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Tourism and Sustainability: Development and
New Tourism in the Third World (2d ed.),
by Martin Mowforth and Ian Munt
JUDITH CUKIER
Tourism and Sustainability: Development and
New Tourism in the Third World (2d ed.)
411
Ecotourism. An Introduction (2d ed.),
by David A. Fennell
JUDITH CUKIER
412
Military Geographies,
by Rachael Woodward
SIMON DALBY
413
Crossing the Neoliberal Line: Pacific Rim
Migration and the Metropolis,
by Katharyne Mitchell
JIM GLASSMAN
414
Female Imperialism and National Identity:
Imperial Order Daughters of the Empire,
by Katie Pickles
JEANNE KAY GUELKE
415
A Companion to Feminist Geography,
edited by Lise Nelson and Joni Seager
LINDA PEAKE
416
Creeping Conformity: How Canada Became
Suburban, 1900–1960, by Richard Harris
BRIAN RAY
418
The Canadian Geographer / Le Géographe canadien 49, no 4 (2005) 411–419
ª / Canadian Association of Geographers / L’Association canadienne des géographes
by Martin Mowforth and Ian Munt, Routledge,
London and New York, 2003, xiii þ 338 pp., paper
US$38.95 (ISBN 0-415-27169-X)
This book is the second edition of one of the
most relevant books dealing with the impacts of
tourism in the developing world. Despite claims in
the foreword that this edition is significantly different from the original, the two editions are quite
similar. Both editions are comprised of ten chapters, and although some wording and subheadings
have changed, the structure of the two editions is
very similar. However, it is worth noting that the
font has improved in the second edition, as have
the graphics and figures, making this edition more
readable than the first.
Although some have criticised the first edition
for being over-pessimistic of tourism development in the Third World, it is important to present
tourism in a realistic manner. In the face of numerous books that deal with sustainability and tourism, this book presents a realistic and critical
analysis of the changing face of global tourism.
The book is divided into two main sections: the
first (chapters 2–4) sets the context of global tourism, critically analysing the often ‘fuzzy’ concepts
of sustainability, globalisation, environmentalism
and development. Central to the understanding of
these issues is the underlying question of power—a
topic that is treated extensively in the book. The
second part of the book (chapters 5–9) explores the
themes identified in the first part through detailed
412
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examinations of the tourists, the industry and governments. The concluding chapter reviews the main
themes and presents possibilities for ‘new’ forms of
sustainable tourism for the developing world.
Chapter 1, in addition to providing the reader
with the structure of the book, introduces the concepts of new tourism and sustainability and the
Third World and attempts to structurally link
these for the reader. The second chapter presents
a brief history of tourism and its role in development and details issues surrounding tourism and
globalisation. Also, this chapter introduces the
inequalities and power relations inherent in the
concept of globalisation. The concept of power is
treated in greater detail in Chapter 3, which also
questions the relevance and success of alternative
forms of tourism as a means for development.
Chapter 4 ends the first part of the book with a
detailed discussion of tourism and sustainability
and links theory with practice by presenting specific tools used to measure sustainability.
The second part of the book begins with Chapter
5. Here, the authors present a detailed description
of tourists and their motivations for travel. More
importantly, they discuss the new tourist—one
who is an elite, non-altruistic traveller. The issue of
power is returned to in Chapter 6, particularly as it
relates to the predominant Western environmental
movement and its efforts to ‘develop’ the environment of the Third World. Chapters 7, 8 and 9 present
the supply side of tourism and focus on the tourism
industry itself, the hosts at the destinations and
governmental roles on tourism and development.
This book would appeal to anyone with an interest in tourism and its impacts in developing countries (academics, undergraduate and graduate
students as well as non-governmental organisations and tourism planners working in the Third
World). Throughout the book, the authors insert
‘boxes’ or case studies that help to illustrate the
points made—an effective way to link theory and
practice. The diversity of concepts presented in
the book will undoubtedly contribute to lively
debate in the classroom. If the authors are considering publishing a third edition of the book, perhaps that would be the time to re-structure the
book more fully to distinguish the various
editions.
