶ Siddiqi, Maulana Abdul Aleem Sin ▶ Shirk Sir Sayyid ▶ Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khān ˙ Farid Panjwani Department of Curriculum, Pedagogy and Assessment, Institute of Education, University of London, London, UK Synonyms Aḥmad Khān; Sir Sayyid; Sir Syed; Syed Aḥmad Definition Cross-References ▶ Islamic Philosophy in India ▶ Nafs Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān (October 17, 1817–March 27, 1898) was an educational and religious reformer and among the pioneers of modernist Islam. S 646 Context Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān (October 17, 1817–March 27, 1898) was an educator, author, religious reformer, and among the pioneers of what has been called the modernist Islam [1]. Sayyid Aḥmad’s thoughts and institutional development have left a far-reaching imprint on Indian Muslims. He believed that British dominance in India did not only consist of military rule but also represented a new intellectual and epistemological approach to society and nature. Consequently, he urged Muslims to have an accommodation with British and master their education, culture, and philosophy if they were to have any chance to prosper and find their place in the new world. As will be seen below, this entailed educational as well as religious reform and led to strong resistance to the emerging Indian nationalism. The nineteenth century was a very dynamic and complex period in the creation of colonial modernity, with sections of Indian society who acted as local collaborators and resisters, shaping British rule in India under the overarching influence of industrial capitalism. Old metaphysics came under strain and new religious identities and reform movements were formed. As the century progressed, the feeling that something new was in the air became increasingly widespread [2]. Described by Fazlur Rahman as having “the most radical spirit” of all reformers discussed in his book Islam and Modernity, Sayyid Aḥmad was born in Delhi into a family with long-held ties to the ruling Mughal dynasty [3]. He received a traditional education consisting of reading of the Qur’ān, study of languages such as Persian and Arabic, and mathematics. He joined the East India Company’s civil service and rose in rank. The widespread military and civil uprising against the British in 1857, a watershed in a long history of resistance, was a major transformative period in Sayyid Aḥmad’s life who was in Bijnor at that time. For him, the rebellion (as he called it) was an act of ungratefulness, destructive, and ultimately futile [4]. Not sword but education and reconciliatory politics were his Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khān ˙ answer to the appalling conditions of Muslims. In Sayyid Aḥmad’s view, for this answer to be effective, Muslims had to accept the reality that they were no more at the helm of affairs in India and needed to forge a fresh intellectual path. Concurrently, the British had to recognize that Muslims were loyal to the Empire, suffered under unfair policies, and could be a willing partner in their own uplift. He devoted himself to implementing this vision. Reconciliation Between Muslims and the British The relations between British and Muslims reached a nadir after the events of 1857 with both sides blaming each other for violence. Creating rapprochement between them became Sayyid Aḥmad’s immediate task. In his treatises Causes of the Indian Rebellion and The Loyal Muhammadans of India, he attempted to show that if the Muslims did in fact err in 1857, it was only through absurdity, misunderstanding, and some culturally insensitive policies – all of which could be easily rectified by understanding on the part of the British. Further, to bring about a theological reconciliation among Muslims and Christians, Sayyid Aḥmad wrote a commentary on the Bible, called Tabyī n al-Kalām, showing the similarities between the two scriptures and countering Muslim claims about the Bible’s corruption by Christians, a radically tolerant position even today [5]. By the 1870s, there was a substantial shift in the British attitude towards the Indian Muslims, though it is hard to judge what role Sayyid Aḥmad’s efforts played as there were many larger geopolitical factors as well dictating this shift [6]. The same period also saw increasing Indian nationalist sentiments. This development was a cause of much concern to Sayyid Aḥmad who saw this as leading to a majority rule in which Muslims, as a minority, may suffer under the Hindu majority. This overtime led him increasingly to stress the need for Muslim loyalty to the British. Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khān ˙ Educational Reforms Unlike some of his contemporary reformers, Sayyid Aḥmad saw the changes in Muslim fortunes as essentially linked to an epistemological shift in modern times that made the intellectual traditions of Muslims irrelevant: “Today doctrines are established by natural experiments, and they are demonstrated before our eyes,” he observed [7]. He found little in his traditions whose revival could equip Indian Muslims to regain their former glory. Instead, he saw the acquisition of modern Western education as the only means for the promotion of Muslim cause [8]. Sayyid Aḥmad’s educational thought took a decisive turn during his visit to England in 1869 where he saw a system that he thought was suitable for the needs of the Muslims of India. In one letter to his friend Mohsin al-Mulk, he wrote, “If you were here, you would see how training is given to the children; what is the method of education; how knowledge is acquired, and how a nation wins prestige” [9]. Previously, he was ambivalent about the role local Indian languages could play in promoting new ideas among the Indian Muslims. English may be perceived as a cultural threat but were Indian languages capable of handling modern thought? His two-pronged answer was to open schools with local languages as their medium of instruction and to set up a Translation Society to promote the translation of modern scientific works into Urdū [10]. After the visit to England, his ambiguity was resolved. Upon his return he worked to establish the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College (later Muslim ‛Alīgarh University) at ‛Alīgarh, which he conceived along the lines of Cambridge University. The setting up of the College was a struggle not only in terms of generating resources but also because of the opposition from some of his fellow Muslims, particularly some “ulamā,” who saw his aims as harmful to Islamic tradition. Though many Muslims, particularly from the upper and middle classes, supported him, the resistance was fierce enough to force Sayyid Aḥmad to make compromises, perhaps the most 647 far reaching of which was to leave the religious instruction at the College to the traditional religious scholars of the Deoband Madrasa. The College, though inspired by the conditions of Muslims, was open to all. In fact, its first graduate was a Hindu. There were two departments in the College: (a) an English department, in which BA, BSc, MA, MSc, and LLB degrees were offered, and (b) an Oriental department, in which modern sciences and the traditional Muslim learning in Arabic and Persian were offered. Since it was also a place of moral development, there was an emphasis on fulfilling religious obligations such as prayers and fasting. Students wore uniforms and there was a lively tradition of debating and sports. Enrollment statistics for the subsequent years indicate that the College may have contributed to motivate greater Muslim participation in higher education [11]. Rethinking Islamic Tradition Educational change had an immediate impact on religious thought. Access to Western education also meant interaction with secular writings that included criticisms of the religious worldview. Sayyid Aḥmad observed, . . . I have not yet seen anybody well acquainted with English and interested in the English sciences and who believes with full certainty in the doctrines of Islam as they are current in our time. I am certain that as these sciences spread. . . there will arise in the hearts of people uneasiness and carelessness and even a positive disaffection toward Islam as it has been shaped in our time. [12] Sayyid Aḥmad’s response was underpinned by the belief that religious thought was contextual and is refashioned with changing times. He noted that “just like ancient and modern philosophical principles have changed, religious principles have also changed with time. Ancient religious principles teach us that man is meant for religion; modern principle is that religion is meant for man. Old principles ask us to find God blindly in the darkness of night; modern principles teach us to search for God with open eyes, in light of contemporary environment” [13]. S 648 His response was to look for ways to reconcile the traditional precepts of the Islamic faith with modern rationality for Muslims and to justify traditional Islamic moral precepts to the Europeans. It was because of this attempt that he is often put in the modernist camp, a categorization not always sustainable. In his theological works, Sayyid Aḥmad sought to create a rapprochement between religion and science of his time by invoking compatibility between the “Word,” a concept that formed a principal idea in Islamic theology, and the idea of nature, or the “Work” of God, which was critical to the scientific outlook. The cardinal thesis to his argument was that the whole creation, mankind included, is the Work of God, and religion is His Word; those two cannot contradict each other [14]. But he experienced a fundamental problem. Traditional interpretations of many Qur’ānic verses seemed to imply a contradiction between the Work and Word of God, between the apparent meaning of the verses and the findings of modern science; for example, the verses traditionally understood as narrating miracles conflicted with modern scientific understanding of the workings of nature. His way out was to argue, in a classic modernist fashion, that the rationality lay buried in the Qur’ān under the weight of many centuries of misguided commentaries and interpretations. He thus proposed a methodology that required a return to the text of the Qur’ān to in order to rediscover a rational Islam. Part of this methodology was to demythologize or naturalize the meaning of the Qur’ānic verses. This can