Meyer, Michael (2017):
"Romantic Travel Books." Handbook of British
Romanticism. Ed. Haekel, Ralf. Berlin: DeGruyter. 237 255. Handbooks of English and American Studies 6.
Sammelbandbeitrag / Article in Anthology
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Michael Meyer
12 Romantic Travel Books
Abstract: Romantic travel books add introspection to observation. The shift towards
sentiment, aesthetic experience, and self-reflection locates perception in the embodied observer rather than the disembodied eye, inviting phenomenology as a useful
approach. Rather than only serving as ideal representatives of universalized Englishness or Britishness, Romantic travel writers tend to reveal divisions within the self
and the nation. The selection of examples provides an insight into the shared quality
and the differences of Romantic travelogues in terms of the authors’ class and gender,
the regions travelled, the modes and genres of writing, and their functions: The
Scottish physician Mungo Park explores the region of the Niger River in West Africa,
constructing the self as both empirical observer and suffering hero. The aristocrat
William Beckford rejects the educative function of the Grand Tour to Europe for the
sake of subjective experience and the realm of his imagination. The radical writer
Mary Wollstonecraft puts Scandinavia on the British map from the perspective of a
sentimental and educated woman.
Key Terms: Travel, Grand Tour, exploration, sentiment, picturesque, sublime, gender,
phenomenology
1 Theory
The introduction to fundamental problems of travel writing and a phenomenological
approach to explore its encounters between the self and the other precedes an outline
of the major genres of eighteenth-century travel writing and their conceptual foundations, which form the basis of a closer analysis of three Romantic travelogues.
The two central problems of travel writing are the experience and the communication of travelling (see Thompson 2011, 67–71). The real encounter between the
self and the other may give rise to numerous problems on the levels of experience
and of understanding. The self may grow with experience according to the journey’s purpose or change in unexpected ways. Experience is only accessible to others
through representation. Some experience may resist representation per se or in a
coherent and comprehensible form. The travelogue blurs the boundary between fact
and fiction since every travelogue reconstructs or re-creates experience in retrospect
even if it claims to present a transparent record of experience (see Korte 2000, 10–11).
For publication, the traveller constructs a persona and a discourse for an audience
in a particular cultural context. The traveller may figure as a trustworthy narrator
and dispassionate, impersonal observer who intends to give an accurate account of
DOI 10.1515/9783110393408-013
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Michael Meyer
reality or as a more subjective, autobiographical persona who foregrounds sentiment,
aesthetic experience, and literary style (see Thompson 2011, 83; 89). Often, the traveller assumes some kind of authority, based on knowledge, authenticity, taste, agency,
power, or social status (see Thompson 2011, 117–121). In order to project an image that
invites credibility and reliability, the material needs to be selected according to norms
of probability rather than truth to experience, which, occasionally, might have transcended the European view of reality (see Thompson 2011, 79–80).
The understanding of the other necessarily takes shape within the mental horizon
of the traveller and may expand it in a hermeneutic sense. However, phenomenology addresses the gap between embodied experience and understanding in a more
nuanced way, which corresponds to Romantic sensibility. For the phenomenological
philosopher Bernhard Waldenfels (2011, 4), the extra-ordinary alien cannot be subsumed under a shared and familiar order, as opposed to the other who shares the
self’s culture (see Meyer 2015, 168–169). Establishing the self requires positioning an
alien on ‘the other side’ and establishing a fundamental asymmetry (see Waldenfels
2011, 16). The path from experience to understanding is marked by pathos, attention,
ethos, response, and answer. Attention begins with pathos, which transgresses the
threshold of the senses and affects the embodied self (see Waldenfels 2011, 45; 63).
The contrast of the strange and the unexpected with the familiar “brings about the
tension (tensio) which permeates attention (attentio)” (Waldenfels 2011, 65). The
subject, Waldenfels (2011, 28) argues, “appears as patient and as respondent, […] as
somebody who is literally subject to certain experiences,” and whose response does
not exhaust the affection of something or somebody. In terms of the ethos, the call of
the other is “an appeal that is directed at someone and a claim or pretension to something” (Waldenfels 2011, 37; emphasis in the original). “Everything that appears as
something has to be described […] as something which provokes sense without being
already meaningful in itself” (Waldenfels 2011, 46). One effaces the “responsive difference” (Waldenfels 2011, 36; emphasis in the original) between what one responds to
and how one answers if one reduces the alien to a meaningful difference according to
a familiar norm. An appropriate response to the alien requires a creative rather than
a repetitive answer (see Waldenfels 2011, 41–42). The necessary asymmetry and gap
between pathos and response can be revealed in the fissure between the description
of an other and the process of making sense, which always lags behind the potentially
disruptive event (see Waldenfels 2011, 32; 41).
The singularity of the embodied self is doubled in the other; the doubling is asymmetrical because the other transcends our feelings and ideas, and we are exposed
to the other’s gaze and voice, perceiving ourselves from another perspective (see
Waldenfels 2011, 54–57). However, the experience of the alien already begins at home
since our own body “continuously evades the reflections of consciousness” (Waldenfels 2011, 16). The experience of a stranger can result in an estrangement of experience,
as the alien “might alienate us from ourselves. Hence the perpetual motivation to
resist, avoid, or assimilate the alien” (Waldenfels 2011, 3).
