Dr. Nilufar, Farida, "The Evolution of the Urban Grid of Dhaka, and the Consolidation and Dominance of Louis I. Kahnís Capital Complex over it’s Organic Spatial Structure", Abstract and Paper accepted for the International Workshop on 'Post-Colonial Capitals of South Asia: A Critical Analysis of Chandigarh, Dhaka and Islamabad', University of Liverpool, UK., 18-19 December, 1997 The Evolution Of The Urban Grid Of Dhaka, And The Consolidation And Dominance Of Louis I. Kahn’s Capital Complex Over It’s Organic Spatial Structure Dr. Farida Nilufar Assistant Professor, Department of Architecture, BUET Mailing Address: 127 Bara Mogbazaar, Dhaka-1217, Bangladesh e-mail of the University: buetlib@bd.drik.net 1. Abstract: The history of Dhaka exhibits great changes in its morphological structure. The present spatial structure of Dhaka has evolved from a small Hindu trading centre to a ‘Megacity’. The city has primarily grown organically and a number of planned schemes have been incorporated into the organic whole which give rise to the fundamental urban dichotomies. However, a major urban scheme was added in this organic city designed by Louis I. Kahn in 1964. At that time Kahn’s Capital Complex appeared as an isolated development where administration was kept away from the public in the existing city. In spite of such intent, the evolution of the city shows that with the gradual expansion towards north the city quarters surrounded the Capital Complex and now Sher-E-Bangla Nagar stands near the heart of the city. This analytical paper examines the dynamics of urban growth of Dhaka. Here, models of the 'axial structure' of the city of Dhaka are developed from cartographic records which cover the period from 1859 to 1991. Thus, the spatial structure of Dhaka city is considered over last century, through the eight different stages of its evolution for which accurate maps exist. The paper tries to pinpoint how the cumulative process of growth and consolidation has influenced the spatial structure of Dhaka at a global scale. It shows that in the overall growth of the city, Kahn’s Capital Complex has attained immense importance by pulling the global integration core of Dhaka towards north and merging itself into the global core. This paper will use 'Space Syntax' as a tool in analysing the spatial structure of Dhaka. 'Space Syntax' is a theory and method for investigating the society-space relation, which takes account of the underlying difficulty in illuminating the relationship between social structure and spatial structure. The theory also defines the degree of spatial order which exists in organic and planned layouts, by analysing their spatial configurations to show the relation between local morphological properties and emergent global patterns. The first section of this paper will briefly describe the space syntax method in order to pave the way for the latter part of the text where the method be applied to the case of Dhaka. Key Words: Urban Morphology; History And Evolution; Planned Schemes And The Organic Cities, Syntactic Analysis Of Cities; Society And Space. Post-Colonial City 2. Introduction - Post Colonial Interventions Within The Mixed Urban Pattern Of Dhaka Cities are the products of unique situations of their origin. It is the circumstances, culture, society, politics and economy of their origin and growth that make them different. Therefore, the interpretation of morphological forms and its meaning requires an examination of the continuing forces that shape the cities with its millennia of urban evolution. This present paper tries to focus on such governing issues which influence the spatial structure of the city in order to understand the evolutionary layering of urban form and social processes in Dhaka. It tries to pinpoint how the cumulative process of growth and consolidation has influenced the spatial structure of Dhaka at a global scale. (Fig:1) Throughout the century the growing city seems to have exhibited a series of informal and organic spatial patterns. However, during the post-colonial era deliberately designed patterns are incorporated in the urban fabric, albeit in a fragmented way. In 1962 government of Pakistan decided to build new capital cities in the East and West provinces. Subsequently Louis I. Kahn was commissioned to design a major urban scheme, the Capital Complex of Dhaka. At that time Kahn’s Capital Complex, comprising 840 acres of farmland between Mirpur Road and military airport, appeared near Dhaka away from the existed habitation. (Fig:2) The project consisted