be illustrated by his treatment of miracles, which he tried to explain in empirical terms within the known scientific laws. For instance, the incident of the parting of the Sea in the story of Moses was explained through the phenomenon of low tide by appealing to Qur’ānic morphology and geography [15]. His approach to ḥadī th was driven by the same perspective of rationality: that a genuinely true ḥadī th could not be at variance with rational thought. This led him to reject a major part of aḥadī th (sayings of the Prophet Muhammad) and offer his own threefold criterion for authenticity. He argued that although Muslims “should Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khān ˙ be grateful for the exertions made by the ḥadīth compilers,” they are also “obliged to investigate whether they are really the words and acts of the Prophet, or not” [16]. While dealing with what he saw as the supernatural and contrary to reason in the Qur’ān and ḥadī th, Sayyid Aḥmad took a position that was radically different from that of traditional theological thought. However, with regard to the social teachings of the Qur’ān, his approach was not always modernist. With regard to slavery, for example, he took a modernist position, thereby favoring complete abolition, providing new Qur’ānic justification, and claiming that for centuries Muslims misunderstood the real message of the Qur’ān [17]. On other matters, however, he defended the traditional understanding of the Qur’ānic verses. For example, on the issue of polygamy, he claimed that it was in accordance with human needs and of great benefit. Similarly, his views about the role of women in society, particularly about education, were surprisingly conventional. In this vein, for example, he opposed the publication of Mumtāz ‛Ali Khān’s essay on the rights of women, Ḥuqūq al-Niswān [18]. Sayyid Aḥmad’s theological approach thus forces a rethinking of the neat division between traditionalist and modernist. In Sayyid Aḥmad, the modernist, tradition was sometimes recast and sometimes rejected, but on many occasions, it continued to survive albeit with new rationale. What is illustrated by the variant responses of Sayyid Aḥmad (and his opponents) is not a sweeping divide between modernity and tradition – as has been the perspectives of some scholars – but alternative uses of tradition in light of the changed human conditions. Sayyid Ahmad’s Legacy ˙ Though widely discussed and generally held in high esteem among Indian Muslims, particularly in Pakistan, Sayyid Aḥmad’s pro-British approach and religious thought earned him many critics among nationalists as well as religious groups. He was seen to have internalized Oriental constructions of India and its people. 649 Siyāsa Islāmiyya His favoring of Urdu brought him in conflict with some Hindus, particularly the intelligentsia among whom there was a kindling nationalism. This made him concentrate more so on the Indian Muslims and began to express doubts about the long-term peaceful coexistence of the two religious communities in India. It is on the basis of these ideas that many nationalist historians portray Sayyid Aḥmad as a Muslim nationalist and as the pioneer of the “▶ Two-Nation Theory.” Despite strong opposition to his explorations in Islamic theology, it is interesting to note that many of his discursive moves and arguments to provide a rational basis to Qur’ānic precepts have become part of the standard Islamic apologetic discourse. For instance, the widespread tendency to claim reconciliation between Islam and science can be traced back to Sayyid Aḥmad’s formula equating the Word and Work of God – though he would have been aghast at the trend of reading modern scientific ideas into the Qur’ān. Cross-References ▶ Aligarh Muslim University ▶ Deoband ▶ Two-Nation Theory 6. Crane RI, Barrier NG (eds) (1981) British imperial policy in India and Sri Lanka, 1858–1912: a reassessment. Heritage Publishers, Delhi 7. Aḥmad KS (2002) Lectures on Islam. In Kurzman (ed) op cite, p. 263 8. Speech at the Muhammadan Educational Conference on 27 December 1886, quoted in Baljon JM (1949) The reform and religious ideas of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan. Brill, Leiden, p 33 9. Masood SR (1922) Khutoot-e Sir Syed (Letters of Sir Syed). Badayun. http://www.sirsyedtoday.org/books/ Default.aspx?srch=letters 10. Begum R (1985) Sir Syed Ahmed Khan: the politics of educational reform. Vanguard, Lahore 11. Lelyveld D (1978) ‘Aligarh’s first generation: Muslim solidarity in British India. Guildford/Princeton University Press, Princeton; Muhammad S (1978) The ‘Aligarh Movement: basic documents, 1864–1898. Meenakshi Prakashan, Meerut 12. Aḥmad KS (2002) Lectures on Islam. In Kurzman (ed) op cite, p. 6 13. Panipat MI (1961) Zamane khadeem aur zamane jadeed ka Mazhabi khayal. In: Maqalat-e-Sir Syed. Part 3. Majlis-i Taraqqī-yi Adab, Lahore, pp 23–25 14. Baljon (1964) op. cit.; Aḥmad A (1967) Islamic modernism in India and Pakistan, 1857–1964. Oxford University Press, Oxford; Panipat MI (1961) Qur’ān Majeed ki tafseer. In: Maqalat-e-Sir Syed. Part 2, p. 196ff 15. Panipat MI (1961) Narrative of Moses. In: Maqalat-eSir Syed. Part 4, pp 226ff 16. Aḥmad KS (1898) Akhri Mazamin. Rafa-i ‘Aam Press, Lahore, p. 97 17. Aḥmad KS (1893) Ibtāl-e-Ghulāmi. Maṭba-i Mufid-i ‘Aam, Agrah 18. Minault G (1990) Sayyid Mumtaz ‘Ali and ‘Huquq unNiswan’: an advocate of women’s right in Islam in the late nineteenth century. Mod Asian Stud 24(1):147–172 References 1. Kurzman C (ed) (2002) Modernist Islam 1840–1940: a sourcebook. Oxford University Press, New York 2. Bayly C (1988) Indian society and the making of the British empire. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge; Bose S, Jalal A (1998) Modern South Asia: history, culture, political economy. Routledge, London; Varshney A (2002) Ethnic conflict and civic life: Hindus and Muslims in India, 2nd edn. Yale University Press, New Haven; Hardy P (1972) The Muslims of British India. Cambridge University Press, London 3. Fazlur R (1988) Islam & modernity. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 4. Aḥmad KS, Malik H, Dembo M (1972) Tarikh Sarkashiy-i Dhilla Bijnor (History of the Bijnor Rebellion). East Lansing: Asian Studies Center, Michigan State University 5. Aḥmad KS (1862) Tabyin al-Kalām (Commentary on Bible). Vol. II, ‘Aligarh Sir Syed ▶ Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān Siyām ▶ Ṣawm ▶ Ramaḍān Siyāsa Islāmiyya ▶ Politics, Islām S 650 Smith ▶ Smith, Wilfred Cantwell Smith, Wilfred Cantwell Golam Dastagir1,2 and Zuraidah Abdullah2 1 Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh 2 Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Synonyms Cantwell Smith; Smith; WC Smith; Wilfred Smith Definition Wilfred Cantwell Smith (1916–2000) was one of the distinguished scholars of comparative religions, particularly of Islam in the last century. He was a pioneer thinker of religious pluralism, comparative history of religions, and intercultural and interdisciplinary studies. He hailed from Toronto, Canada. Smith: His Life and Work Born in Toronto to Victor Arnold Smith and Sarah Cory Cantwell Smith, Wilfred traveled to France at the age of 7 and spent a year at the Lycée Champollion in Grenoble. His maiden encounter with Islamic culture was to seize an opportunity to study Arabic at the age of 17 in Cairo for a year, while accompanying his mother, who was a professor of Classics. This was a turning point in his life [2]. He studied Classical Semitic Languages and Eastern History at the University of Toronto and graduated with honors in 1938. He continued his theological studies as a researcher at St. John’s College and Westminister College in Cambridge, England, and had an opportunity to Smith work with Sir Hamilton Alexander Rosskeen Gibb (1895–1971), a renowned professor of Islamic studies at Oxford, and later at Harvard, also one of the editors of Encyclopedia of Islam (Brill). In pursuance of comparatives studies of religion, Wilfred Cantwell Smith along with his wife Muriel MacKenzie Struthers, whom he married in 1939, moved to India in 1940 as a missionary and had devoted himself for almost 7 years (1940–1946) – during most of the time of the World War II – to the teaching of the history of India and of Islam at Forman Christian College in Lahore, in what is today Pakistan. Keenly interested in Muslims’ presence, movement, and socio-political status in the subcontinent, he studied during his tenure in Lahore the life and social status of Muslims in India, and based on his observation and dissertation, he penned his first book entitled Modern Islam in India: A Social Analysis, which was first published by Minerva Press in Lahore in 1943, though it was rejected at Cambridge University for criticizing the British Raj [3]. Modern Islam in India widely highlights such brilliant topics as Aligarh Muslim University and the Christian mission’s role in Islamic reform, Islam and Indian nationalism, Islamic nationalism, the Muslim League, the pan-Islamic and related movements, etc. [8]. However, Smith was accused of making a favorable approach to socialism, and the book was banned in India [2]. He left India for North America and completed his Ph.D. with a dissertation titled “The Azhar Journal: Analysis and Critique” in 1948 at Princeton University under the famous Arab historian P.K. Hitti. His dissertation was later turned into a book entitled Islam in Modern History, published in 1957 [3]. He returned to India again in 1963 on sabbatical leave from McGill, Canada, for 1 year before he joined Harvard University. Smith’s Contribution to Islamic Studies Professor Smith’s enthusiasm for understanding cross-cultural traditions, especially Islam, was reflected in his monumental contribution to the unbiased academic studies of Islam in Smith, Wilfred Cantwell a scientific and disciplined way, for the purpose of which he founded the Institute of Islamic Studies (IIS) at McGill University, Montreal, in 1952. This was the first of its kind devoted exclusively to Islamic studies in North America established by a non-Muslim living in the West. In a bid to establish a harmonious coexistence between the people of diverse faiths promoting pluralism and diversity, he appointed Muslim and non-Muslim Islamic scholars to the faculty, another daunting venture for a Western Christian at that time [3]. To Smith’s virtual efforts, this trend still continues, as Muslims