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Phenomenological concepts are helpful for the analysis of British travelogues in
the Romantic period because these often display a tension between the refinement
of sense experience in the wake of Empiricism and sentiment, and making sense of
the world through a Eurocentric framework of concepts. Of course, both empirical
observation and sentimental response are also Eurocentric notions of experience. The
question is whether or how these forms of experience are transformed into particular forms of understanding, inflected, for example, by concepts of race, class, and
gender, and represented in various genres of travel writing.
2 History: Context and Genres
Travel literature is often hybrid and partakes of the genres and modes of the quest,
anecdote, essay, autobiography, memoir, report, analysis, etc. (see Thompson 2011,
15–21). It has been suggested to use the term ‘travel writing’ for all literature in which
travel figures prominently, and ‘travel book’ for representations of real journeys (see
Thompson 2011, 23; 26–27). Travel writing dominated the long eighteenth century
both in fiction and non-fiction, even if the boundaries are fuzzy. The journey forms
the quintessential plot of many novels, such as Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe (1719)
or Laurence Sterne’s A Sentimental Journey (1768), examples that can be positioned on
a sliding scale between an interest in encountering – and mastering – the other and
a focus on the traveller’s affective and affected self. Eighteenth-century travel books
in the more restricted sense of narrating the experience of a real journey in retrospect
fall into two broad categories: narratives of scientific exploration, and tours of commerce, education, or pleasure. In the following, these generic traditions will be briefly
introduced in order to appreciate their Romantic revisions.
Scientific exploration was informed by a desire for knowledge or “intellectual
conquest” (Bridges 2002, 57) and often – more or less directly – related to capitalist
ventures and imperial expansion. Scientific exploration was fostered by institutions
as the Royal Society (founded in 1660) or the African Association (founded in 1788),
and inspired by seminal publications, such as John Locke’s Essay Concerning Human
Understanding (1690), which posited experience as the quintessential path to knowledge, and Carl von Linné’s Systema Naturae (1735), which provided the means to categorize nature (see Thompson 2011, 45–47; 74). Exploration was mostly interested in
geographical, botanical, and ethnographic knowledge, acquired through empirical
observation, the massive collection of specimens, their detailed description, and
exact classification. In order to provide a reliable account of phenomena, the traveller
ideally took the position of a disembodied eye and recorded his or her observations on
the spot in simple language in notebooks (see Bridges 2002, 56–57; Thompson 2011,
76–78). William Dampier’s New Voyage around the World (1697) and Thomas Cook’s
Voyages serve as prime examples of scientific exploration (see Korte 2000, 37–39;
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Thompson 2011, 74–78). That said, Cook was also concerned with economic opportunity and the potential impact of Europeans on natives as well as native cultures as a
foil of Europe (see Youngs 2013, 50–52).
The claim to objective knowledge endorsed the ethnocentric assumption of
Western superiority, occasionally modified by idealizing others as noble savages
rather than denigrating them as barbarians. The postcolonial critique of the entanglement of exploration in imperialism (see Pratt 1992; Richardson and Hofkosh 1996;
Bohls 2013) has been questioned recently with the view to the limitations of European
hegemony, the Romantic traveller’s vulnerability, and “the instability rather than
authority of their published narratives” (Leask 2002, 16). Mungo Park’s Travels into
the Interior of Africa (1799) will be analysed below because it records both his research
of empirical data and his suffering from numerous difficulties.
Tours of Great Britain and Europe are less exotic than exploration narratives but
come in more shapes. The Grand Tour was designed to provide the finishing touch to
the education of the male elite in order to prepare them for eminent positions. The
young men were supposed to broaden their horizon and establish social contacts
with European elites. They should acquire useful knowledge, polish their manners
and French in Paris and Geneva, and cultivate their taste in appreciating ancient and
Renaissance art and architecture in Venice, Florence, and Rome. To this end, they
travelled with experienced tutors, who, however, were not always able or willing to
reign in the young men’s penchant for dissipation (see Buzard 2002, 38–42; Thompson 2011, 47; Youngs 2013, 44–46). Addison’s Letter from Italy (1703) and Remarks
on Several Parts of Italy (1705) served as models of the Grand Tour, but his classical
reading often replaces rather than informs his experience of classical and Renaissance art and architecture. In spite of its educational European agenda, the Grand
Tour was not meant to change the self (see Korte 2000, 45–48) but to reproduce Englishness or Britishness. Aristocratic Grand Tours did not often find their way into print
as writing for the marketplace was considered to be rather vulgar. Most tours of any
length or purpose were published – and read – by middle-class authors for profit
and participation in “the discussion of national affairs” (Turner 2001, 3). Middle-class
writers took the opportunity to juxtapose manly, economic Britishness and effeminate, extravagant cosmopolitanism of the aristocracy as represented in William Beckford, for example (see Turner 2001, 45–46; 59–61).
From the mid-1760s, middle-class domestic and continental tourism was on the
rise, motivated by leisure, mobility, money to spend on travel or to earn via writing,
and the desire for knowledge and aesthetic experience (see Buzard 2002, 45–47;
Turner 2001, 25). The traveller’s sentimental and aesthetic experience abroad was
supposed “to draw forth a corresponding response in the armchair traveler, the
reader.” (Lawrence 1994, 90)
Laurence Sterne’s novel A Sentimental Journey (1768) initiated real journeys and
travel books, which highlighted feeling rather than reason along with a disruptive,
associative, and digressive style of writing suggesting that the eccentric traveller
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241
directly expressed his or her feelings (see Turner 2001, 52). Sentiment connects the
traveller to his or her fellow human beings but is also self-indulgent and detracts from
empirical observation. Sterne’s traveller, Yorick, has his share in misadventures and
suffering, but this is often treated with irony which is lost in many Romantic travel
books that dramatize the suffering travellers (see Thompson 2007, 6–8; 171) such as
Mary Wollstonecraft and Mungo Park.