of an extensive programme of buildings: the assembly, the supreme court, hostels, schools, a stadium, the diplomatic enclave, the living sector and market. Kahn’s concept of the design simply came from his realisation that “assembly is of a transcendent nature . . . men came to assembly to touch the spirit of community” [Ranner and Jhaveri, 1987: 234]. The design process continued from 1962 to 1974. Initially Kahn composed all the buildings in two groups as the ‘Citadel of Institution’ and the ‘Citadel of Assembly’. Kahn’s master plan reflected the intention of the central rulers to build a new capital. In essence the complex gave an impression of a small city with the assembly building as the keystone of the plan. [Browndee and De Long, 1991:374] At present Dhaka has grown in size, scale and extent, and the distribution of urban functions has evolved and changed according to the dictates of political and commercial considerations. Indeed, above the levels of technology and economic condition of the population, the patterns of areal expansion and the form of Dhaka have been dominated largely by the physical configuration of the landscape in and around the city, particularly the river system and the height of land in relation to flood level. [Islam, 1996: 191] The vast urban sprawl of Dhaka towards north has grasped the Kahn’s complex, which was intended to be a separate city, within the main city. It is not clear whether these changes were arbitrary, or whether there was a logic to the changing urban pattern of Dhaka. In what follows, integration analysis by the Space Syntax1 will explore the way in which urban growth brought about changes in the configuration of the urban grid, and hence in the distribution of integration throughout the city. This paper will use 'space syntax' as a tool in analysing the spatial structure of Dhaka City. The first section of this paper will describe the theory of Space syntax in brief. The main body of the paper will outline the historical development of Dhaka with the accompanying morphological patterns on the basis of a syntactic analysis of the urban grid. Finally Kahn’s Capital Complex will be evaluated within the present framework of the urban grid of Dhaka. 3. The Spatial Measures Used In Space Syntax Space syntax is a set of descriptive techniques for representing, quantifying and modelling spatial configuration in buildings and settlements. It attempts to associate the spatial structures to social and behavioural features of architectural or urban systems. Axial analysis is an analytical technique which has gained a great credibility in syntactic study of urban systems. This technique models the architectural or urban systems by driving a network of axial lines through all convex spaces of the system (Fig. 3). These axes are representative lines of sight or visibility, and movement or permeability. A computer-based analysis determines the relative depth value of each lines with respect to all other lines in the system and creates an analysed map which shows the integration value of each element in the urban system. Simply speaking, integration is the relative mean depth of each component of space - defined by an axial line- from the entire system. Since this kind of relationship corresponds to all parts of the system, it is called global integration. Global integration is a static measure in that every axial line is assigned a value which characterises its relation to all other lines in the grid, thus providing a global index of relative integration or segregation for that line relative to all others, (R=n). The numerical value is usually a number varying between 1 and the lowest positive 1 The method is developed by the Unit for Advanced Architectural Studies, Bartlett School of Graduate Studies, University College London, London. figure (higher than 0) and within this range higher values indicate low integration and vice versa. It is calculated by the formula: 2(MD -1) k-2 where MD is the ‘mean depth’ or mean number of spaces away from all the other spaces in the system from the selected space, and k is the total number of spaces in the system. A correcting factor is then applied to eliminate the empirical effects of size2. The integration core is formed by the most integrated lines. 