seem to share almost 50% of the entire staffing of the Institute. The Islamic Studies Library (ISL), a home to a large collection of primary sources as well as works on Islam in mainly oriental languages, was set up together with his former student William J. Watson [2]. W.C. Smith endeavored to bridge the divide between civilizations through encounter with other traditions. To that end, he authored The Meaning and End of Religion (Macmillan, 1963; reprint by Fortress Press, 1990), the Foreword of which was contributed by John Hick (1922–2012). In this seminal work, he explored the important and interesting commonalities between the major world faith traditions. Criticizing the “Westerners” for misperceiving what seem to be the various ways of life manifested by divergent religious faiths and traditions, he gives a new meaning to the term “religion” and tends to believe in one God to whom, he believes, all human beings return along the many roads [7]. However, for Smith, the term “religion” itself is inappropriate and it should not be used by Western scholars in religious studies. For the term “religion” does not apply to describe the cultural lives of those who have yet to experience what can be called European enlightenment. In like manner, he feels reluctant to use such terms as “revelation” and “spirituality.” Smith characterizes Islam as an essential historical phenomenon of world civilization with significant contribution to man’s spiritual, cultural, and social development, and contends that Islam is living and dynamic like any other revealed religion, and therefore, it cannot afford to disappear [4]. Through interdisciplinary 651 studies, Christians may try to understand Islam in the historical context, recognizing its achievement, while Muslims must find ways and means for better co-operation and coexistence with others such as Christians, contributing to the development of a more tolerant plural society [6]. Smith and Interreligious Dialogue Smith as a staunch advocate of peace through intercultural and interreligious dialogue emphasizes the Christian approach to other religious traditions for mutual understanding [6]. Since he sees religions through the lens of Christianity, which itself has undergone changes, he formulates a notion of “cumulative tradition” to which Islam poses a challenge, the solution to which, he suggests, lies in codification of the Muslim sacred law (sharī ‘ah) [7]. He believes that Islam cannot be an unchanging religious system, given the contributions made by great Islamic intellectuals like alGhazālī (1058–1111), Ibn Sīnā (980–1037), and so on, whose thoughts have strikingly made changes in the history of Islamic tradition. As for non-Muslims, his suggestion is to understand Islam with sensitivity and accuracy; at the same time, he emphasizes that Muslims understand themselves and their faith in relation to others, especially Hindus in India and Christians in the West [5]. He draws heavily on contemporary scholarly works on Islam to better Muslim-nonMuslim understanding [1, 2]. He established a “common room,” a “meeting point” at the McGill’s Institute of Islamic Studies for dialogue, not just on religious matters, but on social, political, and international affairs as well. Ringing the bell, an innovative way he introduced to call for interfaith dialogue, at the McGill Institute from the top floor of his office building to assemble staff during the tea break at four o’clock attracted many, if not all [2]. Smith’s Official Positions Smith held many reputable academic and administrative positions and associations, such as the S 652 maiden Birks Professor of Comparative Religion at McGill University (1949–1963), founding director of the Center for the Study of World Religions at Harvard University, fellow of the Royal Society of Canada, McCulloch Professor of Religion at Dalhousie University, professor of the Comparative History of Religion at Harvard, president of the Canadian Theological Society, of the American Academy of Religion, and of the Middle Eastern Studies Association, to name but a few. A prolific author and promoter of peace, Wilfred Cantwell Smith died in Toronto on February 7, 2000, at the age of 83, leaving behind a historic landmark of interreligious studies for global peace, needed most in this trouble-torn world. Cross-References Sohravardi Order Solāt ˙ ▶ Prayer, Islam Spiritual Concert ▶ Samā‘ Sri Lanka (Islam and Muslims) Torsten Tschacher Centre for Modern Indian Studies (CeMIS), University of Göttingen, Göttingen, Germany Institute of Islamic Studies, Freie Universität Berlin, Berlin, Germany ▶ Aligarh Muslim University ▶ Lahore Definition References Muslims form the third largest religious group in contemporary Sri Lanka, with the largest ethnic community among local Muslims, the Sri Lankan Moors, also constituting the third largest ethnic group. 1. Ferahian S (1993) Islamic studies library: the Canadian connection. Bull Can Mediterr Inst 13(1):6 2. Ferahian S (1997) W. C. Smith remembered. MELA Notes 64:27–36 3. Putnam H, Eck D, Carman J et al (2001) Wilfred Cantwell Smith: in memoriam. Harv Univ Gaz Arch 4. Smith WC (1957) Islam in modern history. Princeton University Press, Princeton 5. Smith WC (1981) On understanding Islam: selected studies. Mouton, The Hague 6. Smith WC (1981) Towards a world theology: faith and the comparative history of religion. Westminster, Philadelphia 7. Smith WC (1990) The meaning and end of religion. Fortress Press, Minneapolis 8. Smith WC (2006) Modern Islam in India: a social analysis. Hesperides Press, London Sohravardi Order ▶ Suhrawardī Order Introduction Muslims make up a substantial section of Sri Lanka’s population and even form the relative majority of the population in two districts on the east coast of the island. Muslim identity formation in the past two centuries has been closely connected to the identity politics and conflicts between Sri Lanka’s two main ethnic groups, Sinhalese and Tamils. Despite the fact that Muslims have been living on the island for more than a millennium, they have played only a marginal political role. While their religion may set them apart, Sri Lankan Muslims have faced many difficulties in the past 200 years in formulating a distinct identity that allows them to be recognized as a separate ethnic group. In contrast to Sinhalese Sri Lanka (Islam and Muslims) and Tamils, Muslims settle dispersed throughout the island, with about one-third living intermixed with an otherwise mainly Tamil population on the east coast, while the remaining two-thirds dwell in the urban centers of Sri Lanka’s western and southern parts in predominantly Sinhalese territory. Linguistically, the vast majority of Sri Lankan Muslims speak Tamil and share historical connections with Tamil-speaking Muslims of South India, but in contrast to Muslims in South India, political developments have largely led Sri Lankan Muslims to refuse to be labeled as “Tamils.” As a result, Muslims have over the last 100 years repeatedly been made targets of ethnic violence both by Sinhalese Buddhists and by nationalist Tamil groups. Significant differences within the Muslim community have further fragmented and complicated Muslim life in Sri Lanka. 653 Gujarat as well as the so-called Afghans (mostly actually Muslims from South India claiming Afghan descent) and Bengalis from the Chittagong region [9, 31]. The two main districts of Muslim settlement in Sri Lanka are Ampara (43.6% of all religious groups) and Trincomalee (42.1%) in the Eastern Province. Other districts with a higher-thanaverage Muslim population are Batticaloa (25.5%), Puttalam (20%), Mannar (16.7%), Kandy (14.3%), and Colombo (11.8%). The lowest number of Muslims is found in Jaffna District (0.4%), a result of the civil war and the policies of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Sri Lankan Moors form the majority of the Muslim population in almost all districts of the country, with the exception of Hambantota in the southeast, where the number of Malays is slightly larger. Apart from Hambantota, concentrations of Sri Lanka Malays are found in Colombo and Gampaha districts on the west coast [14, 15]. Communities and Demographics Despite the tendency to speak of “Muslims” in the Sri Lankan context as both a religious community and an ethnic group, Sri Lankan Muslims actually belong to several ethnic groups. The largest of these are the Sri Lankan Moors. These are supposed to be the descendants of Arab settlers on the island who intermarried with local women and in the course of time adopted the Tamil language, though a minority nowadays speaks Sinhalese. They are generally Sunnīs of the Shāfi‘ī law school and comprise more than 90% of Sri Lanka’s Muslims. The specific appellation “Sri Lankan Moors” was developed in contrast to the so-called Coast Moors, a term first used by the Portuguese to distinguish mobile mercantile Muslims from South India and the Coromandel Coast from locally settled Muslims [9, 21, 35, 41, 49]. The other main Muslim ethnic group are the Malays. The nucleus of the local Malay community formed in the Dutch colonial period as the Dutch East India Company settled political exiles and convicts as well as military contingents from Java in Sri Lanka [20]. Finally, there are several small Muslim communities from India mostly engaged in trade. Among these are Bohras, Khojas, and Memons from History The island of Ceylon was an important node in Indian Ocean trade already before the rise of Islam in the seventh century, and it has been surmised that Muslim traders may have settled on the island within a century after the Prophet’s death. Clear evidence in the form of inscriptions is however available only from the tenth century onward [8, 17, 22, 24, 46]. By the fourteenth century, the Muslim populations in Ceylon and South India had begun a process of integration into the local non-Muslim population as much as a stronger interaction among themselves. In one strand of historiography, this moment is often associated with the adoption of the Tamil language by Sri Lankan Muslims, which seems to have been the prime language spoken among Muslims on the west coast when the Portuguese arrived early in the sixteenth century [1, 17, 22]. During the period of Portuguese and Dutch colonial rule, Muslim communities faced severe restrictions and occasional attempts at expulsion, though their economic strength gave them some measure of