William Gilpin’s domestic travelogues and his Three Essays: On Picturesque
Beauty; on Picturesque Travel; and on Sketching Landscape of the 1770s helped to
shape an anti-utilitarian, aesthetic perception of landscape, which partly met with
resentment by travel writers and reviewers more directly interested in social, economic, and political conditions of space (see Thompson 2011, 175). However, the
middle-class aesthetic appropriation of space – rather than the ownership of landed
property – and sentimental interest in the poor reveal an implicit political agenda
(see Turner 2001, 4–5). In his first “Essay on Picturesque Beauty” (1794, 4–26), Gilpin
juxtaposes the smooth beauty, elegance, and regularity of art and architecture with
the irregular, rough, and rugged picturesque of nature and ruins. The satisfaction of
picturesque travel, he continues in his eponymous second essay, lies less in the analytic examination and judgment of views than in the initial impression that suspends
“every mental operation” and triggers “an enthusiastic sensation of pleasure” in the
soul (Gilpin 1794, 49): “We rather feel, than survey it.” (1794, 50; emphasis in the original) The picturesque gaze does not see “nature for what it is, but for how it measures
up to a culturally shaped aesthetic” (Youngs 2013, 43). The sketch and the imagination (re-)shape the composition of nature. In sleep, the active imagination transforms
perceptions, “producing such exquisite scenes, such sublime arrangements, such
brilliant lights, such depth, and clearness of shadow, as equally foil description, and
every attempt of artificial colouring.” (Gilpin 1794, 54) In spite of praising picturesque
nature and art, Gilpin seems to grant the highest status to the Romantic imagination
that surpasses and defies representation. Gilpin’s holistic and aesthetic response to
nature clearly opposes the dissecting and scientific gaze.
Very few women’s travel narratives were published before 1800 since the female
traveller violated two precepts of “the patriarchal ideology of the separate spheres
by quitting her home” (Thompson 2011, 180) and publishing a travelogue. However,
between 1770 and 1800 twenty travelogues by women were published (see Turner
2001, 127). Women’s cultural positioning does not make every female traveller an
exceptional woman or every woman’s travelogue a feminist text, but accounts for the
female traveller’s apologetic self-consciousness and interest in the private and everyday life of others (see Bassnett 2002, 228–230; Turner 2001, 130).
Famous Romantic travel writing in verse, such as William Wordsworth’s poetic
autobiography The Prelude (1805–1850; ↗ 21) and Lord Byron’s epic poem Childe
Harold’s Pilgrimage (1812–1818), cannot be dealt with here because of limited space
and other contributions on these poets in this volume. Earlier innovative prose texts
selected to represent diverse genres, itineraries, personas, and experiences, have to
((Ggf. Die Jahresangaben anpassen, siehe TOC. bitte prüfen))
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take precedence here: In his sentimental version of an exploration narrative to Africa,
the Scottish physician Mungo Park shifts the focus from objective observation to
embodied experience and to reflections on individual struggle, sentimental encounters, and the limits of his horizon. In his inversion of the Grand Tour to Italy, the ironic
and Byronic (avant la lettre) aristocrat William Beckford rejects education as social
constraint and strives for individual freedom, indulging in dissipations and subjective
reveries. On her tour to Scandinavia, the feminist Mary Wollstonecraft combines an
interest in the politics of private life and develops a Romantic aesthetic of nature that
impressed Romantic poets.
3 Analysis
3.1 Scientific exploration and sentiment: Mungo Park’s Travels
into the Interior of Africa (1799)
The African Association, founded by the natural historian Joseph Banks, who had
sailed with James Cook around the world, sponsored Mungo Park’s exploration to
provide information on people, fauna, flora, natural resources, and the course of the
Niger River, and to establish European trade with West Africa. Park set out on his first
journey in 1795 with two Africans, a horse, two asses, a few scientific instruments,
guns, and goods, and returned with barely his life and his notes in 1796 (see Bohls
2013, 25–27). Since he could only acquire little knowledge about the Niger, he undertook a second journey from which he never returned.
Research on Mungo Park tends towards three different positions (Meyer 2015, 167):
Denise Brahimi (1990, 153) considers Park as a representative of reason and Enlightenment because he subjects his experience to rational reflection. For Ashton Nichols
(1996, 94), Park embodies the pre-colonial Romantic, who also foreshadows Victorian
imperialism. Most scholars view Park as a scientific and a sentimental traveller, who
harbours some Western stereotypes but is fairly open towards Africans. They stress
the reciprocity and shared humanity of Park’s encounters: The Western traveller discovers Africa, as Africans discover the West in the traveller (see Bode 2009, 20–22;
Brahimi 1990, 154–156; Brantlinger 1988, 170; 173; Marsters 2000, 3; Nichols 1996,
94–95; 97; 100; Pratt 1992, 75; 80; Thompson 2005, 568–571). From a phenomenological perspective, it becomes apparent that both the anti-hero’s sentimental fellow-feeling and his empirical observation are embodied and tend towards universalism and
abstraction at the same time. In addition, both sentiment and science tend to efface
the asymmetry and liminality of embodied intercultural experience, which also surfaces in Park’s text.