JUDITH CUKIER
University of Waterloo
The Canadian Geographer / Le Géographe canadian 49, no 4 (2005)
Ecotourism. An Introduction (2d ed.)
by David A. Fennell, Routledge, London and New
York, 2003, xviii þ 256 pp., paper US$38.95 (ISBN
0-415-30365-6)
Over the past ten years, a plethora of books and
journals dedicated to ‘ecotourism’ have been published. Surprisingly, despite this trend, the term
‘ecotourism’ remains a contentious one, without a
clear definition. David Fennell, in the second edition of Ecotourism, provides a comprehensive
introduction to the topic. The introductory chapter sets the context for ecotourism within the
broader tourism industry, and although Fennell
acknowledges the difficulty of understanding
what is meant by ecotourism throughout the
book, Chapter 2 is devoted to this issue.
Chapter 3 links the concept of ecotourism to the
broader issues surrounding natural resource conservation and protected areas. Chapter 4 on ‘The
Social and Ecological Impacts’ of tourism is one of
the most important chapters in the book. It links
theory with practical means and tools for measuring impacts of tourism and provides relevant case
studies to illustrate the points. Chapters 5, 6 and 7
all relate to the implementation of ecotourism
including marketing, management, professionalism and ecotourism program planning. Fennell
has co-edited a book that deals exclusively with
this topic: Ecotourism Policy and Planning (2003).
In his discussion of ecotourism marketing, Fennell
presents a realistic view of the potential of ecotourism as a panacea for the world’s problems.
Chapter 8 sets ecotourism in the international
context and it is here that Fennell presents the
strengths and weaknesses of ecotourism as a
means for development. The case studies included
in this chapter highlight the challenges faced by
ecotourism as a means for development. The
ethics of ecotourism is the subject of Chapter 9,
and while this is an important area that has not
received sufficient treatment (particularly at the
implementation level), there is a danger of becoming too ‘preachy’ and taking the fun out of tourism.
Butcher (2003), in his book The Moralisation of
Tourism, argues that ultimately, tourism should
be fun—‘tourism need only be about enjoyment,
and requires no other justification’ (p. 142). ‘New
Moral Tourism’, argues Butcher, is imposing a
‘moral high ground’ on tourists who are
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encouraged to travel with a sense of personal mission—to save the world. While this view may be
extreme, it is important to maintain a balance
when considering the role of ecotourism as more
than an economic activity.
This second edition incorporates new material
on eco-labelling, environmental management and
guiding, program planning, environmental impacts
and community-based management. Also, it incorporates new developments that have arisen from
the 2002 World Ecotourism meeting in Québec.
The use of photographs, figures and case studies
enhance the text, and although the font is small,
the book is highly readable. Fennell’s passion and
commitment to the topic is evident throughout the
book, which would be suitable for both graduate
and undergraduate students, academics and,
despite the author’s Western focus, practitioners
of ecotourism in both developed and developing
countries.
References
BUTCHER, J.
2003 The Moralisation of Tourism: Sun, Sand . . . and
Saving the World? (New York and London: Routledge)
FENNELL, D.A., DOWLING, R.K. (eds)2003 Ecotourism Policy and Planning
(Oxon, UK: CABI Publishing)
JUDITH CUKIER
University of Waterloo
Military Geographies
by Rachael Woodward, Blackwell, Oxford, 2004,
xii þ 196 pp., paper US$39.95 (ISBN 1-4051-2777-5)
This book is an explicit attempt to fill what the
author identifies as a lacuna in the disciplinary
literature, one concerning ‘ . . . how the continual
preparations which states make in order to be able
to wage war and engage in military operations
shape wider economic, social, environmental and
cultural geographies, and produce their own
ordering of space’ (p. 4). Woodward thus suggests
that while many other geographers have written
about the use of geographical knowledge for war,
the geopolitical thinking concerning war and foreign policy, militarism and conceptions of armed
conflict, they have neglected to look in a
The Canadian Geographer / Le Géographe canadian 49, no 4 (2005)
413
systematic way at what she summarises as ‘military geographies’.
This well-written volume, one in the Royal
Geographical Society/Institute of British Geographers book series, sets out to fill this gap and
in the process offers at least a preliminary survey
of the multiple facets of military geography. It
mixes field work and documentary sources with
some telling anecdotes and theoretical reflections
about geography, all to make the point that
military geographies do matter; landscapes are
changed and spaces appropriated by military
institutions in many ways, and the discipline
ought to pay much more attention to these frequently hidden or ignored practices.