security [1, 19, 25, 28, 49]. Some Muslims fled S 654 to the inland kingdom of Kandy, where they found some support. According to some traditions, it was due to the patronage of the Kandyan kings that Muslims first began to settle on the east coast in large numbers, but other evidence seems to suggest that Muslim settlement in the east and involvement in local politics predates the Kandyan kingdom [16, 38, 49]. With the advent of British colonial rule and the conquest of the Kandyan kingdom, many of the restrictions faced by Muslims were removed. Especially in the western parts of the island, Muslims played an important part in internal trade and transport. Some Muslims were able to profit from the annexation of the Kandyan kingdom and the resulting redistribution of land. At the same time, their reluctance in engaging in English education and newly developing sectors such as the plantation industry put them at a disadvantage not only versus Tamils and Sinhalese but also versus South Indian Muslims, whose influence in trade between India and Sri Lanka increased steadily [6, 26, 49]. South India and to a lesser degree also the Arab countries also played an important role in the transmission of Islamic knowledge to Sri Lanka in the nineteenth century, as religious scholars made disciples among local Muslims and spread Sufi brotherhoods. Religious schools located in some Muslim towns of the Coromandel Coast attracted students from Sri Lanka until the 1970s. Increasingly, Islamic literature in Tamil language began to be composed locally, and the first printed partial translation of the Qur’ān into Tamil was produced by a Sri Lankan [30, 45, 47, 48]. Rising concerns about the position of Muslims within colonial society inspired the development of a revivalist movement in the final decades of the nineteenth century. The main focus of those spearheading this movement, such as M.C. Siddi Lebbe (1838–1898) or A.M. Wapichi Marikar (1868–1925), was education [4, 7, 27, 30, 44]. But increasingly, questions of political representation and Muslim identity came to play an important role. Based on the fact that the Moors spoke Tamil and shared many customs locally with Tamils, Tamil politicians claimed that the Sri Lankan Moors were basically Tamils of Muslim religion Sri Lanka (Islam and Muslims) and should be politically represented as such. As “race” was the basic unit through which the colonial state classified the local population, Muslim elites increasingly stressed the supposed Arab origins of the Sri Lankan Moors in order to argue for the racial difference of Moors from Tamils [23, 35, 49]. This not only distanced Sri Lankan Moors from non-Muslim Tamils in the long run, but it also alienated them from the Coast Moors, as Muslims in South India were at the same time beginning to stress their “Tamil” identity. The massive anti-Muslim riots of 1915 may have further contributed to this rift, as the Tamil elites generally supported the Sinhalese in the aftermath of the riots, and blame for the riots has sometimes been put on the Coast Moors [2, 43]. While the idea of a separate Sri Lankan Moor ethnicity has become part of official administrative practice in modern Sri Lanka, it was far from being the only model of identity in the late colonial period. As a “Moorish” identity excluded other Muslim groups, some parts of the elite preferred to argue for a “Muslim” identity that could include Malays and others. By and large, such debates over identity remained the domain of a small section of west coast elites [23, 35, 49]. Ultimately, Muslim politicians such as Sir Razik Fareed (1893–1984) chose to back the Sinhalese in the debates over ethnic representation prior to independence. In the course of the mid-twentieth century, Muslim parliamentarians representing east coast constituencies generally supported one or the other Sinhalese party in exchange for benefits to Muslims settled in the Sinhalese-majority areas rather than their own constituencies. While ultimately the more inclusive label of “Muslim” came to be favored among Muslim politicians, the idea of a Sri Lankan Moor community divorced from the Tamils has continued to be influential [3, 35, 49]. A major change in Muslim politics came with the onset of civil war in the 1980s. For the first time, distinct Muslim parties formed, especially the Sri Lankan Muslim Congress (SLMC). These represented mainly east coast Muslims, who lived within the war zone and felt the brunt of the civil war [5, 35, 39, 49]. At the same time, an increasingly vocal Muslim middle class in the southwestern regions broadened the social base of Muslim Sri Lanka (Islam and Muslims) politics in the Sinhalese-majority areas [42]. While the divergent interests of the east and west coast segments of the Muslim population hindered the establishment of the east coast parties also among west coast Muslims, these developments inaugurated a period of greater Muslim visibility in national politics. At the same time, Muslims living in the LTTE-controlled areas of the northern and eastern parts of Sri Lanka had to engage anew with their relationship to Tamil identity. While there was some initial support from Muslims for the LTTE, subsequent events, especially the ethnic cleansing of the Jaffna Peninsula of Muslims and the Kattankudy Mosque Massacre in 1990, showed Muslims that they had little to expect from radical Tamil nationalism and led to further violence between the two groups [5, 34, 39]. With the end of the civil war after the defeat of the LTTE in 2009, Muslim communities in Sri Lanka still face diverse difficulties. While the effects of the civil war and the tsunami of 2004, which hit especially the eastern coast, are still taxing the Muslim population [37, 38, 40], Sinhalese Buddhist extremists have begun again to target Muslims and their religious institutions, such as the important shrine of Jailani or a mosque in Dambulla [39]. The political future of Sri Lankan Muslims remains unclear. Religion and Society The diversity of Sri Lankan Muslims makes it difficult to generalize about Muslim society on the island. Even within the putative Sri Lankan Moor “community,” the visible differences between the largely urban and mercantile middle classes of the southwestern regions and the largely rural and agrarian population of the east make it impossible to discuss Muslim society as a whole, while the different ethnic contexts in which Sri Lankan Muslims find themselves further complicate the picture. The civil war and its effects have made social research difficult in many parts of the island [37]. There is thus comparatively little information on the economic situation of Muslims in contemporary Sri Lanka [32, 33, 42]. A large 655 focus has been on the history and development of Muslim identities and their involvement in local politics. Concomitant with this interest, and sometimes used to argue for or against a particular identity narrative, has been a tendency to document Muslim communities ethnographically, either nationwide or in particular localities, and document their customs, such as rituals, food, or dress [21, 29, 41]. One aspect of Sri Lankan Muslim society that has received some attention is kinship relationships, especially in the eastern parts of the island. This is particularly due to similarities with Tamil or “Dravidian” kinship and marriage patterns [11, 12]. A particularly striking example is the existence of matrilineal descent, ranked matriclans (kuṭi), and matrilocal postmarital residence patterns among parts of Sri Lankan Muslims. Similar, though not identical, systems of matrilineal descent, inheritance patterns, and matrilocal residence are also found among most of the Muslim coastal communities on the Coromandel, Malabar, and Canara coasts in India as well as the Lakshadweep islands, suggesting some form of interconnection between these groups [35, 38]. While the history of Muslims in Sri Lanka can be traced at least in general, the history of Islam in terms of discourses and practices has hardly been investigated until now. Apart from circumstantial details, very little is known about this topic prior to the nineteenth century. The presence of shrines and local pilgrimage sites is relatively well documented for present times, despite the increase in “Salafist” sentiments among Sri Lankan Muslims. Some features of Sri Lankan Muslim shrines seem noteworthy. Firstly, while tomb-shrines are as common in Sri Lanka as in other parts of the Muslim world, some of the most important shrines are not primarily connected to tombs: the footprint of Adam on top of Adam’s Peak has attracted Muslim pilgrims for more than a millennium; the shrine of Jailani marks a cave in which “‘Abd al-Qādir al-Jīlānī” is supposed to have meditated for 12 years; the Beach Mosque at Kalmunai contains a “branch shrine” of the Nagore Dargah in Tamil Nadu; and the Muslim shrine in Kataragama is devoted to Khiḍr, a figure highly venerated in Sri Lanka [17, 18, 36, 38]. S 656 Another interesting element is that many of these shrines, such as Adam’s Peak, the Kataragama shrine, and also Jailani, are identical to or located in close proximity to non-Muslim sites of pilgrimage. Finally, many of these shrines, such as the Nagore Dargah branch shrine, have connections with South India. The linkages with South India are particularly clear in the context of Sufi brotherhoods. The most popular brotherhoods in Sri Lanka, the Qādiriyya, the Shādhiliyya, and the Rifā‘iyya, all seem to have been introduced from South India. The latter is particularly popular among wandering mendicants or Bawas, who are connected through a network of similar mendicant groups throughout South India to preceptors resident in Lakshadweep [38]. Both the Qādiriyya and the Shādhiliyya were introduced during the nineteenth century from the Tamil-speaking parts of South India, often by religious scholars who simultaneously spread religious tracts in Tamil language printed in Arabic script. In some cases, especially in the case of the Shādhiliyya, the South Indian connections have become partly obscured as prominent Sri Lankan members have sought reinitiation into the order from Egyptian preceptors [10, 45]. As mentioned, the history of Sufi brotherhoods is closely connected to the history of the ulamā and traditional religious education on the island. South Indian religious scholars sometimes seem to have gotten into conflicts with both