The framing of Park’s Travels into the Interior of Africa in the preface, the first
chapter, and the scientific appendix, reveals the relationship between the body and
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knowledge. The mission meant turning geographical and ethnographic information
to advantage for the British, “opening to their ambition and industry new sources
of wealth, and new channels of commerce” (Park 1954, 2). The lengthy appendix
(in Marster’s edition), confirms Park’s mission as it lists economic information and
presents Major Rennell’s “Geographic Illustrations” and map of the itinerary. The
mission and the map rely on, but efface, the explorer’s embodied experience.
Park claims to have a healthy and resilient, implicitly masculine, body able to persevere in adverse circumstances. However, his experience contradicts his optimism at
the very beginning of his journey: “I imprudently exposed myself to the night dew,
in observing the eclipse of the moon, with a view to determine the longitude of the
place; the next day I found myself attacked by a smart fever and delirium” (Park 1954,
6). Park implicitly disclaims any Romantic interest in the moon and fashions himself
as a detached observer, but his body puts him into place as a stranger. Ironically,
Park as a medical doctor diagnoses the fever and the delirium as an alien aggression,
ignoring that the fever and the delirium are his own psychosomatic response. The
observation cannot be had without the embodied observer. The narrative reveals a
gap between the physician’s answer and his embodied response, his self-image as
a detached agent and a suffering patient (see Meyer 2015, 170). In other words, this
encounter of the other alienates Park from himself.
Repeatedly, Park struggles to come to terms with his experience of the other.
During his prolonged convalescence, Park suffers from the “suffocating heats,” the
terror of “unimaginable” sounds at night: “a dismal concert, interrupted only by the
roar of such tremendous thunder as no person can form a conception of but those
who have heard it” (Park 1954, 7). The phenomenological description registers the
impact of the heat and sounds (pathos, response) as well as the inadequate verbal
representation of the alien/ating experience (answer).
Mary Louise Pratt (1992, 205) identifies the trope of the “monarch-of-all-I-survey” as a leitmotif of imperial exploration narratives, but she ignores Park’s problems with this attitude and vistas. Park’s panoramic prospects are often qualified by
visual impairments, existential threats, and the natives’ reversal of the explorer’s
gaze. Instead of being able to concentrate on the ‘pure’ perception of the disembodied
eye, Park becomes aware of the bare existence of his embodied “I”: Often, the lonely
traveller is frustrated due to the lack of a vantage point or the uniformity of the landscape, which offers no landmarks and boundaries to the Western eye. If Park climbs a
tree or a hill, he often cannot discern anything of value because the unfamiliar space
offers neither aesthetic pleasure, nor orientation, nor the bare necessities of survival:
“Their country itself, being an immense level, and very generally covered with woods,
presents a tiresome and gloomy uniformity to the eye” (Park 1954, 7). The heat and
hunger leave him disoriented, alienated both from the country and his own self, being
deprived of control over the view and his body (see Meyer 2015, 170–171).
Park’s ethnographic investigation is frequently inverted as others closely inspect
the self as a stranger. The embodied self is subject to the gaze of the other as well as
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to expropriation and incarceration. Pratt argues that reciprocity marks these visual
exchanges (1992, 81), but Park is usually turned into a victim (see Bode 209, 169).
As an ‘extra-ordinary’ stranger, the explorer is not protected by local customs. Park
acknowledges his own otherness when he begs them to excuse his “inexperience
and ignorance” (Park 1954, 51). The traveller becomes a spectacle because as a white
man and an infidel he is perceived as an object of fear or scorn, a target of abuse and
robbery (Park 1954, 62; 64; 90; 92–95; 97). As a white stranger and Christian anti-hero,
who loses everything except his life, faith, and hat (see Bode 2009, 168), Park finds
himself in the West African social order as a liminal outsider in need of charity. He
feels sympathy for black and animist African slaves (Park 1954, 273), but is dependent
upon an Arab Muslim slave trader’s hospitality and protection, which he promises
to reward with “the value of one prime slave” (Park 1954, 195) upon his return to the
coast. Thus, Park’s survival is intricately related to the slave trade (see Bohls 2013, 27):
He buys his own life at the expense of another’s (or his/her value in goods; see Meyer
2015, 172–177).
The traveller cannot simply return to his old self and life at the coast or at home.
Park is alienated from Western culture because he cannot answer all of a Muslim slave
trader’s questions concerning the use of Western articles. Park looks so strange that
the African mistress of a white man takes him for a Moor. However, after a shave,
Park loses his masculinity with his beard in the eyes of the African trader. The traveller suffers from health problems and nightmares of Africa even when he is back in
Scotland (Park 1954, 281) – Park’s psychosomatic response to the other kept haunting
him. He could no longer feel at home in Scotland, and did not have the answer to the
question of the exact course of the Niger, two motives that drove him back to Africa,
never to return (see Meyer 2015, 177–178). In spite of the Romantic transformation
of the exploration narrative that complicates the traveller’s position, his suffering
dovetails nicely with the benevolence of the civilizing mission that legitimizes British
exploration, trade, and imperialism (see Thompson 2007, 180–181).