4. History Of Dhaka And The Dynamics Of Its Spatial Growth The fundamental source of the life of Dhaka had been determined by political considerations as these have unfolded over time. [Ahsan, 1991: 397] Thus the urban pattern of Dhaka can be best understood by taking a brief overview of the stages through which the city developed historically. Dhaka faced six major phases of socio-economic and political change during it's evolution. This paper seeks to understand the morphological changes that has taken place in these stages of development. However, the analysis is carried out at eight different stages in the city’s growth, by using available maps from 1859 - 1991. (Fig. 4) In addition to carrying out an analysis of the available maps two important historical stages, pre-Mughal and Mughal Dhaka, are reconstructed on the basis of the information contained in the oldest detailed map of 1859 prepared by Rennell. Landuse maps of Dhaka, from secondary sources, at different stages are also consulted here. (Fig: 5) 4.1. Pre-Mughal Hindu Period (Before 1608) Dhaka was a small Hindu trading centre before the Mughals came to power. [Ahsan, 1991: 397] It is now thought that Dhaka was confined between the Dulai Canal (on the north east boundary of the city) and the Buriganga River from its inception until 1608, which ushered in the Mughal period.3 According to Dani, the commercial centre is thought to have been near the Bangla Bazaar in Victoria Park and Sadar Ghat area [Ahsan, 1991:397] In the later part of the 15th century, under the Twelve Bhuiyans, the growth of the Munawar Khans Bazaar near the Nawabpur Road suggests that there was an extension of commercial activity into this area. [Ahsan, 1991: 398] The syntactic analysis shows that in the pre -Mughal Dhaka, the global integration core lay along Nawabpur Road4, which continued as Johnson Road leading towards the Sadar Ghat (river port). (Fig. 5). The core was elongated, following the functional core as described above. 4.2. Mughal Period (1608- 1764) Dhaka rose to prominence only after it became the capital of Bengal during the Mughal rule in 1610 AD. [Bhattacharya, 1935: 36-63] The then ‘New Dhaka’ was inaugurated by Islam Khan with the establishment of the Lalbagh Fort in 1679, Chandnighat and the Chawk (the market place beside the old fort on the site of the present central jail). It continued to grow under the subsequent Mughal Subaders until 1717. [Dani, 1956: 31] During this period, the needs of administration and defence coupled with flourishing commercial activities led to Dhaka’s growth, and from a suburban town Dhaka became a metropolis, and the premier city of the east. In time, Dhaka grew beyond the limit of 2 The integration values are rank ordered from the most integrated to the most segregated line, divided into five integration bands and each band is assigned a ‘grey scale’ tone to represent its degree of integration, with black representing the most integrated band and palest grey the most segregated. 3 See Map: 'Demarcation between pre-Mughal and Mughal Dhaka' in Dani, Ahmed Hasan, 1956: Dacca: A Record Of Its Changing Fortune, Dhaka, Map no.2 4 As the roads of Dhaka had no name at that period so they are described here with the help of the names they bear today. the Dulai Canal, the old fort was reconstructed and settlement spilled out into its' surrounding. The Chawk with the mosque was the main market place of Mughal Dhaka and the river front was transformed into the main commercial area. The Chawk formed both the administrative and commercial heart of Mughal Dhaka. In addition, the older part of the city also gained in importance by the establishment of European factories in the vicinity of Babu Bazaar and Bangla Bazaar. [Ahsan, 1991: 398] In the syntactic analysis of Mughal Dhaka the global integration core lies on the northern periphery of the city along Bangshal Road and was linked up with Nawabpur Road. 5 Thus the Mughal core (the Chawk and the old fort) was connected with the pre-Mughal core in Bangla Bazaar. In this way the morphological pattern seems to correspond to the commercial and administrative cores to a great extent. Even so, the historical statement that the Fort served as the nerve centre of the city does not fit with the syntactic analysis. When the river was also considered as a route6, and connected to the street system through its ghats (ports) the global core made a dramatic shift from the northern periphery towards the river front. It seems to reveal the importance of the river in city life. 4.3. The Rule Of The East India Company (1764-1857) In 1707, with the fall of the Mughal Empire, Dhaka experienced a sixty year period of disorder, unrest and political instability. The capital of Bengal was moved to Calcutta in 1757. Beside this political change, the invention of the