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This Teaching Guide was collaboratively developed and reviewed by educators from public and private schools, colleges, and universities. We encourage teachers and other education stakeholders to email their feedback, comments, and recommendations to the Commission on Higher Education, K to 12 Transition Program Management Unit-Senior High School Support Team at k12@ched.gov.ph. We value your feedback and recommendations.
Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 1995
Études méditerranéennes 7, 2024
In the Hellenistic Period, Rhodes played an important role in the Mediterranean trade. Rhodian wine was transported in stamped amphorae produced both on the island and in the Peraea. Following the Lexicon of Eponym Dies on Rhodian Amphora Stamps (4 volumes, 2015-2017), we present here the second of four volumes on Rhodian fabricants, with 1434 dies belonging to 120 fabricants whose names start with the letters from beta to zeta. The total collection will overpass 4750 dies endorsed by about 472 fabricants. The stamps belong mostly to the Benaki Collection hosted in the Graeco-Roman Museum of Alexandria, and from the excavations in the city both made by the Museum and CEAlex. For dies which do not exist in Alexandria, we present samples from other cities in Egypt as well as from Delos, Athens National Museum, Athenian Agora and some previously published stamps from excavations sites in other Eastern Mediterranean consumption centres. The stamps are presented in the alphabetical order of the fabricants. In the matrix names, numbers do not refer to any chronological dating order or stylistic difference but to the order of our registration. Under the title of each fabricant, following some brief information – the activity period of the fabricant dated by means of his connection with the eponyms relying mostly on the chronology established by Gerald Finkielsztejn, the total number of matrices naming the fabricant, the eventual associations with eponyms –, the different identified dies naming him/her are presented with a photograph and a rubbing, beginning with the dies accompanied by month-names in alphabetical order followed by the dies without month names. We hope that this lexicon will help the archaeologists to identify the stamps found in their excavations as well as the specialists of amphorology and ancient trade.
Organic Geochemistry, 2024
Thirty-six bituminous samples from the Pre-Pottery Neolithic site of Nahal Efe (8000–7700 cal. BCE, Negev, Israel) were analysed to determine their origins. Most samples are mixtures of bitumen with minerals, predominantly quartz, calcite, dolomite and aragonite. The aragonite is from marine shells, which were crushed to be incorporated into the mixtures. Dead Sea bitumen was identified in all samples. The Nahal Efe geochemical data were compared to samplesfrom Tell Yarmuth (2800–1100 BCE), Tall Dhiban (700–800 cal. BCE), Tel Gezer (1250–700 cal. BCE) and to floating asphalt blocks from the Dead Sea. The stable carbon isotope values of resins and asphaltenes of the Nahal Efe bitumens differ from those of the Dead Sea floating blocks, Tell Yarmuth, Tel Gezer and Tall Dhiban, apparently a consequence of diagenesis. Thus, δ13C values of asphaltenes may not always be a reliable representative of the stable carbon isotope composition of the unaltered source bitumen. Surprisingly, the sterane and terpane patterns of the Nahal Efe samples are not severely biodegraded and clearly indicate a Dead Sea bitumen source. No difference was recorded between mixtures and pure bitumen. Some changes have, however, been observed when using quantitative data on biomarkers. The shifts in δ13C values of resins and asphaltenes is not related to biodegradation but rather to oxidation of the Nahal Efe samples. This is the earliest and most complete evidence of Dead Sea bitumen exploitation and use, which included the preparation of different ‘recipes’, in the Negev and Sinai arid regions
France's burkini ban: the theater of the absurd " an outfit respecting good morals and secularism. " Dr. Hatem Bazian The attempt by a number of French coastal mayors to ban the burkini is a clear sign that Islamophobia has entered into the theater of the absurd. How else can we explain this new attack on Muslim women in civil society other than absurdity that is backed up by law and power? When the police on the beach gave a Muslim woman a ticket for being dressed in a burkini, the charge written on the ticket was laughable had it not been real: " an outfit respecting good morals and secularism. " The idea that a Muslim woman sitting or using the beach while wearing a burkini constitutes a violation and that such a garment does not show respect for " good morals " or the ever-elusive and all-encompassing secularism is absurd. If we examine the French engagement with beach clothing over a long period of time, we are likely to find that the definition of " good morals " were constantly shifting and with it the scope of secularism. What is more absurd is that if a Muslim woman wore a surfer's wetsuit on the beach she would be respecting " good morals and secularism " but not so for the burkini, which covers exactly the same parts of the body. Furthermore, nuns who come to the beach with the kids from Catholic schools and are dressed modestly in an outfit that is identical to the burkini, including the head cover, would be demonstrating " good morals and respecting secularism " despite the religiously mandated clothing. The level of absurdity goes even further; for example, if bikers decided to lie on the beach with their leather outfits and helmets then does this constitute a violation of " good morals " and a sign of disrespect of secularism? Clearly, the examples of what is possible and what is not when it comes to this new ban are endless. However, the ban is intentionally directed at Muslim women and no one else because the French have identified Muslim women's clothing as symbols of otherness and incompatibility with the " norms " of European society. Banning the burkini builds upon a set of earlier laws that targeted the Hijab and the Burkah as symbols of incompatibility with French secularism and culture. Here, the French argument is that clothing constitutes a form of oppression for Muslim women and the state should intervene to remove the harm inflicted upon them as a group. The French Justice Minister Laurence Rossignol compared Muslim veil wearers to " negroes who accepted slavery, " thus implying that the government law is intended to free Muslim women who consented to their own oppression. Certainly, Rossignol's statement was met with rightful condemnation from anti-racist and rights activists who saw the total insensitivity to the history of slavery and the distorted idea that slaves somehow consented to their own condition. Indeed, a line of argument can be found that projects responsibility unto the slaves for their condition rather than the slave master or the broader economic, political, social and religious institutions that made slavery possible and profitable. French fashion mogul Pierre Berge supported the Rossignol by stating that those who design clothing for Muslim women are
Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference - Synthesis 2015, 2015
Notulae Botanicae Horti Agrobotanici Cluj-Napoca, 2022
Wiertnictwo, Nafta, Gaz, 2006
Gastrointestinal Endoscopy, 2013
International Journal of Instruction, 2024
… cutánea ibero-latino …, 2005
Life Cycle Reliability and Safety Engineering, 2019
Journal of Cellular and Molecular Medicine, 2017