3.2 The inverted Grand Tour: William Beckford’s Dreams, Waking
Thoughts, and Incidents; in a Series of Letters from Various
Parts of Europe (1783)
William Beckford’s father, the Mayor of London, died when he was ten, leaving him
a large fortune, Fonthill estate, and Jamaican plantations that made him one of the
richest heirs in Britain. However, Beckford fashions himself as the extra-ordinary
other rather than the privileged representative of his society. He resents the idea of
being formed into a “charming Gentleman,” who learns “to despise poetry and venerable Antiquity, murder Taste, abhor imagination, detest all the charms of Eloquence
unless capable of mathematical Demonstration, and more than all to be vigorously
incredulous, […] to smell of the stable, swear, talk bawdy, eat roast beef, drink, speak
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bad French, go to the Lyons, and come back with manly disorders” (qtd. in Gemmett
1977, 38). Beckford is “self-consciously, almost defiantly, aristocratic” and disinterested in economic and political affairs (see Turner 2001, 46–47): “The news of the
World affects me not half so much as the chirping of a sparrow, or the rustling of withered leaves […]. Ambition at present lies dormant in my breast and far from envying
the triumphs of others, I exult in my happy tho’ inglorious leisure.” (qtd. in Fothergill
1979, 77).
However, Beckford also defies sexual and aristocratic conventions, and, in a
Romantic way, refuses to share adult reality and common sense. His departure for
his Grand Tour to Italy at the age of twenty was precipitated by his love affair with his
cousin’s wife Louisa Beckford, who was supposed to distract him from his passion for
the eleven-year-old William Courtenay (see Chapman 1972, xx–xxiii). The tour from
1780–1781 did not achieve its immediate moral goal. At his coming of age during his
tour he writes:
The World grows more and more irksome to me every Day, […] I am now approaching the Age
when the World in general expect me to lay aside my dreams, abandon my soft illusion and start
into public life. How greatly are they deceived and how firmly am I resolved to be a child forever!
(qtd. in Gemmett 1977, 95–96).
In summer 1781 he rewrote his travel notes into fictionalized letters under the influence of his intense Oriental reading at the time (see Chapman 1972, xxiv; Gemmett
1977, 67). His family decided that the travel letters were not fit to be published since
they might harm Beckford’s reputation, future marriage, and political career. He
destroyed almost all of the 500 printed copies in 1783, and revised the material for
publication under the title of Italy: With Sketches of Spain and Portugal in 1834 (see
Gemmett 1977, 72–74).
Beckford’s youthful rebellion is more than merely eccentric and therefore a proof
of English liberty (see Turner 2001, 43; 47). Beckford reverses the tenets of the Grand
Tour because he replaces observation by subjective visions and introspection (see
Kalb 1981, 119; 135; Redford 1996, 105–107). This “essentially Romantic” expression
(Korte 2000, 58) explores the gap between subjective needs and the limitations of
reality (see Kalb 1981, 135). The very beginning of Dreams, Waking Thoughts, and Incidents (1972) refuses to meet any expectations of utilitarian observation:
Shall I tell you my dreams? – To give an account of my time, is doing, I assure you, but little
better. Never did there exist a more ideal being. A frequent mist hovers before my eyes, and,
through its medium, I see objects so faint and hazy, that both their colours and forms are apt to
delude me. This is a rare confession, say the wise, for a traveller to make: pretty accounts will
such a one give of outlandish countries. (Beckford 1972, 1)
Beckford promises not to deliver a single “remark,” a fact being worthy of notice, but
rather “purblind observations” and “a visionary way of gazing” (1972, 2). The Roman-
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tic traveller omits to mention his tutor as the companion of his journey and fashions
himself as a lonely, melancholic individual, who prefers to swap the reality of his
journey for his dream of home: “All through Kent did I doze as usual […] How often did
I try to wish away the reality of my separation from those I love, and attempt to persuade myself it was but a dream” (Beckford 1972, 1–3). In a cathedral, he has a vision
of the itinerary of the Grand Tour as a skeleton or corpse, grotesquely inverting the
function of the Grand Tour as an initiation rite into adult life. The visit to the cathedral
establishes the Gothic leitmotif of the traveller in search of twilight, which gives rise
to visions that reflect his imagination (see Kalb 1981, 122).
In spite of his initial resistance to the journey, Beckford is eager to reach Italy,
or rather, the classic Italy of his mind, “where my spirit had so long taken up its
abode” (1972, 15). Beckford’s visionary Italy is characterized by the juxtaposition of
the sublime and the picturesque in landscape and in architecture (see Redford 1996,
108). He has to traverse a rocky pass that is guarded by a terrifying fortress before he
descends into the picturesque country near the rampart of Bassano, “whose classic
appearance recalled the memory of former times, and answered exactly the ideas I
had pictured to myself of Italian edifices” (Beckford 1972, 75). Here, Beckford’s depiction of Italy follows stereotypical preconceptions, such as crossing the threshold
between Brixen and Bolzano to the promised land that evokes the garden of Eden.
On the other hand, his response transcends ready-made answers, such as chancing
upon unknown butterflies. This fact implies that he masters the relevant discourse
of classification. However, he refuses to kill and collect the insects. He prefers the
amateur’s pleasure to the expert’s discipline, refusing to gain credit and authority for
his discovery. The unclassified butterfly stands for the native right to life and freedom
against death and science, serving as a metaphor for his own desire to be free.