spinning machine in England reduced Dhaka's commercial activities to minimum. Most of the commercial activities which survived were carried out in the enclosure of Chawk. [Ahsan, 1991: 401] During this period, the East India Company, an English trading company, attained political domination and took over the control of Dhaka city in 1764. [Khan and Atiquallah, 1965: 6] The heart of the city had been the old fort round which were located all the central and provincial offices. [Ahmed, 1986: 141] Subsequently in 1829, new buildings were erected near the Victoria Park, close to Bangla Bazaar, for administrative and educational purpose. [Islam, 1996: 12] So, the administrative and commercial importance again offered to the pre-Mughal core. The map of Rennel prepared in 1859 is the most accurate depiction of this stage of Dhaka's development, at the end of the rule of the East India Company. This map is the first detailed cartographic document through which it is possible to investigate Dhaka’s past. The jungles of the 1859 map indicate a decline in the population and a subsequent contraction in the physical urban area, which seems to have been due to the political and commercial depressions. The axial analysis of the spatial system of 1859's Dhaka depicted that the city had densely inhabited areas in the pre-Mughal Hindu core extending towards the Mughal core - the Chawk. At this period, most of the areas to the west of the Mughal centre were segregated. The northern part, the British addition, was also segregated. The global integration core took the shape of a 'T' connecting two administrative cum commercial centres, Victoria Park (the pre-Mughal core) and the Chawk (the Mughal centre). The global core also led towards the new cantonment located to the north (in today’s Purana Paltan area) thus reaching out towards the extending city. This phase might be called the period of unification, when the Hindu (pre-Mughal) and the Muslim (Mughal) centres were joined, and projected outwards in the direction of the Colonial (Britishcity. Axial analysis gave importance to the Mughal centre, the Chawk, which was connected to the integration core. Similarly the administrative areas near Bangla bazaar were also linked to the core at its southern edge. But the most integrated line was Bangshal Road, and the next was Nawabpur Road, the bazaar streets of Dhaka. Thus, the integration core largely coincided with the commercial interface which was the focus of city life. 5 Historically there were two principal roads /thoroughfares in the city, one running parallel to the river from the Victoria park to the western fringe of the city (Islampur road) and the other ran from the park to Tejgaon (Nawabpur road). However, the roads had no names at that time . Source: Khan, F. Karim and Islam. Nazrul., 1964: High Class Residential Areas In Dacca City, Oriental Geographer, Vol:viii, p.10. 6 See the Axial model developed by Nilufar, Farida 1997, Dhaka, Fig. 3.10 Plate.29 4.4. British Colonisation (1858-1947) The old Mughal town did not expand with British rule but it underwent a vast physical renewal following no definite plan. This transformed medieval Dhaka into a modern city with metalled roads, open spaces, street lights and piped water supply. [Ahmed, 1986: 130-143] The State Railway was opened in 1885-86 and the rail line was laid through the city to connect it with areas outside Dhaka. The placement of the railway line gives an idea about the existence of the main city to the quarters south and west of the loop formed by the railway line. Succeeding the previous rulers, the British Crown shifted the administrative centre from the old fort area, and new buildings were constructed near Victoria Park, on the present site of the Court House. [Ahmed, 1986: 141] From Mughal times the Chawk Bazaar had been the main centre of the city's trade and commerce and it remained so after 1859. In 1905, in the middle stage of the British era, Bengal was divided and Dhaka was chosen as the capital of the eastern part. [Islam, 1991: 197] Consequently, when permanent public buildings and residences for the civil servants of the East Bengal government were to be built at the beginning of the 20th century, these were placed north of the railway line, making the break with the old city definite. Thus the new official enclave was created at considerable distance from Bangla Bazaar. [Nilsson, 1973: 191] However, the building of a new town started beyond the rail road in Ramna. The business areas during this period extended towards the north