the revivalist movement and some of the local religious elites, and they have been blamed both of rigid traditionalism and of pushing local scholars to the margins of society. Yet there can be little doubt that their influence on local Islam has been substantial and enduring [27, 30, 35, 45, 47]. In recent years, the impact of reformist and Islamist movements, such as the Tablighī Jamā‘at and the Jamā‘at-e Islāmī, has become more pronounced in Sri Lanka, both due to the improved circulation of Muslim discourse and closer contacts with the Middle East among both laymen and the ‘ulamā’. Together with the development of a Muslim identity focused not on the national but on the global Muslim community and a reaction against traditional customs, it has also led to violent Sri Lanka (Islam and Muslims) confrontation between reformist and traditionalist Muslims [13, 30, 39, 41, 42]. The confrontation between these different religious outlooks is bound to shape Sri Lankan Islam in years to come. Cross-References ▶ Coromandel Coast ▶ Nagore Dargah ▶ Siddi Lebbe, Mohammed Cassim ▶ Tamil Nadu (Islam and Muslims) References 1. Abeyasinghe TBH (1986) Muslims in Sri Lanka in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In: Shukri MAM (ed) Muslims of Sri Lanka: avenues to antiquity. Jamiah Naleemia Institute, Beruwala 2. Ali A (1981) The 1915 racial riots in Ceylon (Sri Lanka): a reappraisal of its causes. South Asia 4:1–20 3. Ali A (1986) Politics of survival: past strategies and present predicament of the Muslim community in Sri Lanka. J Inst Muslim Minor Aff 7(2):147–170 4. Ali A (1987) Muslims and capitalism in British Ceylon (Sri Lanka): the colonial image and community’s behaviour. J Inst Muslim Minor Aff 8(2):311–344 5. Ali A (1997) The Muslim factor in Sri Lankan ethnic crisis. J Muslim Minor Aff 17(2):253–267 6. Asad MNMK (1993) The Muslims of Sri Lanka under the British rule. Navrang, Delhi 7. Azeez AMA (1968) Some aspects of the Muslim Society of Ceylon with special reference to the eighteeneighties. In: Proceedings of the first international conference seminar of Tamil studies, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, April 1966, vol 1. International Association of Tamil Research, Kuala Lumpur 8. Azeez AMA (1986) Early Muslim settlement. In: Mahroof MMM, Azeez M, Uwise MM et al (eds) An ethnological survey of the Muslims of Sri Lanka from earliest times to independence. Sir Razik Fareed Foundation, Colombo 9. Azeez AMA (1986) The Muslims of Sri Lanka. In: Mahroof MMM, Azeez M, Uwise MM et al (eds) An ethnological survey of the Muslims of Sri Lanka from earliest times to independence. Sir Razik Fareed Foundation, Colombo 10. de Jong F (1986) Notes sur les confréries soufies à Sri Lanka. In: Popovic A, Veinstein G (eds) Les ordres mystiques dans l’Islam: Cheminements et situation actuelle. 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Social Scientists’ Association, Colombo Kiribamune S (1986) Muslims and the trade of the Arabian Sea with special reference to Sri Lanka from the birth of Islam to the fifteenth century. In: Shukri MAM (ed) Muslims of Sri Lanka: avenues to antiquity. Jamiah Naleemia Institute, Beruwala Kotelawele DA (1986) Muslims under Dutch rule in Sri Lanka. In: Shukri MAM (ed) Muslims of Sri Lanka: avenues to antiquity. Jamiah Naleemia Institute, Beruwala, pp 1638–1796 657 26. Mahroof MMM (1986) British rule and the Muslims. In: Mahroof MMM, Azeez M, Uwise MM et al (eds) An ethnological survey of the Muslims of Sri Lanka from earliest times to independence. Sir Razik Fareed Foundation, Colombo 27. Mahroof MMM (1986) Muslim education. In: Mahroof MMM, Azeez M, Uwise MM et al (eds) An ethnological survey of the Muslims of Sri Lanka from earliest times to independence. Sir Razik Fareed Foundation, Colombo 28. Mahroof MMM (1986) The Muslims under Portuguese and Dutch occupation 1505–1796. 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Central Cultural Fund, Ministry of Cultural and Religious Affairs, Colombo 47. Tschacher T (2006) Islamic education in a Tamil town: the case of Kilakkarai. In: Hartung JP, Reifeld H (eds) Islamic education, diversity, and national identity: Dīnī madāris in India post 9/11. Sage, Delhi 48. Uwise MM (1986) The language and literature of the Muslims. In: Mahroof MMM, Azeez M, Uwise MM et al (eds) An ethnological survey of the Muslims of Sri Lanka from earliest times to independence. Sir Razik Fareed Foundation, Colombo 49. Wagner C (1990) Die Muslime Sri Lankas: Eine Volksgruppe im Spannungsfeld des ethnischen Konfliktes zwischen Singhalesen und Tamilen. Arnold Bergstraesser Institut, Freiburg i.Br Sri Lanka Jama’ath-e-Islami A. R. M. Imtiyaz1 and Minna Thaheer2 1 Asian Studies/The Department of Political Science, Temple University, Philadelphia, PA, USA 2 International Center for Ethnic Studies (ICES), Colombo, Sri Lanka Synonyms Jamaat-e-Islami, Sri Lanka Definition Sri Lanka Jamaat-e-Islami (SLJI) is one of the leading socioreligious organizations among Moors (commonly known as Muslims of Sri Lanka). It Sri Lanka Jama’ath-e-Islami focuses on mainly enlightened religious activities aimed at empowering Muslims of Sri Lanka. The SLJI is a unique organization and runs very strict Islamic programs based on the teachings of Sayyid Abū’l ‘Āla Mawdūdī (d. 1979), aka Maulanā Mawdūdī, and Sayyid Quṭb. General Introduction Muslims of Sri Lanka, known as Moors in official census documents of the state, practice Islam and speak Tamil. They are a significant segment of the minorities in Sri Lanka. In 2001 they constituted 7.9% of the island’s total population. There are several socioreligious as well as political organizations that undertake programs and initiate actions exclusively focused on the Muslims of Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka Jamaat-e-Islami (SLJI) is one among such socioreligious organizations. The SLJI was founded in 1954. The Sri Lankan Muslim community has had strong bonds with the Muslim Brotherhood internationally and with those in the South Asian region in particular. The advent of the SLJI after only a brief interlude of its establishment in Lahore under the leadership of Mawdūdī, on August 26, 1941, is proof of this close affinity. The trading links between the Muslims of Sri Lanka with their brethren in Kayalpattanam, Madras, and Malabar in South India helped spread the work of Maulanā Mawdūdī promoting Islamic scholarship and leadership. The SLJI was fashioned as a highly disciplined body that carried out mainly Dawah (missionary) and Tarbiya (educational) work. The discipline among its members and allegiance to the Ameer (leader) were the key reasons for the resilience and the influence of the institution. It was free of fractious deviations and disputed ideology due to the absolute devotion of its members. Despite some early differences between the Sri Lankan and Indian Muslim segments of its formative composition, the Hamdhar committee merged under the second leader M. K. Ahmed Lebbai (a temporary Ameer) and Moulavi Thasim Naqvi who was officially appointed as the second Ameer. In the 1950s, the activities of the SLJI commenced with the Hamdhar committee, which is an Sri Lanka Jama’ath-e-Islami Urdu reference to sympathizers or supporters (of the SLJI) who are not full-fledged members of the SLJI. In the 1950s, these sympathizers and the full-fledged members of SLJI were the two groups that carried out the work of the SLJI. Currently the Hamdhar committee is not in existence. Initially, members formed reading circles to disseminate Maulanā Mawdūdī’s writings and then did so through the educative journal Prabodhanam that was then published by the Jama’ath e Islam of Kerala. Hazrath M C Jailani provided a small room at his residence No 76, Messenger Street, Colombo 12, in its early days for their activities. With increasing participation in the Quran explanation classes, the venue was shifted to New Moor Street, Kadhiriyappa Association building, Colombo 1, and thence to the Al Hussainiya school building in Colombo 12. After several more relocations it finally found its permanent home at its present premises in Colombo 8. In 1954, July 18, the SLJI formally obtained permission from the Indian JI and opened the Sri Lanka office. However, there was not to be any official link between the two except mutual good will. Ideology, Goals, and Objectives The foremost ideology that dominates the Jamaate-Islami from its inception to date is the fundamental precept of Islam as given in the first Kalima, “Lā ilāha illa ‘llāh Muḥammad al-rasūl ‘llāh” – there is no God but Allah and Prophet Mohammed (pbuh) is His messenger. They adhere strictly to the fundamental belief of Islam in all their individual and institutional activities and accept monotheism. They scrupulously abstain from ascribing partners to Allāh and accept Muḥammed (pbuh) as His final prophet. The SLJI’s worldviews are largely influenced by the thoughts of Ḥassan al-Bannā, who founded the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt in 1928, and the messages of Sayyid Quṭb, who called Muslim societies to challenge the non-Islamic political system and ideas and build an Islamic state through the channels of (militant) jihad. Moreover, the institution is guided by two objectives. 