To make this case, the seven chapters that make
up this volume deal with the control of space,
including accounts of the considerable landholdings by armed forces in many countries. Simply
itemising the landholdings, and recognising that
these are subject to particular management
regimes, suggests the importance of the military
use of geographic space. Militaries are also substantial spenders of public finance but in ways
that matter to economic geographies too. Military
landscapes, from bases to barrack architectures
and statues in prominent places, also shape cultural landscapes. Discussions of national and gender identity are also included; these relate to
matters of militarism directly. The destruction of
environments in test ranges, national parks and
elsewhere and the pernicious use of polluting chemicals in numerous training and military operations are also detailed here in depressing detail.
Chapter 6 explicitly focuses on challenges to military landscapes, which include protests and the
construction of peace camps. This is not just a
matter of political geography because while militarism is an aspect of state control, it is also a
social phenomenon in and of itself, with obvious
geographical consequences.
Many of the examples and quite a few of the
photographs in this volume are of sites in
the United Kingdom. This is not surprising
given the author’s nationality, but it does work
to emphasise the importance of military activity
in contemporary Britian where training and preparation for war continues despite the usual disciplinary concerns with other matters. Other examples
concern the Anglo-American world—nuclear weapons
testing by Americans on Pacific islands, the
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destruction of parts of the American west and even the
use of parts of Canada for NATO’s training exercises.
Examples from the rest of the world are less represented, not least because they are infrequently
documented.
This easy-to-read volume might serve well as
supplementary reading in many courses dealing
with a variety of human geography themes. But
despite the author’s demonstration of the case
that military matters shape landscapes in many
ways, and hence are a matter of obvious importance to contemporary geographical scholarship,
the volume never really answers the important
question, implied in the premise for the book, of
why the discipline has not paid much attention to
these matters over the last few decades. Future
geography scholars might all reflect usefully on
this omission and what it tells us about how we
select what we choose to study.
SIMON DALBY
Carleton University
Crossing the Neoliberal Line: Pacific Rim
Migration and the Metropolis
by Katharyne Mitchell, Temple University Press,
Philadelphia, 2004, xiii þ 280 pp., US$24.95 (ISBN
1-59213-084-4)
As a recent US transplant to Vancouver, and one
with an ongoing transnational existence, I read
Katharyne Mitchell’s new book with both a sense
of discovery and a certain feeling of familiarity,
even though the migrants to Vancouver who are
at the centre of Crossing the Neoliberal Line are
primarily from Hong Kong rather than the United
States. However, Crossing the Neoliberal Line is not
just another foray into the increasingly appealing
topic of border crossings. It is both the story of a
very unique urban conflict over transnationalisation and an interesting theoretical read of this
conflict. At the core of Mitchell’s theorisation is
the claim that hegemonic British-Canadian understandings of identity and proper social order came
under assault in unexpected ways from a combination of neoliberal Vancouver property developers
and Hong Kong immigrants who began to arrive in
the 1980s in anticipation of the island’s reversion
The Canadian Geographer / Le Géographe canadian 49, no 4 (2005)
to the mainland Chinese control. The influx of new
and mainly affluent Chinese into (at that time)
predominantly white Vancouver ended up pitting
an idealised neoliberal vision of capitalist property
relations and globalisation-friendly cosmopolitanism
against an older Canadian social liberalism that
endorses market forces but also values specific
forms of social protection against them.
Mitchell is clearly not an advocate of the neoliberal vision, but what her story powerfully exposes
is the weaknesses and contradictions of the older
social liberalism as a basis for critiquing neoliberalism. Building on postcolonial theory’s recognition that classical liberal ideals have typically
meant one thing in the centres of colonial power
and quite another in the colonies, Mitchell shows
how Canadian social liberalism—its high ideals
notwithstanding—concealed an exclusionary process that was deeply racial. What exposed it in the
Vancouver instance was a unique set of events.
By the 1980s, the Canadian government wished
to encourage increased in-migration by talented,
educated and wealthy foreigners, and Hong Kong
residents who were uncomfortable with the prospects of life under the mainland regime fit the
bill nicely. The active recruitment of Hong Kong
entrepreneurs under the Canadian government’s
Business Immigration Program, along with many
other specific state policies that Mitchell outlines,
gives the lie to neoliberal claims about the inexorable working out of free market forces, but the
process
nonetheless
provided
ideological
fodder for developers promoting a neoliberal,
global cosmopolitanism of the privileged. The
problem, however, was that as the influx of monied Hong Kong immigrants to Vancouver grew,
property values exploded (not only due to purchases by Hong Kong immigrants, as Mitchell
indicates), and the character of various neighbourhoods began to change, as the immigrants built new
and often quite elaborate ‘monster houses’ that
involved felling trees and filling up lots with living
space.