by way of the Nawabpur Road into Ramna, to serve the British bureaucrats who lived in the new town. [Ahsan, 1991: 402] Another significant incidence to the city of Dhaka was the foundation of Dhaka University in the vicinity of Ramna in 1921. In the map of 1916, the global integration core was pushed towards the north near the Ramna Garden where the newly-planned, relatively orthogonal grid was being introduced. Thus the most integrated lines were in the area where the old (pre-British) part meets the new (developed in the British era), which indicated a change in the social life of the city during the colonial period. In order to have an idea about the life of the people who were living in the densely built up areas of the old city, the built up area in 1916 was analysed syntactically without the colonial additions; (See Fig 3.16 in Plate 35 in Nilufar, 1997) In this analysis, higher global integration values were attained by the bazaar streets, namely by Islampur Road and Nawabpur Road. The most integrated lines extended parallel to the river, along Islampur Road, forming a linear integration core which coincided with the functional core of the city. There were large lumps of segregated areas in the east and west end of the city, which were the new extensions to the old core. 4.5. Pakistan Period (1947-1971) In 1947, the British Colony achieved its independence after two hundred years of colonisation. As this was just after the partition of India, Dhaka attained the status of the provincial capital of the eastern part of Pakistan. The overall expansion of the city began from 1947. [Huq, 1991: 428] The Secretariat of the province, East Pakistan, was set up in the old Eden Girl's College at the end of the Abdul Ghani Road in Ramna area. [Ahsan, 1991: 412] In addition, 1952’s map exhibits some administrative, institutional and industrial development beyond the realm of British Dhaka in Tejgaon and further north, near today's Sher-E-Bangla Nagar area. The global integration core (R=n) of 1952 revealed a strong connection between the exiting old city to the south and the flourishing new city towards the north. Abdul Ghani Road-Government House Road, which seems to be the then heart of the new democratic nation, jointly formed the most integrated line. The core was also connected to Dhaka University which was a very prominent interface for city's life at that period. Thus the spatial analysis represented the socio-political interface of the city in the global core of Dhaka in those days. In the 1960's, the administrative centre was well developed on the eastern side of the Ramna area and around Gulistan. The modern core of the central business district was located in the MotijheelGulistan area, whereas the traditional business centre remained in Chawk, Patuatoli, and Shadar Ghat. In 1959 a Master Plan for Dhaka was prepared. Beside the riverside dense development of the old city, this phase includes some planned schemes, such as Dhanmondi, Tejgaon industrial area, Gulshan, Muhammadpur etc. All the new areas were loosely developed but integrated within the global city structure. The global core was a continuous loop forming three rings, with a long tail formed by Abdul Ghani Road. The commercial centre of the city, Motijheel, was linked by this tail with the global core. Within this total structure the old city appeared as the segregated part. All these provide evidence of a shift in importance from the old city towards the newer part. Another interesting feature was the ringy and hollow core which contained within it large pockets of unbuilt and open areas. Thus, the huge Ramna Park and the loosely dense area of the University were lying in the middle of the more integrated grid of roads. The pattern of integration highlighted the importance of Dhaka University and the shifting process of the CBD from Gulistan towards Newmarket in this period in the city’s life. As compared to more established western cities, we suggest that such a hollow core might be a characteristic feature of developing cities like Dhaka. In 1962, the Central Government of Pakistan decided to build a second capital, called Ayub Nagar, in the Eastern Province near the urban setting of Dhaka. So that the National Assembly were to convene in Islamabad and Dhaka alternatively. American architect Louis I. Kahn was commissioned to design the Capital Complex of Dhaka towards the northern ream of the existing city. However, this famous urban scheme starter to come over the ground after 1965. Kahn was asked to design the Secretariat building in the northern part of the scheme in place of his original idea of the Citadel of Institutions. All these political decisions show that second capital was conceived to be the administrative centre of Dhaka. 