In the same vein, Beckford avoids antiquarian lectures and prefers to ramble on
his own in search of experience beyond the prescribed neo-classical education (see
Redford 1996, 107; Korte 2000, 59–60). He is fascinated by traces of the Orient in Italy,
for example in the “Mosque of St. Mark” with its “Greek and barbarian [Egyptian, MM]
elements”:
the noble irregularity of these imperial piles, delighted me beyond idea; and I was sorry to be
forced to abandon them so soon, especially as the twilight, which bats and owls love not better
than I do, enlarged every portico, lengthened every colonnade, and increased the dimensions of
the whole, just as imagination desired. (Beckford 1972, 89)
Beckford’s vision of the Oriental is stimulated by empathy, desire, and imagination
(see Said 1994, 118–119). In Venice, he seems to relish the Babylon of voices and languages in quarters frequented by Orientals (Beckford 1972, 269). The inversion of
night and day pleases him. Like the Italian aristocrats, he spends the day in idleness
and sleep, and gets up for the night to enjoy feasting and luxury. With surprise, he
notices how Venetian nights make some Italians leave their professional identities
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behind in the labyrinth of deception, affairs, and decadence (Beckford 1972, 90–93).
However, his enthusiasm about nightly dissipation in the casinos is dampened due
to the languor and decadence he deplores. For all his fascination with the ‘Oriental’
transgression of social conventions, Beckford stops half-way between the Occident
and the Orient, presenting himself as a liminal being who almost becomes the other,
but not quite because his own inactivity pretends to more than mere idleness since it
generates reveries and dreams that inspire his writing.
In Rome, Beckford is not interested in St. Peter’s architecture or Christian heritage. He imagines creating an oriental pleasure dome in St. Peter’s as a perfect heterotopia that suspends change and time (Beckford 1972, 187–189). He would shade the
windows with transparent yellow silk to give the illusion of perpetual summer, and
create artificial firmaments with numerous tapers in lanterns as the Chinese emperor
Ki did: “I should like of all things to immure myself, after his example, with those
I love; forget the divisions of time, have a moon at command, and a theatrical sun
to rise and set, at pleasure” (Beckford 1972, 188). His own “decadent vision of suspended time and blasphemous pleasure undermines his criticism of the degenerate
Venetians” (Meyer 2003, 81).
In spite of his fascination with Italian landscape, art and life, the traveller reasserts his Englishness in the last letter of his first excursion (Beckford 1972, 234). Beckford considers the contemporary Italians as the Orientals of the Occident. The English
represent the Occident since they reproduce the classical tradition by education in
Greek and Roman literature. The moralizing and patriotic conclusion contains Beckford’s Orientalized persona in the travelogue (see Meyer 2003, 81). His retraction may
have been a concession to his family, but it does not cancel his ironic inversion of the
Grand Tour as a journey into his imagination.
3.3 Female travel: Mary Wollstonecraft’s Letters Written During a
Short Residence in Sweden, Norway, and Denmark (1796)
Mary Wollstonecraft was raised in a lower middle-class family in decline, worked as
a servant, then set up a school for girls, and served as a governess for an aristocratic
Irish family before she became a writer for the radical Analytical Review. Her most
famous publication before her travelogue was the Vindication of the Rights of Woman
(1989 [1792]) (↗ 1 Political and Social History c. 1780–1832). Here, Wollstonecraft (1989,
76) complains that in spite of the subordination of bodily power to moral and mental
power in civilized societies, men tend to ignore women’s minds and consider them
primarily as bodily subjects, and women turn themselves into “insignificant objects
of desire” in order to attract prospective husbands and acquire his social status. She
demanded the liberation of women from male domination “in a physical, moral, and
civil sense” (Wollstonecraft 1989, 266), a perspective that resurfaces in her travelogue.
In 1794, Mary Wollstonecraft gave birth to a daughter from her lover Gilbert Imlay,
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an American trader she met in Paris, where she witnessed the French Revolution
turning into the Reign of Terror. In 1795, she went on a business trip to Scandinavia
on behalf of her meanwhile alienated lover in order to retrieve Imlay’s cargo of silver
that had disappeared with the captain and the ship. Imlay authorized her to represent
his legal and economic interest as Mary ‘Imlay’, which conveniently moved her away
from him, whereas she tried to heal the rift between them and prove herself a valuable partner (see Nyström 1980, 18; Hirakura 2011, 29). Her travelogue does not report
any details of her negotiations because Imlay’s trade with France violated the British
blockade against the French, incurring the risk of capital punishment, and because of
the failure of her mission and her relationship (see Nyström 1980, 20–31; Buus 2001,
241). Nevertheless, the publication of the travel letters helped her secure a livelihood
of her own and won the favour of her husband to be, William Godwin.
Wollstonecraft’s travelogue impressed her contemporaries, among them notable
Romantics because here a sentimental and lonely female traveller discovers the nearly
unknown picturesque and sublime north of Europe (see Lawrence 1994, 76). Some
scholars locate this travel book in the tradition of Enlightenment because the writer
takes herself to be the model of civilized society (see Granqvist 1997) or as a herald of
Romanticism as the book is more of an associative, literary autobiography that prefigures Wordsworth’s “search of a reintegration of self, nature, and society” (Myers 1979,
166). Most critics agree that the epistolary travelogue employs both enlightened and
Romantic concepts and draws on both the philosophical and the sentimental tradition (see Buus 2001; Favret 1993; Lawrence 1994). Gender plays an important part in
criticism with respect to Wollstonecraft’s female aesthetics of nature (see Bohls 1995;
Mergenthal 2003; Mills 2000), her comments on economy and politics (see Hust 1996;
Chaney 2004; Hirakura 2011; Pollock 2011), or the connection between the two (see
Lawrence 1994; Turner 2001; Whale 1995).