This process not only aggravated various
Vancouver residents but began to make it difficult
for some—especially single, older women—to purchase property or otherwise remain in neighbourhoods where they had long lived. As Mitchell
notes, such displacement is a routine feature of
capitalist urban property development, but what
made this case unique is that those being affected
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were from among the more privileged classes,
such as wealthier residents of Vancouver’s westside neighbourhood of Kerrisdale. When such processes happen in Vancouver’s poorer, downtown
eastside, little notice is taken, but westside homeowners could readily make their voices heard. By
contrast, their opponents were better positioned,
given that the liberal perspective to which the
westside homeowners themselves adhere does
not serve as a powerful tool for combating the
routine exercise of capitalist property rights.
Thus, the conflict brought forth the racism implicit in the exclusionary property development practices that had ensconced westside homeowners in
positions of privilege—but now, rather than being
implicit and focused on excluding others, it came
forth as the defensive reaction of white Canadians
whose privilege was being overturned by Asians.
Despite the fact that the conflict is one between
two relatively privileged groups, Mitchell tells the
story sympathetically, using her interviews with
people on different sides of the conflict to great
advantage. To be sure, I was sometimes left wondering what stake residents of the downtown eastside should feel in this conflict over things beyond
their reach—like expensive neighbourhoods with
colonial British character that are being culturally
transformed by gaudy ‘monster homes’—but that
is perhaps a story for another book. Those who
want to understand this story will find Mitchell’s
account most illuminating.
JIM GLASSMAN
University of British Columbia
Female Imperialism and National Identity:
Imperial Order Daughters of the Empire
by Katie Pickles, University of Manchester Press,
Manchester, 2002, 209 pp., cloth US$69.95 (ISBN
0-7190-6390-6)
This book is a solid contribution to the geography of women. Feminist geography has advanced
significantly from a time twenty years ago, when
one could confidently state that ‘little has been
published’, until today, with the emergence of
many mainstreamed books and articles. Pickles’
book nevertheless addresses a major gap in
The Canadian Geographer / Le Géographe canadian 49, no 4 (2005)
415
publications on the geography of women in the
western world, namely women’s involvement in
volunteer work and community service. As Milroy
and Wismer (1994) point out, women’s local volunteer work bridged the ideological divide between
private domesticity and masculinised public space
during the decades when the Doctrine of Separate
Spheres was a dominant gender creed. Spain
(2001) demonstrates how organised community
service legitimised women’s activities in shaping
the North American city c. 1860–1920. Pickles
takes us to the local community and beyond in
showing how The Imperial Order Daughters of
the Empire (IODE) operated at a range of scales
since the organisation’s founding in 1900 until
today: whether lobbying on the British Empire’s
foreign policy, sending books to schools in
Canada’s Arctic or offering English classes to new
immigrants within members’ home communities.
Service organisations are an important expression
of Canadian values today for both men and
women; hence, Female Imperialism and National
Identity is also important in bringing this aspect
of Canadian culture to geographers’ attention.
Pickles notes that little has been published on
the IODE, despite its prominent role in socialising
new immigrants and forging a patriotic Canadian
identity for women. While a lot of information in
IODE archives remains to be mined by future scholars, Pickles delineates key themes in the organisation’s history in chronological order. Her primary
objective is to show how mainly Protestant and
middle-class Anglo-Celtic women promoted a
hegemonic Canadian identity through the discourse of Canada as a proud standard-bearer in
the British Empire. Raising sons for military service, knitting for troops in wartime and promoting
cultural exchanges with Britain were some of the
ideologies and activities of the IODE chapters.
The book’s opening chapters introduce the IODE
as a women’s patriotic organisation. Pickles
focuses on IODE’s ‘Canadianising’ work with new
immigrants and sponsorship of a British schoolgirl’s tour of Canada during the 1920s. During
1920–1940s, the IODE promoted emigration from
Britain, memorialised Canada’s war dead through
public monuments and ceremonies and volunteered on behalf of Canadian troops. As Canada’s
Britishness diminished in the 1950s and 1960s,
the IODE turned to a more distinctively Canadian
nationalism that entailed fighting communism
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and anglicising First Nations people in the North.