659 One strives to achieve personal salvation through spirituality in the world hereafter, and the other satisfies community life on earth to earn Allah’s satisfaction and care and to establish the religion of Allāh in this world. This institution believes the ability and agency of an individual whose way of life, when directed in a righteous path, could set the precepts for a community’s learning by way of example that he/she sets and not vice versa through community revolutions that do not sustain themselves. A societal transformation is possible only through the evolution of an enlightening thought process. The Jamaat-e-Islami also believes in creating a society that abides by a leadership that transcends class, caste, and national barriers that unifies humanity as one “Umma” and it believes that the need to establish Islamic religious values in one’s life is the personal responsibility of an individual. Though the organization does engage in da’wah, according to the leaders of the organization, it does not claim that those outside the institution are misled. The final objective of the SLJI is to enable multiple levels of community transformation in the Islamic way of life through individuals, families, and communities under one leadership. The SLJI’s objective can be viewed in the light of a minority Muslim community as compared to the goals and objectives of the same institution that was founded by Maududi who lived in an Islamic community that in a majority spoke of an Islamic government and international Islamic relations. The Sri Lankan Jamaat-e-Islami, according to the leadership of the organization, has no aim beyond individual- and community-level reform. What Influence Does It Have Among Muslims? The Jamaat-e-Islami in Sri Lanka has been instrumental in preserving and fostering Islamic values. It ardently opposes infiltration of Islamic forces and practices such as Qadianism, Shiaism, Ahmadism, and Adhvaithyam that would, according to the organization, go against the mainstream Islamic thoughts and thus would constitute as blasphemous distortions of the teachings of Islam. S 660 The writings and eloquent sermons of Maulanā Mawdūdī and Shaheed Sayyid Quṭb helped dissuade Muslims of Sri Lanka from being carried away by various waves of populist ideologies that were also politically enticing in the 1950s. Their Islamic ideology rejects all forms of ideology such as Marxism and Capitalism, which are products of human innovation as forms of social order. The SLJI’s ideology argues that Islam could offer better solution to all problems that confront the human community. They exhort Muslims to reject all such man-made solutions and follow the path of Islam. There is an allegation that the SLJI has been promoting a kind of Islamic extremism known as Wahhabism (a school of Islamic thought that has found favor in Saudi Arabia). The SLJI, according to the leadership, is employing a far more moderate path to adopting and implementing its programs and does not have any political connections with external Islamic movements that hold greater political goals such as building Islamic solidarity and a global Islamic state. Activities Since 1954, they have launched training programs in many parts of the country. They have also held Tharbiyyath conferences with an emphasis on Islamic teachings and spirituality. Here, the purpose of the movement, their activities, and the teaching of the Qur’ān are emphasized in addition to reading of religious books, memorizing the Qur’ān, spiritual discussions, etc. The trainings after 1978 evolved to include sections on education, advocacy, law, and social services. The branches of the institution were set up after necessary training to take on the work of the institution at the periphery. The institution now conducts free medical camps and undertakes other social service work. The SLJI is an ardent advocate for an Islamic political solution to the problems created by the current capitalist world order but remains nonmilitant in their work at home and wants to achieve their religious and political goals without committing to violence. However, they supported the government of Sri Lanka’s war against the Tamil Tigers. The last stage of the war against Sri Lanka Jama’ath-e-Islami the Tamil Tigers in 2009 killed more than 40,000 innocent Tamil people in the North, and according to sources close to the organization, the SLJI supported war against the Tamil Tigers. It is important to point that the SLJI has an advisory role when political leaders have sought their advice. In the 1970s and 1980s, their social services included promotion of minority rights and preserving constitutional provisions for the security of the minorities during the socialist government led by SLFP (Sri Lanka Freedom Party). As the only recognized Islamic institution, they functioned as a strong pressure group and a voice for protecting minority rights and religious rights. The Eelam struggle of the Tamil militants dealt a heavy blow to the Tamil-speaking Muslims of the north and east. The Tamil Militancy, which was the by-product of Sinhala ethnocentrism, was perceived as targeting their normal way of life and economic well-being. At these trying times, the SLJI promoted peace, mitigated violence in the affected communities, and carried out humanitarian/relief work. They also published researched information in their publications such as Al Hasanath and Engal Thesam. The SLJI initiated learning institutions. The Islahiha Arabic College, Ayesha Siddiqa Educational Institute, Mawanella, Tanweer Academy, and Serandib Research Centre are prominent institutions that meet the educational needs of Islamic youth. Currently, the Islamic Student Movement and the Islamic Ladies Movement together with professional forums such as the doctors’ and lawyers’ forums are active in carrying out services and training programs. A translation of the Tafheemul-Qur’an that was written by Maulanā Mawdūdī from 1942 to 1972 is being translated into Sinhala by SLJI for the benefit of the growing number of students learning in the Sinhala medium. Membership Membership of the SLJI is granted through an evolving process of commitment. There are three membership levels led by the Ameer (Leader). Majlis-e Shūra (central committee) is the highest Sufi Music body that guides and directs the body comprising former Ameers and theologians. Majlis is the next level of all members. Immediately below this is the Mumtashib (full member) and the first rung is the Musaid (General Sympathizer) the movement. To gain full membership, one has to at least follow the minimum 10 courses offered by the SLJI. Socioreligious movements play a critical role in the development of the society. The SLJI is one among the socioreligious organizations in Sri Lanka that has been actively functioning among Muslims. The organization has very clear goals to guide the Muslims of Sri Lanka. They want the Muslims of Sri Lanka to sympathize with greater Islamic sociopolitical aims and build a society based on Islam. They firmly inculcate that there is no solution for human ills but Islam. Cross-References ▶ Jamaat-e-Islami, Sri Lanka ▶ Mawdūdī 661 8. Mashoor S, Salahudeen I (2012) Thabheemul Kuraan Singala Molzhippeyarppu Moolam Perumpaanmai Makkalukku Quraniya Sinthanayai, Karuththukkalai Ariyum Vaayppu Etpattullathu (The Thabheemul Quran translation into Sinhala provides opportunity for the Majority Sinhalese to learn the thought and meaning of the Quran): an interview with Maulavi A. L.M Ibrahim, Former Ameer of the SLJI, Meel Paarvai, 240 (February 17):5 9. Maulana Sayyid Abu A’la M (2009) A historic address at Madras. Human Welfare Trust Publications, New Delhi 10. Sayyid Abul A’la M (2009) A short history of the revivalist movement in Islam. Human Welfare Trust Publications, New Delhi 11. McGilvray DB (2011) Sri Lankan Muslims: between ethno-nationalism and the global ummah. Nat Natl 17(1):45–64 Striving ▶ Jihād Sūfi ▶ Pīr References 1. Ahmed K (2005) Islam and the West. Human Welfare Trust Publications, New Delhi 2. Anas MSM (2007) A critical analysis on contemporary Islamic thought (in Tamil). Kumaran Book House, Colombo 3. A lengthy interview was conducted with Moulavi A L M Ibrahim, former head (1982–1994) and active member of the Sri Lanka Jama’th-e- Islam on March 17, 2012. Also, a Skype interview was conducted with a few Sri Lanka Muslims who were very familiar with the organization’s works and agendas and currently live in the UK. The interview was conducted on February 10, 2012 4. Imtiyaz ARM (2009) The eastern Muslims of Sri Lanka: special problems and solutions. J Asian Afr Stud 44(4):407–427 5. Imtiyaz ARM (2012) Identity, choices and crisis: a study of Muslim political leadership in Sri Lanka. J Asia Afr Stud (forthcoming) 6. Imtiyaz ARM, Hoole SRH (2011) Some critical notes on the non-Tamil identity of the Muslims of Sri Lanka, and on Tamil-Muslim relations. J South Asian Stud 34(2):208–231 7. Imtiyaz ARM, Iqbal MCM (2011) The displaced northern Muslims of Sri Lanka: special problems and the future. J Asian Afr Stud 46(4):375–389 Sufi Concert ▶ Qawwali ▶ Samā‘ Sūfi Festival ▶ ‘Urs Sūfi Islam ▶ Taṣawwuf Sufi Music ▶ Qawwali S 662 Sūfi Order Overview Sūfi Order ▶ Taṣawwuf Sufi Ritual ▶ Qawwali ▶ Samā‘ Sūfi Ritual ▶ ‘Urs Sūfism ▶ Taṣawwuf Sūfism in Bengal ▶ Khwaja Enayetpuri Suhrawardī Order Erik S. Ohlander Department of Philosophy, Indiana UniversityPurdue University Fort Wayne, Fort Wayne, IN, USA Synonyms Sohravardi order; Suhrawardīya; Suhrawardiyya Definition The Suhrawardī order was one of the earliest Sufi ṭarīqa lineages to take hold in Muslim South Asia. One of the earliest of the Sufi ṭarīqa-lineages to take hold in Muslim South Asia, the Suhrawardī order ultimately derives from the teachings of the celebrated thirteenth-century Sufi master of Baghdad, Shihāb al-Dīn Abū Ḥafṣ ʿUmar b. Muḥammad al-Suhrawardī (d. 1234), nephew and student of the important Sufi master and key link in a number of early ṭarīqa-lineages, Abū l-Najīb al-Suhrawardī (d. 1168). While never visiting the Indian subcontinent himself, ʿUmar al-Suhrawardī had a decisive influence on the history of Sufism there through the widespread dissemination of his teachings by a number of erstwhile disciples. Typically referred to as khalī fas (“vicegerents,” or “lieutenants”) in the Indo-Muslim hagiographical literature, it is these disciples who should be considered the real “founders” of the Suhrawardī order in South Asia. Deeply influenced by the system of communally oriented and socially accommodationist form of Sufi organization and practice described in Suhrawardī’s influential Sufi handbook, the ʿAwārif al-maʿārif (“Benefits of intimate knowledge”), five of these khalīfas in particular are typically enumerated in the sources as having contributed to the establishment of the Suhrawardī order in particular areas of the subcontinent in the thirteenth century. In Multan, there was the well-travelled Bahāʾ alDīn Zakariyyā (d. between 1262 and 1267–1268), in Bengal there was the equally well-travelled Jalāl al-Dīn Abū l-Qāsim Tabrīzī (d. ca. 1244–1245), and in Delhi and its environs were the erudite qadi Ḥamīd al-Dīn Nāgawrī (d. 1246), alongside the lesser known émigré religious scholars Nūr alDīn Mubārak Ghaznavī (d. 632/1234) and Żiyāʾ al-Dīn Rūmī (d. between 1316 and 1320). Establishment Amongst this group, it was Bahāʾ al-Dīn Zakariyyā who proved to be the most successful in propagating the style of sharia-minded Sufi organization and practice championed by Abū l-Najīb and ʿUmar al-Suhrawardī. Director of a magnificent khānaqāh (Sufi