Framing the travel account in the letters by an Advertisement and an appendix
pursues a double agenda concerning the subject-position and the purpose of the travelogue (see Whale 1995, 178). The Advertisement of Wollstonecraft’s Letters Written
During a Short Residence apologizes for employing the first person (see Mergenthal
2003, 95) but stresses the right of an egotist “to talk of himself when he can win on our
attention by acquiring our affection” (Wollstonecraft 1989b, 241), privileging the sentimental relationship to the reader, who is supposed to be moved in turn (see Favret
2002, 225–226). Detached, systematic observation is discarded for the sake of subjective perception and expression, “relating the effect different objects had produced on
my mind and feelings, whilst the impression was still fresh,” without restraining the
flow of “remarks and reflections” in “desultory letters” (Wollstonecraft 1989b, 241;
emphasis mine). The episodic travels overlap with intimate and associative memoirs
(see Myers 1979, 181). In addition, Wollstonecraft also claims to deliver a “just description” of “what I saw” (Wollstonecraft 1989b, 241), trying to establish credibility. The
appendix with some statistical data on Norway adds to, but also qualifies, the traveller’s powers of observation because she admits that private business and cares
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deflected her attention from inquiry. However, she downplays this disadvantage as
in the long perspective of the Enlightened, “humane investigator,” the poverty and
despotism in Sweden and Denmark have gradually “vanished before the meliorating
manners of Europe.” (i.e. England and France, Wollstonecraft 1989b, 346) Here, the
generalizing, more or less preconceived answer of expected progress towards Enlightenment (see Granqvist 1997, 16) is supposed to compensate for a lack of sufficient
attention.
In the first and the last of her letters, the traveller expresses her bodily and mental
exhaustion due to the tiresome journey and disappointed hope (in healing her broken
relationship with Imlay) that interfere with her observation and communication of
information, reiterating the clash between her sentiment and her aim of appropriate observation (Wollstonecraft 1989b, 243; 345). However, she omits an accident
from the travelogue at the beginning of her journey, which she only reports in her
Letters to Imlay, presenting herself as a suffering woman: “I fell, without any previous
warning, senseless on the rocks – and how I escaped with life I can scarcely guess. I
was in stupor for a quarter of an hour; the suffusion of blood at last restored me to my
senses – the contusion is great, and my brain confused.” (Wollstonecraft 1989, 416)
The pathos of her inexplicable experience cannot be translated into a meaningful
answer. She conspicuously avoids the word ‘swooning’ and thus the association with
female weakness. In her public letters, she counters the image of the suffering traveller with that of a caring mother and an empowered woman in the shape of a keen
observer and rhetorically persuasive interlocutor, who asks “men’s questions” – in the
eyes of a man, implicitly validating herself as an extra-ordinary woman in opposition
to housewives (Wollstonecraft 1989b, 248; emphasis in the original; see Mergenthal
2003, 96).
The letters display “discursive clashes […] between the positions of anthropological observer and feminist social critic, empirical observer and subjective wanderer,
and national and universalist theories of history and politics” (Turner 2001, 230).
Wollstonecraft represses her frequent commercial interactions in order to fashion
herself primarily as a solitary wanderer in search of the picturesque and a singular
Promethean persona representing progress (see Buus 2001, 248–254). However, while
she mostly omits her personal business contacts, she does not avoid the topic of
economy and politics in general: in addition to her self-image as a suffering woman,
she constructs “a masculine mode of subjectivity […], a ‘universal’ kind of self, the
subject of enlightened mercantile capitalism” that criticizes “calculation and instrumental rationality as the basis for social and economic organization” related to the
sublime (Pollock 2011, 194–195).
The traveller frequently wavers between hope in Enlightened progress and
Romantic bouts of “melancholy and even misanthropy” (Wollstonecraft 1989b, 248)
caused by disappointment with the world and friends, which is only countered by
sympathy (see also Wollstonecraft 1989b, 246–247):
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I have then considered myself as a particle broken off from the grand mass of mankind; – I was
alone, till some involuntary sympathetic emotion, like the attraction of adhesion, made me feel
that I was still a part of a mighty whole, from which I could not sever myself (Wollstonecraft
1989b, 249).
Being saved from alienation in human society through the sympathetic bond to a
quasi-organic whole configures a core Romantic – and gendered – experience (see
Sørensen 2003, 100–106):
Nature is the nurse of sentiment, – the true source of taste; yet what misery, as well as rapture,
is produced by a quick perception of the beautiful and sublime, when it is exercised in observing
animated nature, when every beauteous feeling and emotion excites responsive sympathy, and
the harmonized soul sinks into melancholy, or rises to extasy (Wollstonecraft 1989b, 271).