4.6. Bangladesh Period (1971-To Date) The country was made independent in 1971, and Dhaka became the capital of independent Bangladesh. After the liberation of Bangladesh, a new CBD developed which was centred on Bijoynagar, the D.I.T extension road and Toyenbee Circular Road. A second CBD emerged in the New Market and its surrounding areas, which suggests that the CBD will further extend northwards from the existing old CBD. [Chowdhury, 1981:47.] But with time the land use pattern was modified, and shopping activities were dispersed from Gulistan to a number of shopping streets. Although the major commercial buildings were still (in the 1980's) concentrated in the Motijheel area, the activities of CBD also became diffused. [Ahsan, 1991: 412-13] The land use map of 1995 shows that the governmental administrative buildings and commercial uses had spread beyond the pattern of the 1980's, and new pockets of government institutions and commercial uses, the political and commercial heart of the city, have extended from Motijheel and its surrounding northwards towards the Kawran Bazaar, Agargoan and the Sher-E-Bangla Nagar area (previously called Ayub Nagar). From the axial models of Dhaka, it appears that the growth indicated by the previous stage comes to fruition in the axial structure of 1973. But the tendency to consolidate the urban grid was much more striking at the periphery than in the centre. This process actually enhanced the existence of the hollow core at the centre. In 1979, the city was densely built up to half of its extent along its north- south axis. Beyond the densely built-up area there remain pockets of undeveloped areas. At the northern extreme, there are two planned developments, Mirpur and Uttara, and these two areas are mostly segregated parts of the city. This is probably due to their locational distance from the city centre and the tree-like or nondistributed connection with the city. The most integrated line was the upper segment of Mymensingh Road. All this demonstrates the segregation of old Dhaka from the global city structure. Motijheel was not included in, or even connected to, the integration core and this also indicates the reduction of importance of Motijheel in the city structure compared to the growing importance of the northern developments. However, irrespective of the spatial system, the functional importance of Motijheel worked as a modifier of the whole system and it still acted as the commercial core of the city. But this spatial analysis pre-figures future change in the importance of Motijheel in the life of the city, when it is set in the context of the extended global structure of Dhaka. The stage of 1987 is very similar to the next and last stage, 1991. The types of urban patterns in the axial map of 1991 that could be identified visually are as follows: the intricate, dense and organic development near the riverside - the old city of Dhaka; the planned areas of Dhanmondi, Baridhara, Gulshan, Banani, Mirpur, Lalmatia etc.; the concentric development in the north eastern part; the organic, labyrinthine and haphazard development of the consolidated areas between the planned areas particularly around the Cantonment site, and also at the edge of the city - the indigenous development; the areas of prospective growth - tree-like areas in the north east and west fringes which point towards further possible growth; and the monumental grid of Khan's Capital Complex in Sher-EBangla Nagar. In 1991, as a total structure the city seems well balanced with integrated parts at the physical centre and segregated parts towards the periphery; thus, there is a distinct edge effect leaving all the peripheral areas segregated. The segregation is not an abrupt one, but a gradual detachment. The integration core consists of two reverse wedges which coincide with the four major thoroughfares, Mirpur Road, Mymensingh Road, Green Road and Lake Road of Kahn’s Complex. The highest integrated line was the upper segment of Mymensingh Road. The core is inclined towards the west in respect of the total city structure, leaving the old city and the Motijheel area outside the global core. Most of the areas of the old city remain segregated to a degree. This phenomenon is an accurate reflection of the real situation which exists in Dhaka today, since the whole of the old city remains segregated from the remainder of the city functionally, and many people live in Dhaka without entering the old part. Khan's Capital Complex has become more integrated due to its position in the context of the growing city as a whole, although the inner parts of this complex are not much used in reality because of their functional segregation, having exclusive offices and residences for Governmental staff. 