residential lodge) complex in Multan that became a significant center of Sufi activity in medieval India, like his master in Baghdad Bahāʾ al-Dīn Zakariyyā maintained close ties with members Suhrawardī Order of the ruling class, especially the political leadership in Delhi, as well as with wider Sufi networks extending outside the relatively circumscribed ambit of thirteenth-century Muslim India. Like his master as well, Bahāʾ al-Dīn Zakariyyā was not adverse to managing the large amounts of wealth and property bequeathed to him and his disciples as pious endowments (waqf ) and unsolicited donations (futūḥ) to support the extensive activities of his khānaqāh complex. Succeeded by his eldest son Ṣadr al-Dīn ʿĀrif (d. 684/1286), amongst Bahāʾ alDīn Zakariyyā’s more influential disciples was the émigré Sufi master Jalāl al-Dīn Surkh-pōsh (d. 1291), from whom an important hereditary line of the lineage based in Ucch associated with the influential Sufi master and religious scholar Sayyid Jalāl al-Dīn Bukhārī (d. 785/1384), known as “Makhdūm-i Jahāniyān Jahāngasht,” would later spring. Other branches of the order, typically tracing their authorizing chains of transmission (silsila) through Sayyid Jalāl al-Dīn Bukhārī, would go on to establish themselves with varying degrees of success in the Punjab, Sind, Gujarat, Malwa, Jaunpur, Bengal, Kashmir, and at various times in Delhi (most notably during the Lodi period). Whereas the position of the hereditary Multan branch of the order waned considerably following the tenure of Bahāʾ al-Dīn Zakariyyā’s grandson, Rukn al-Dīn Abū l-Fatḥ (d. 1335; whom the famed North African traveler Ibn Baṭṭūṭa met in Multan in 1333), the branch in Ucch remained relatively strong. Collateral ṭarīqa-lineages, such as the Firdawsī and Shaṭṭārī orders that were introduced into India from Central Asia in the late thirteenth and fifteenth centuries, respectively, are also associated with the spread of certain of ʿUmar al-Suhrawardī’s teachings in the subcontinent. The antinomian and Shī‘īte-leaning Jalāliyya order, whose members were known for maverick and religiously deviant displays similar to those of the more famous Madārīs, claim descent from the lineage established by the aforementioned Jalāl al-Dīn Surkh-pōst and Sayyid Jalāl al-Dīn Bukhārī in Ucch. Nature Stanchly Shafī‘ite in juridical affiliation and known for their fastidious adherence to sharia 663 norms as mediated through the Sunni religiolegal tradition, early figures of the Indian Suhrawardiyya such as the aforementioned Jalāl al-Dīn Tabrīzī are presented in the sources as having been actively involved in converting native non-Muslim populations to Islam. Later figures are likewise presented as having followed suit. The aforementioned Jalāl al-Dīn Bukhārī, for example, forbade his disciples to follow “Hindu” customs, and his brother Ṣadr al-Dīn Rājū (d. after 800/1400) earned the nickname qattāl (“slayer”) on account of his militancy in such matters. Enacting the Suhrawardī ideal that it is a duty of the Sufis, as the true “heirs to the prophets,” to provide the type of spiritual guidance necessary to preserve the integrity of the Muslim community at large, from the period of the Delhi Sultans up through the beginning of the Mughal period, there are numerous instances of close patronage relationships obtaining between Muslim political elites and various Suhrawardī masters, something which often came to set the Suhrawardiyya apart from other Sufi orders in the subcontinent, such as the Chishtiyya, who were generally more circumspect in their dealings with representatives of the state. Suhrawardī masters enjoyed particularly close relations with the ruling elites of both the Lodi dynasty and the sultanate of Gujarat in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. In terms of religious practice, Suhrawardī masters have tended to emphasize knowledge of the classical Sufi legacy alongside the cultivation of traditional Islamic religious scholarship (especially the study and transmission of hadith), discourage undue metaphysical speculation, promote adherence to sharia norms, and reject extremes in mystico-ascetic practice. On certain matters, however, such as rules governing participation in the samāʿ (the Sufi “mystical concert”), if not its very permissibility, a range of varying opinions have been noted. While occasionally marked by episodes of open hostility, the relationship between Suhrawardī masters and their Chishtī counterparts in the context of medieval Muslim India was complex (amicable exchanges and dual initiations were not uncommon), with most instances of rivalry appearing to have been S 664 rooted in wider differences between the two lineages over matters of mystico-ascetic practice, the treatment of wealth and property, and the appropriateness or lack thereof of mixing with political and other elites. While often overshadowed by teachers and communities affiliated with Chishtī, Naqshbandī, and other ṭarīqa-lineages, the Suhrawardī order continues to maintain a presence within Muslim communities in present-day India and Pakistan. Suhrawardīya Suhrawardīya ▶ Suhrawardī Order Suhrawardiyya ▶ Suhrawardī Order Cross-References Sultān Salīm ▶ Shaykh Shihāb al-Dīn al-Suhrawardī ▶ Sūfism ▶ Jahāngīr, Nūruddin Mohammad References Supplication 1. Khan IA (1998) The Pī r and the Murīd: a case study of the Ṣūfis of Suhrawardī Silsilah in India during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Hamdard Islam 21(3):23–36 2. Knysh A (2000) Islamic mysticism: a short history. Brill, Leiden, pp 203–207 3. Nizami KA (1957) The Suhrawardi Silsilah and its influence on medieval Indian politics. Mediev India Q 3(1–2):109–149 4. Ohlander ES (2011) Mecca real and imagined: texts, transregional networks and the curious case of Bahāʾ al-Dīn Zakariyyā of Multan. In: Curry JJ, Ohlander ES (eds) Sufism and society: arrangements of the mystical in the Muslim world, 1200–1800. Routledge, Abingdon/New York, pp 34–49 5. Ohlander ES (2008) Sufism in an age of transition: ‘Umar al-Suhrawardi and the rise of the Islamic mystical brotherhoods. Brill, Leiden, pp 306–320 passim 6. Rizvi SAA (1978–1983) A history of Sufism in India. Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi, vol 1:190–240, vol 2:151–154 7. Siddiqui IH (1985) Resurgence of the Suhrawardi Silsila during the Lodi Period (1451–1576 AD). Pak J Hist Cult 6(2):53–61 8. Sobieroj F (1954–2004) Suhrawardiyya. In: The encyclopedia of Islam, new edn, vol 9. E.J. Brill, Leiden, pp 784–786 9. Suvorova A (2004) Muslim saints of South Asia: the eleventh to fifteenth centuries. Routledge Curzon, London/New York, pp 132–154 10. Zaydi Sh M (1974) Aḥvāl va āsār-i shaykh Bahāʾ alDīn Zakariyyā Multānī va Khulāṣat al-ʿārifīn. Markazi Taḥqīqāt-i Fārsī-yi Īrān va Pākistān, Rawalpindi, pp 3–111 ▶ Dhikr/Zikr ▶ Prayer, Islam Syed Ahmad ˙ ▶ Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān Syed Ameer Ali, Right Hon’ble Syed Ameer Ali ▶ Amīr ‘Alī Syed Ameer Ali, Saiyid Ameer Ali, Sayyid Amir Ali, Right Hon ▶ Amīr ‘Alī Syed Mahmud ▶ Mahmood, Justice Syed Syncretism Syed Mir Nisan Ali ▶ Titu Mir Syed Mir Nisar Ali 665 began to appear frequently in literature of the developing science of religion (Religionswissenschaft) and historical theology disciplines. It was used widely to describe Hellenic religions in relation to “pure” Christianity, to critique historical “heterodox” Christianities, and in general for any description of religious phenomena that could not fit neatly into developing notions of normative “world religions.” ▶ Titu Mir Implications for Describing Religious Phenomena Syncretism Claire Robison Department of Religious Studies, South Asian Religions, University of California, Santa Barbara, Santa Barbara, CA, USA Definition In scholarship within the history of religions and related humanities disciplines, syncretism refers to connections between religions and cultures. It can be used to describe the influence of one religion on another, the interpenetration of two religious systems, or the combination of different elements into one religious form. History of Use in Relation to Religion In scholarship within the history of religions and related humanities disciplines, syncretism refers to connections between religions and cultures. Syncretism has been used to describe the influence of one religion on another; the interpenetration of two religious systems; the appropriation of a deity, ritual, symbol, text, or idea; or the combination of different elements into one religious form. The term synkrētismós can be traced back to Plutarch, but its first applications in regard to religion are found in Erasmus and his near contemporaries, who critiqued attempted reconciliations between post-Reformation Christian sects [18]. From the mid-nineteenth century onward, it From the beginning of the employment of syncretism in the history of religions proper, the term has been attached to a postulation that religions have authentic, monolithic forms, existing as discrete units that may interact with one another through their adherents but are essentially different units of worldview and practice. Intertwined with this postulation is a negative valuation on syncretism, as an impure, unnatural manifestation of religion or culture. Syncretism here designates an inappropriate mixture of categories that are intrinsically alien to one another. This negative valuation has sometimes been used to contrast popular, “folk” religion with the supposed elite, “high” traditions, which possess strongly regulated theologies and ritual orthopraxy [14]. Overall, an evolutionary understanding of religion and culture undergirds its use. Therein, individual agents are largely peripheral, and the interactions are characterized as between either religious wholes (Islam and Buddhism) or elements of their supposedly autonomous and distinct systems (e.g., philosophical insights or contemplative practices). The idea of religions interacting with one another is of course a personification of abstract ideas. Interaction takes place on a human level, between individuals and groups who ultimately decide and continuously revise the parameters of their worldviews and activities. Semantic Range and Typologies The semantic range for syncretism is wide. While it has generally been used in a critical light, to S 666 describe varieties of nonnormative religious phenomena, one can also find instances of the term being