She continues with praising the power of the imagination to preserve moments of
sensation or pathos for future solace, a concept that prefigures Wordsworth’s spots
of time:
When a warm heart has received strong impressions, they are not to be effaced. Emotions become
sentiments; and the imagination renders even transient sensations permanent by fondly retracing them. I cannot, without a thrill of delight, recollect views I have seen, which are not to be
forgotten, – nor looks I have felt in every nerve which I shall never more meet. (Wollstonecraft
1989b, 271)
Human relations and sentiments of love and loss are closely connected to the perception – and imaginative recall – of sublime nature (see Lawrence 1994, 96; Mills
2000, 29). “Like Coleridge and Wordsworth,” Lawrence writes, “Wollstonecraft treats
aesthetic response as moral and social.” (1994, 80) She employs strategies of both the
‘masculine sublime’ that ultimately empowers the observer, who turns from an overwhelmed self into a transcendent ego detached from the object of observation, and
the ‘feminine sublime’, which grants agency to nature and establishes a relational
self, sometimes even immersing the self in picturesque or sublime landscape (see
Mills 2000, 20–22; 28; 31):
Every thing seemed to harmonize in tranquility […]. With what ineffable pleasure have I not
gazed – and gazed again, losing my breath through my eyes – my very soul diffused itself in the
scene – and seeming to become all senses, gilded in the scarcely-agitated waves, melted in the
freshening breeze, or taking its flight with fairy wing, to the misty mountains which bounded the
prospect, fancy tript over new lawns, more beautiful even than the lovely slopes on the winding
shore before me. – I pause, again breathless, to trace, with renewed delight, sentiments which
entranced me, when, turning my humid eyes from the expanse below to the vault above, my
sight pierced the fleecy clouds that softened the azure brightness; and, imperceptibly recalling
the reveries of childhood, I bowed before the awful throne of my Creator, whilst I rested on its
footstool. (Wollstonecraft 1989b, 280)
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A proto-Wordsworthian sense of communion pervades this embodied experience of
the picturesque and the sublime, in which sight drifts into fancy and reveries. In a veritable moment of vision, she takes into account the gap between the visual, embodied
response in the past (breathless gaze, wet eyes), its present re-experience of emotions
in imaginative and pleasant recollection (“pause, again breathless, to trace, with
renewed delight, sentiments”), and her past recollection of childhood.
The Trollhatten cascades offer another sublime moment that anticipates
Wordsworth and Coleridge (Favret 1993, 104): “I gazed I know not how long, stunned
with the noise; and growing giddy with only looking at the never-ceasing tumultuous motion, I listened, scarcely conscious where I was” (Wollstonecraft 1989b, 316).
She anticipates the “masculine aesthetic of the Romantic sublime” (Whale 1995, 181;
see Granqvist 1997, 22) but sometimes “extends beyond the conventional reaction of
sublime reverie” in “its sense of dislocation and disappointment” (Whale 1995, 182).
In the cascades, “sterility itself reigned with dreary / grandeur”:
the conflux of various cataracts, rushing from different falls, struggling with the huge masses of
rock, and rebounding from the profound cavities […]. A little island stood in the midst, covered
with firs, which, by dividing the torrent, rendered it more picturesque; one half appearing to
issue from a dark cavern, that fancy might easily imagine a vast fountain, throwing up its waters
from the very centre of the earth. (Wollstonecraft 1989b, 316)
Wollstonecraft’s Romantic response to northern nature and landscape complements
her alienation from home. Hope in universal progress clashes with disappointment
in her personal relationship (see Lawrence 1994, 82–84; Turner 2001, 234–236): “The
possibilities of homecoming and of national belonging are unavailable to the abandoned and deracinated subject.” (Turner 2001, 237)
4 Conclusion
Romantic travel writers responded to the scientific exploration narrative and the
Grand Tour as well as to the material, social, and mental conditions of their time.
There is no radical shift from the ‘objective’ observer in the tradition of Enlightened
empiricism towards a Romantic subject interested in aesthetic perception and self-development. Romantic travel writers often combined observation and introspection,
as well as analytic and literary modes of writing (Thompson 2011, 117–118). However,
Romantic travellers tended to reflect more on the qualities and problems of embodied experience, social relationships, and introspection than their predecessors. They
often constructed an isolated or liminal self that suffers from a harsh environment,
an alienation from society, and divisions within, partly compensated for through a
retreat into the self, a visionary communion with nature, and the real experience or
imaginary vision of the self in harmony with sympathetic others.
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5.2 Further reading
Almeida, Hermione de, and George H. Gilpin. Indian Renaissance: British Romantic Art and the
Prospect of India. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006.
Bohls, Elizabeth A. Women Travel Writers and the Language of Aesthetics, 1716–1818. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1995.
Bohls, Elizabeth A., and Ian Duncan, eds. Travel Writing 1700–1830: An Anthology. Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2005.
Chard, Chloe. Pleasure and Guilt on the Grand Tour: Travel Writing and Imaginative Geography,
1600–1830. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999.
Colley, Linda. Captives. Britain, Empire and the World, 1600–1850. London: Cape, 2002.
Jarvis, Robin. Romantic Writing and Pedestrian Travel. Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1997.
Ryall, Anka, and Catherine Sandbach-Dahlström, eds. Mary Wollstonecraft’s Journey to Scandinavia:
Essays. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 2003.
Stafford, Barbara Maria. Voyage into Substance: Art, Science, Nature, and the Illustrated Travel
Account, 1760–1840. Cambridge, MA and London: MIT Press, 1984.
Teltscher, Kate. India Inscribed. European and British Writing on India, 1600–1800. New Delhi:
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Wyatt, John F. Wordsworth’s Poems of Travel, 1819–42: “such sweet wayfaring.” Basingstoke:
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Youngs, Tim, and Charles Forsdick, eds. Travel Writing: Critical Concepts in Literary and Cultural
Studies. London: Routledge, 2012.