Achieving the IODE’s seamless vision of Canada as
British Empire space resulted in practices that
typically marginalised Catholics, francophones
and the notion of Canada as a cultural mosaic.
Female Imperialism and National Identity is well
organised and well written. Its primary contribution is empirical rather than theoretical, but the
book is theoretically well informed in showing
how the IODE women advanced the cause of
imperialism in distinctly feminine ways.
References
MILROY, B.M.
and WISMER, S. 1994 ‘Community, work, and public/private sphere models’ Gender, Place, and Culture 1, 71–90
SPAIN, D. 2001 How Women Saved the City (Minneapolis: University
of Minnesota Press)
JEANNE KAY GUELKE
University of Waterloo
A Companion to Feminist Geography
edited by Lise Nelson and Joni Seager, Blackwell
Publishing, Malden, MA, USA; Oxford, UK and
Victoria, Australia, 2005, xviii þ 617 pp., paper
US$124.95 (ISBN 1-4051-0186-5)
I like this book. I think it speaks about where
Western feminist geography is and the constituencies and sensibilities that it should be addressing.
This book has finally moved internationally published texts of feminist geography beyond a focus
solely on the work of Anglo-American feminist
geographers, and this is a long overdue and most
welcome addition. It signifies a coming of age to
some extent.
With thirty-nine chapters divided between six
sections (Contexts, Work, City, Body, Environment
and State/Nation), the book certainly seems to be
attempting to be comprehensive in its coverage,
although the editors claim that given the diversity
and vibrancy of feminist geography, this is an
impossible task (p. 7). In addition, there are a
total of fifty authors. No other feminist geography
text has come close to such far-reaching coverage.
The editors also provide a chapter that gives a brief
The Canadian Geographer / Le Géographe canadian 49, no 4 (2005)
overview of the history and major themes of feminist geography.1
The first section—‘Contexts’—sets the stage
with chapters on situating gender (Bondi and
Davidson), antiracism (Kobayashi), the bodily
(Moss) and transnationalism (Yeoh). As might be
expected from such accomplished authors, the
reviews are thorough and insightful (although
Bondi and Davidson restrict their review to
Anglo-American geography). The emphasis (of
Western feminism) on the body, the critiques of
whiteness that suffuse the discipline, and its practitioners, and the pervasiveness of transnational
practices to so many geographical categories of
analysis easily justify the choice of these topics to
introduce readers to the chapters to come. In addition,
the majority of the sections have opening chapters
that give instructive overviews of the literature in the
field (England and Lawson on ‘Work’, Preston and
Ustundag on ‘City’, Longhurst on ‘Body’ and Kofman
on ‘Feminist Political Geographies’).
The chapters on the section of ‘Work’ range from
a variety of studies highlighting the role of
women’s work in globalisation processes, such as
the global assembly line in Mexico (Cravey),
Filipina domestic workers in Vancouver (Pratt),
Indonesian migrants in Saudi Arabia (Silvey) and
an overview chapter on women and sex trafficking
(Samarasinghe). There are also county case studies
of shea butter production in Burkina Faso (Elias
and Carney), female employees in the clothing
industry in Istanbul (Eraydim and TurkunErendil), female entrepreneurs in Massachusetts
and an evaluation of a women’s development project in northern India (Raju).
In the section of ‘Cities’, there are a number of
comparative studies: senses of gendered belonging
of men and women in London and Jerusalem
(Fenster), women’s negotiations of urban space in
Helsinki and Edinburgh (Koskela) and grassroots
struggles in India and South Africa (Nagar and
Lock Swarr). The remainder form case studies
1 I have a small quibble here. Nelson and Seager (2005) claim, ‘The
earliest feminist geographical work focused on mapping (literally and metaphorically) the spatial constraints facing
women’. Some did and some did not. The analytical work on
gendered spatial divides between public and private and urban
processes, which they say did not emerge until the 1980s, was
taking place contemporaneously with the earliest work. For
example, see Burnett (1973) and Breughel (1973).