5. Post-Colonial Development And Kahn’s Capital Complex In Dhaka The physical growth of Dhaka and the dynamic of its spatial changes at different phases reveals that the post-colonial growth and development of the city in comparison to the past is enormous. In this stage a number of orthogonal grids were incorporated to the organic city. The axial structure of the city reveals that within the typical organic fabric of the city the orthogonal grid of the planned schemes seem to be harmonious for their corresponding scale and articulation within the setting. However, Kahn’s Capital Complex is outstanding among all the planned segments of the organic whole of Dhaka. This project is a contribution of an expatriate architect by using innovative ideas. Although Kahn’s buildings in Dhaka are well addressed, little has been discussed to evaluate this project in the urban setting of Dhaka. The growth pattern of Dhaka shows a northward course of expansion possibly for the availability of high land. The site for the Capital Complex was placed towards north at a fair distance from the existing city. In this way Dhaka’s traditional manner of expanding had been unambiguously followed. [Nilsson, 1973: 192] However, it seems that such a location, seven miles away from the city, might help to fulfil the bureaucratic intention of the central government to rule the city from a distance like the colonial rulers as in the case of Delhi. Such a tendency had already been experienced in Dhaka when the colonial rulers started to develop new Dhaka in Ramna area beyond the limit of the old city. The phenomenal growth of present Dhaka could manage to merge the expected separation of the bureaucrats and the commoners, and Kahn’s Capital Complex is now incorporated within the city grid as an integrated part. Initially Kahn wanted to establish the relation between the complex and the existing city with the help of the triangular shaped artificial lake by opening it out towards the old city. Eventually, he changed his composition and developed an introverted complex by turning the lake’s broad base towards the Citadel of Institutions. Thus it is evident that the complex was planned in an ‘insular’ way without sufficient regard to settlement in surrounding. However, this analytical paper identifies that Kahn’s Capital Complex at present has been incorporated within the city grid and has attained great importance in the contemporary urban grid of Dhaka. The east-west elongation of the long axes seem to be the major achievement in articulating the eastern and western realm of the present city towards north. Here Kahn’s idea of long avenues contrasted the existed organic city grid of narrow and twisted streets. Nevertheless, its monumental grid seems to dominate the urban grid of Dhaka by pulling the global integration core and incorporating the southern avenue, Manik Mia Avenue, as part of the global integration core of Dhaka. Therefore it can be commented that although it was a result of Ayub regime’s legislation as a symbol of authority, Louis I. Kahn’s Dhaka appears to be an appropriate capital complex of independent Bangladesh. In addition, this paper also identifies that the core, both administrative and commercial, systematically declines in importance with each subsequent stage of growth. Historically the functional core shifted from Bangla Bazaar to the Chawk, then to Ramna area, and finally intended to place it at Ayub Nagar (Sher-E-Bangla Nagar). The most significant finding of this morphological study is the changing character of the global integration core in correspondence with the functional core at different phases of development. This dynamics of spatial change is always influenced by the pull of the new extensions. The syntactic analysis also determines that the post-colonial addition to Dhaka’s spatial structure by an expatriate architect seems successful to attract its integration core thereby ensuring its functional importance in the city life. 6. Conclusion Cities grow and change in response to major political, economic and social forces, and function follows the evolving form at least as reliably as ‘form follows function’. If we return with renewed insight to the process of growth portrayed in Fig.1 it is possible to understand how each succeeding period of growth has produced an impact on the growing metropolis. There is a general lesson to be learnt from this for the future of cities, as well as specific concerns about the effect of Kahn’s project on the existing city as it becomes an increasingly integrated part of the modern metropolis. Bibliography:. Ahmed, Sharif Uddin (1986), Dacca: A Study in Urban History and its Development. London: Centre for South Asian Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies. Ahmed, Sharif Uddin (ed.) (1991), Dhaka Past Present Future. Dhaka: The Asiatic Society of Bangladesh. Ahsan, R. Majid (1966), “The CBD in an Eastern Context: A Case Study of Dacca”. Master's Dissertation, London School of Economics, University of London. Ahsan, R. Majid (1991), “Changing Pattern of the Commercial Area of the Dhaka City”, in Sharif Uddin Ahmed (ed.) Dhaka Past Present Future. Dhaka: The Asiatic Society of Bangladesh. p.396- 414. Asaduzzaman, A. T. M. et al. (1992), “Engineering Ecology of Dhaka City”, Bangladesh. Geological Survey of Bangladesh, GoB. Bhattacharya, S. N. (1935), Dhaka University Studies. Vol. 1 No. 1 Nov. Brownlee, David B. and De Long, David (1991) Louis I. Kahn: In the Realm of Architecture. NewYork: Rizzoli International Publications. Chowdhury, A. H. M. Nizamuddin (1981), “The Central Business District of Dacca - A Structural Change with the Growth of the City.” Unpublished M.Sc. Dissertation, Uppsala University, Sweden. Chowdhury, A. M. & Faruqui, Shabnam (1991), “Physical Growth of Dhaka”, in Sharif Uddin Ahmed (ed.) Dhaka Past Present Future. Dhaka: The Asiatic Society of Bangladesh. p.43- 63. D'oyly, Sir Charles (1991) Translation of the Antiquities of Dacca' by Sir. Charles. D'oyly, Translated by: Shah Mohammed Nazmul Alam, Dhaka: Academy Publishers. Dani, Ahmed Hasan (1956), Dacca: A Record of its Changing Fortune. Dhaka: Asiatic Press. Hanson, Julienne. and Hillier, Bill. (1984), The Social Logic of Space. London: Cambridge University Press. Hanson, Julienne (1989), “Order And Structure In Urban Space: A Morphological History of The City of London”, Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation University of London. Hillier, Bill., Burdett, Richard., Peponis, John., and Penn, Alan (1987), “Creating Life Or, Does Architecture Determine Anything?”, in Architecture and Behaviour, Vol.3, p.233-250. Islam, M. Nazrul (1991), “The Political Role of Dhaka ,1905-1971”, in Sharif Uddin Ahmed (ed.) Dhaka Past Present Future. Dhaka: The Asiatic Society of Bangladesh. p.196-210. Islam, M. Nazrul (1992), “Land Use Dynamics in the Urban Fringe with Special Reference to Land and Residential Development in the Fringe of Dhaka City”, in Nazrul Islam and Aminul Islam Chowdhury (eds.), Urban Land Management in Bangladesh. Dhaka: Ministry of Land, Govt. of Bangladesh. p.59-66. Islam, M. Nazrul (1996), Dhaka from City to Megacity. Dhaka: Urban Studies Programme, Department of Geography, Dhaka University. Islam, Nazrul and Khan, F. Karim (1964), “High Class Residential Areas in Dacca City”, in The Oriental Geographer, Vol. viii . p. 1-41. Karim, A. (1964), Dacca: the Mughal Capital. Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Pakistan. Khan F. Karim and Atiquallah, M. (1965), “Growth of Dacca City- Population and Area (1608- 1981)”, Social Science Research Project, Dept. of Statistics. Dacca University. Mollah, Md. Khairul Islam (1976), “Commercial Structure of Dacca with Special Reference to Retailing”, Unpublished Master’s Dissertation, Geography Department, Dhaka University. Nilsson, Sten (1973), The New Capitals of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. Lund: Studentlitterature Nilufar, Farida (1997), “The Spatial and Social Structuring of Local Areas in Dhaka City - A Morphological Study of the Urban Grid with Reference to Neighbourhood Character within Naturally-grown Areas.” Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, University College London, University of London, UK Nilufar, Farida and Hanson, Julienne (1996), “A Syntactic Analysis of the Spatial Pattern of the Ecological Area of Dhaka City Over the Last Century”, Paper Presented in the International Seminar on ‘Future of the Past: Architectural Heritage of Dhaka’, Dhaka. January 13-14. Ronner, Heinz and Jhaveri, Sharad (1987), Louis I. Khan: Complete Work 1935-1974. Boston: Basal Taifoor, Syed Muhammed (1956), Glimpses of Old Dhaka. Dhaka: Pioneer.