employed positively, to describe elite attempts at religious fusion. The distinction between positive valuation and negative valuation here seems to be between whether the instance of religio-cultural interaction is deemed deliberate and aboveboard theologically (or at least accompanied by enough political power to ensure consideration) or unconscious, somehow “absorbed,” and deviant from acceptance by mainstream orthodox institutions. In turn, the contents of religious orthodoxies are assumed to be composed of an entirely autonomous religious system, which in its formation was somehow untainted by external interaction or influence. This dichotomy may be reminiscent of an Abrahamic theological distinction between revelation and human invention. In attempting to offer a typology for syncretism’s usage, scholars have suggested multiple models. Carl Ernst and Tony Stewart draw attention to syncretism’s metaphoric context, conveying the pouring together of two different liquids or the allying of separate forces [21]. Syncretism may refer to the relations between two religious traditions represented as complex wholes, such as Hinduism and Islam. The interrelation between members of these traditions can then be seen to cause shifts in practitioners’ religious ideas and practices. That can be characterized as borrowing or influence, such as the popular reformist accusations of the influence of Hinduism on the development of Muslim traditions in the subcontinent. Alternatively, a group’s religious identity can be depicted as overlay or veneer, denying the authenticity of the religious identification – a popular use in colonial documentation on the living practice of religious traditions. Syncretism can also be described in the language of alchemy or biological reproduction, as the mixing of religious or cultural elements to produce a new product from two or more antecedents [21]. The label of syncretism can thus describe either a static condition resulting from prior interreligious influence or a process of this interaction. Syncretism Critiques of Its Usage Until roughly the 1970s, syncretism was broadly accepted among religion scholars as a valid descriptor for certain religious phenomena and even whole traditions. Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, with the rise of postmodern and postcolonial thought in the academy, the use of syncretism gradually became critiqued on the basis of its suppositions that religious orthodoxies are homogenous, pure systems rather than heterogeneous products of human cultures [18]. In the contemporary study of South Asian religions, syncretism is now a largely disparaged term, with scholars such as Stewart and Ernst launching strong arguments against its use. Ernst draws attention to how the presentation of both syncretism and systematic religious models is a discourse linked to texts and therefore linked to literacy and the modern proliferation of printed material. Yet often in the living world, embodied religious practice occupies a space very different from the theoretical, monolithic worlds proposed in texts [8]. Dominique Sila-Khan also argues that syncretism should be discarded altogether, suggesting it is a convenient label employed when one does not have a better understanding of the facts that led to contemporary religious phenomena [17]. In its place, the terms symbiosis, acculturation, indigenization, accretion, or assimilation have come into popular use – all of which avoid the value judgments and colonial/reformist critiques many find embedded in the term syncretism. Jackie Assayag in particular argues for the use of acculturation and counter-acculturation, rather than pure and syncretic, to describe religious identity and phenomena [2]. The precise definitions of these alternative terms also differ from the historical usage of syncretism, their employment representing a shift in thinking about what the existence of complex religious phenomena actually entails. For when one casts aside the supposition that religions have pure, unadulterated forms and looks at religious phenomena as practiced diversely, all religious phenomena and cultural forms are formed in heterogeneous societies Syncretism with diverse antecedents. For instance, in Aditya Behl’s work on North Indian Sufi romances which share themes with North Indian Hindu bhakti texts; Tony Stewart’s work on the Satya Pir narratives of Bengal which develop a pan-religious saintly figure; Richard Eaton’s work on Muslim history in Bengal and its texts like Saiyid Sultan’s Nabī -vaṃśa (1654), which tie Muslim history and identity to the land of Bengal; Jackie Assayag’s work on shrines in Karnataka where Muslims and Hindus share spaces of worship; and Carl Ernst’s study of the Amritakunda, where yogic and tantric themes are linked to Sufi concepts – in all of these, the scholarly consensus has been that these historical religious phenomena should not be seen as products of syncretism, but rather products of Indian Muslims fully indigenized in their environment [2, 4, 6, 8, 19]. Syncretism also falls short of describing figures like Kabir, whose devotional path pivoted on a critique of both Brahmanical and Islamic orthodoxies and the suggestion that religious truth lies outside established ritual-based systems altogether. In these instances, the difference between specific Hindu and Muslim religious trajectories is acknowledged, but there is also an implicit shared cultural context. However, in the application of the term syncretism to the study of Muslim traditions in South Asia, the critical valuations of religious phenomena are also colored by Islamic debates on orthodoxy and orthopraxy. Criticisms from within the Islamic theological tradition range from deeming certain rituals or beliefs as shirk (worshiping entities other than God), bid’ah (innovation), haram (forbidden action), or khorāfāt (ridiculous tales, superstitions). These critiques can be found abundantly in the modern context, in Deobandi- and Wahhabiinspired Islamic movements, some based on the teachings of Indian Muslim thinkers such as Shah Waliullah (1703–1762) or Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi (1863–1943). Generally, the discussion revolves around whether the practices and beliefs of Muslims in the subcontinent have been influenced by Hinduism. In fact, any study of Muslims outside their posited “authentic,” Middle Eastern context has often been considered a study of syncretism. 667 This assumption tends not to acknowledge that many South Asian Sufi traditions, for instance, have parallels with or historical antecedents in Arabian and Persian cultural regions. Yet even beyond that, another central example is the development of Khoja Nizari Ismailism in South Asia, which has been marked by acculturation in local communities. Fluid acculturation has been a thread throughout Ismaili religious interpretation from the Fatimid times, not a later tendency toward syncretism but an intrinsic tendency of the Ismaili philosophical tradition. Pir Sadruddin (d. 1416), a Nizari Ismaili pīr who spread the tradition to the subcontinent through gināns, laid out a “system of equivalences” between Hindu and Muslim concepts and terminologies, promoting the idea that Hindu theism was compatible with Islam [1]. In much the same vein, one finds an openness to find equivalences – or translations – across religious traditions in Akbar’s mystical religion Dīn-i Ilāhi, Dārā Shikoh’s study of the Qur’ān and the Upaniṣads, Majma‘al-baḥrayn, and ‘Abd al-Raḥmān Chishtī’s (d. 1683) reformulation of the Bhagavad Gī tā into Persian [7]. The agenda to uproot Hindu elements in the South Asian practice of Islam, deeming them syncretism, ignores the inevitable translation of religious concepts into different cultures and time periods. More fundamentally, it also negatively values the place of Indic culture on the practice of Islam – an assumption that should not be considered self-evident. Numerous studies have drawn attention to the gradual, early modern and, colonial-era construction of Hinduism as a world religion. Prior to the popularization of the notion of a unified Hindu community, diverse Indians of myriad religious backgrounds took part in linguistic, literary, cultural, and ritual forms that only in retrospect have been deemed within the province of Hinduism. South Asian Muslims have even been influential in developing some of these forms, as Aditya Behl shows in his study of the Sufi prem-kahānī contributions to the development of literary Hindustani and the history of bhakti literature [4]. The ill-defined relation between Hindu religion and Indian culture and language, which often forms the backbone to many critiques of supposedly syncretic Indian S 668 Muslim practice, again draws attention to the inherent tendency in the pure/syncretic dichotomy to deny historical religious heterogeneity. The rhetoric of ethnic nationalisms has also posited that particular regions have an essential, usually singular cultural heritage. Yet whereas any contemporary culture has heterogeneous precursors, the religious phenomena in those cultures too are products of complex interactions between ideas and worldviews, ritual traditions, and social trends. To posit a religion or certain religious phenomena as syncretic, then, is to engage in value claims over orthodoxy and heresy, what is indigenous and what is foreign. That is, labeling something syncretic can denote a political position on religious phenomena, as in the British colonial Indian census, gazetteers, and related colonial documents, which sought to define exclusive religious identities through ritual and social organization. Yet, the inevitable continuum of lived religious practice leads to changes in emphasis – sometimes in which preexisting ideals are highlighted, other times in which new visions of piety are developed and linked to long-standing notions. In all of this, the heterogeneity and flexibility of traditions are not signs of syncretic deviance but rather religious practice in the world. Cross-References ▶ Dara Shikoh ▶ Pir Sadruddin ▶ Qawwali References 1. Asani AS (2002) Ecstasy and enlightenment: the Ismaili devotional literature of South Asia. I.B. Tauris, New York 2. Assayag J (2004) At the confluence of two rivers. Manohar Publishers, New Delhi 3. Bhabha HK (1994) The location of culture. Routledge, Oxford Syncretism 4. 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