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based on various cities: female clerical workers in
early twentieth century Montréal (Boyer), daycare
provision for working women in Japanese cities
(Hiroo) and a study of the effects of welfare
reform in relationship to accessing information
technology for women in Philadelphia (Gilbert
and Masucci). There is also an overview chapter
on the sexual life of the streets in western cities
(Hubbard).
Although the section of ‘Body’ has fewer chapters, they are closely connected, each focusing
on racialised and sexualised bodies of women in
the Global South: the performance of gender in a
South African prison (Dirsuweit), the impact of
HIV/AIDS on widow inheritance in Kenya (Agot),
the bodily performances of young Muslim
women in Britain (Mohammad) and the performance of transnational sexualities in Trinidad
(Puar).
In the section on the environment, the concentration is on the following case studies: feminist political
ecology in the Dominican Republic (Rocheleau),
gendered forest
perception in
Sri
Lanka
(Wickramasinghe), gendered and racialised attitudes
towards marine creatures in Los Angeles (Wolch and
Zhang), the use of GIS in studies of the environment
and breast cancer in New York (McLafferty) and the
activities of women environmental justice activists
along the US–Mexico border (Di Chiro). There is also
an overview chapter on ecofeminist perspectives on
animal biotechnology (Emel and Urbanik).
The final section of ‘Feminist Political
Geographies’ has three chapters on the United
States with a historical chapter on the role of gendered and racialised discourses of the family in
processes of economic imperialism in turn of the
twentieth-century United States (Domosh) providing useful background for the two contemporary
studies on the culture of masculinity and of the
American frontier in the US ‘War on Terrorism’
(Hannah) and a feminist geopolitical analysis of
security issues of September 11th (Hyndman).
The final two chapters turn attention to the
Global South and are on the contradictions surrounding the creation of segregated gay spaces in
Cape Town (Elder) and women’s struggles for
peace in postconflict Peru (Hays-Mitchell).
Certainly, it is all too easy to pick holes in such
a large compilation; there are gaps in content, in
geographical coverage and so on (and the editors
themselves note this on p. 7). In such a trend-setting
The Canadian Geographer / Le Géographe canadian 49, no 4 (2005)
417
book, 2 the lack of comprehensiveness is problematic. There are no authors from Central and Southern
Europe, the Middle East, Asia, Southeast Asia,
Australia, South America, the Caribbean and most
of Africa. There are feminist geographers working
in these places, and it behooves us to know their
work and discover their concerns; is it worse to be
ignored than to be incorporated into Anglo-American
feminist geography agendas? Perhaps the institutional structures within which we all operate are too
entrenched for even feminist geographers to overcome the hegemony of Anglo-American geography.
We tend to operate in informal networks of colleagues and friends that become as solidified as the
institutional structures. Hence, notwithstanding
that there are fifty contributors, over half of these
based in the United States (n ¼ 26) and with eight
from Canada and four from the United Kingdom,
then nearly 80 percent of the authors are situated
in Anglo–American geography. The other authors are
based in Kenya, South Africa, Turkey, India, Sri
Lanka, Singapore, Japan, New Zealand, Finland and
Israel. The focus—the editors, the publisher and the
whole process from instigation to dissemination—is
still in and on the West. The story of feminist
geography from outside-in still has to be told. It is
beginning. For example, there are plans for a
Spanish-speaking feminist geography conference in
Barcelona in 2006 that will debate the limiting use of
the English term ‘gender’ and strategies for its destabilisation. The need for dialogue with those outside
Anglo-American geography is now well established.
Western feminist geography is an incredibly vibrant
thread in this reaching out of geography, but if in
doing so we do not step outside our own networks,
we run the risk of going no further than incorporating ‘others’ into our agendas.
References
BREUGHEL, I.
1973 ‘Cities, women and social class: a comment’
Antipode 5, 62–63
BURNETT, P. 1973 ‘Social change, the status of women and models of
city form and development’ Antipode 5, 57–62
LINDA PEAKE
York University, Toronto
2 Blackwell claims, in its listing of books in this series of Blackwell
Companions to Geography, that it is ‘a blue-chip, comprehensive
series covering each major subdiscipline of human geography’.
418
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Creeping Conformity: How Canada Became
Suburban, 1900–1960
by Richard Harris, University of Toronto Press,
Toronto, 2004, x þ 204 pp., cloth Cdn$45.00
(ISBN 0-8020-3556-6), paper Cdn$19.95 (ISBN 08020-8428-1)
In the early twentieth century, Canadians became
urbanites and, more importantly, suburbanites.
Creeping Conformity is a commanding analysis,
synthesis and critique of the processes that underpin Canada’s suburban transformation, with an
emphasis on change in the form and function of
suburbs, as well as the experience of everyday
‘urban’ life. How did suburbs and suburbanisation
become the normative urban experience in Canada?
The prominence of conformity in the book’s
title is a little misleading because much of the
study emphasises a diversity of processes,
actors and objectives that have constructed the
physical form and social geography of Canadian
suburbs. By adopting a relatively long sixty-year
time horizon, the diversity rather than homogeneity of suburbs emerges as a key theme in Harris’
treatment of suburbanisation. But the subtler
argument woven through the text and brought to
a full statement in the final chapters is that conformity in processes, architecture, transportation
and lifestyle over time has steadily whittled away
the once heterogeneous qualities of suburban
landscapes. Built form, economics and lifestyle,
Harris argues, encourage significant conformity
because suburbs themselves demand such high
levels of consumption and have steadily promoted behaviours that lead ‘people to define
themselves through what they purchased by
acquiring debt’ (p. 173). Postwar corporate-led
suburbanisation and the shopping mall were
born as if twins, and as a consequence, suburbs
have become increasingly synonymous with the
production and consumption of a limited set of
products and social environments.
The ubiquity of suburbs means that they are the
physical and social landscapes upon which the life
of virtually every Canadian unfolds. Harris emphasises, however, that over time an enormous number of different processes have constructed the
suburbs and imbued them with an array of cultural
meanings. If we were look beyond the sprawling
and uniform neighbourhoods developed by
The Canadian Geographer / Le Géographe canadian 49, no 4 (2005)
corporations in the post–World War II era, a rich
history of diverse social groups, motivations and
housing becomes apparent. A tremendous amount
of Harris’ research over the last fifteen years has
uncovered the social class and ethnic diversity of
Canada’s early twentieth-century suburbs, and
this work lies at the core of Creeping Conformity.
The rise of industrial suburbs, self-building
among the working classes on the city’s periphery,
and public policy instruments such as the ‘Build
Your Own Home’ scheme launched in 1949 that
indirectly encouraged owner-builders to emphasise the social heterogeneity and varied housing
styles of early suburbs. By carefully describing the
processes at play during different moments of
twentieth-century suburbanisation, Harris also
demonstrates that there is nothing predetermined
about the shape, form, density or meaning of
today’s suburbs. If self-building instead of corporate suburbanisation had been encouraged in the
post–World War II decades, if more control had
been exercised by the state on urban growth, if
housing policies other than those encouraging single-detached home ownership had been pursued
and if some early innovations in public transportation had been encouraged, today’s suburbs might
look and feel quite different. The history of
Canadian suburbanisation is in part about missed
opportunities.
Creeping Conformity is strongest in describing
the suburban transformation of Canada and in dissecting processes, motivations and innovations in
building technology, transportation and public
policy that have created today’s suburbs. Less
well developed and investigated is the affect of
the suburban transformation on the lives of
Canadians, and this reflects a distinct absence of
interest by many scholars in the everyday social
geographies of suburban people. This lacuna in
scholarship is one that Harris readily acknowledges, and asides about suburban teenage boredom only serve to emphasise the need for
research about the intersections between place
and identity constructions among young and old
suburbanites. A number of feminist scholars have
made major contributions to understanding gender roles and the construction of gendered spaces,
but we know relatively little about the experiences
of growing up in, or indeed growing old in, the
suburbs.
Reviews / Comptes rendus
Creeping Conformity is a meticulously researched
examination of Canada’s suburban transformation
that draws on the author’s considerable scholarship, as well as that of many other Canadian
researchers examining similar questions in different cities. It is also an extremely well-written work
that should be appreciated by both academics and
the general public. The clarity of writing, creativity
and research precision of Creeping Conformity
The Canadian Geographer / Le Géographe canadian 49, no 4 (2005)
419
make the intersection between urban geography
and history shine, and it will quickly become recognised as a major statement about the complex history, architecture and lifestyles of these social
environments that are far too frequently overlooked
because they seem so familiar.
BRIAN RAY
University of Ottawa