Riro, Rapu and Rapanui

McCall: Riro, Rapu and Rapanui Riro, Rapu and Rapanui: Refoundations in Easter Island Colonial History Grant McCall Rapanui is the world's most remote continuously inhabited place and this isolation enclosed its remarkable prehi tory and shaped its tragic chronicle of relation with the out ide world. In 1862, Rapanui began its incorporation into a world system of labor and trade, culminating in the alteration of the local order with the assassination of king Riro in 1899. For over half a century, the island was cut off socially from the rest of the world, until 1965 when a modern Rapanui hero pushed it back into the position it occupies today. King Riro and Alfonso Rapu are compared for their sources of leaderhip and the effects they had, the consequences for local knowledge of colonial space and time are explored. Introduction Rapanui, as the people of Ea ter Island call themselve and their place, is known for two main characteristics. Firstly, and more broadly, the grandeur and popular mystery of its ~JaOm mClnolithic figures of colo sal proportions that seem to dominate the physical as well a the cultural landscape of the island. Most photographs and other repre entations of Rapanui show these commemorative figures, set alone in a barren, unpopulated landscape.(2) When I tell people that I do social anthropological research on Rapanui, most evince urprise that there are any people there at all' The second feature of Rapanui's fame is that it is the most remote, continuously inhabited place on earth, with 3600 kilometers between it and the Chilean port of Caldera and around 3500 kilometers to the Polynesian capital of Papeete, its nearest inhabited neighbor being the nearly deserted island of Pitcairn, some 1500 kilometers di tant.(3) In one phrase, it is "the most island of islands." Rapanui's distance from the rest of the world produced a remarkable indigenous culture over the two thousand years that people have lived there, the first thousand being the construction of those dramatic monuments, with much of the last thousand dedicated to their destruction (see McCall 1979). Europeans came upon Rapanui on Easter Sunday 1722 and so named it in outsider languages, that arrival commencing a string of over a hundred European visits over the next 140 years (McCall 1990) culminating in overwhelming slave raids that drove the population to its all time low of 110 persons in 1877 (ibid. 1976). Until the arrival of the slavers, the consciousness of the Rapanui dwelled on their island. This is not to say that in the past they did not have contacts with the rest of the world, perhaps before the onset of the Little Ice Age that so diminished Polynesian navigation. Rapanui might have been an entrepot between South America and the rest of Polynesia during earlier times, but that is for future discovery.(4) When people began to ask the Rapanui about their past, they had not one, but two foundation myths. One myth, the more conventional understanding, had 'a single foundation by Rapa Nui Journal Published by Kahualike, 1997 the culture hero. Hotu Matu'a, who provided in proper poetic, the layout of the realm and why it should be so. Another, at this time, minor tradition cognate with imilar "two tratum" foundation tales elsewhere in Polynesia. had an unknown original population, followed by the Hotu Matu'a entourage (Heyerdahl 1989). For the purposes of this paper, it is not important whether there were two ancient foundations or one: I shall refer to it/them as the indigenous, if not to ay auto hthonou myth that grow out of Rapanui conceptions, for that population to under tand it elf on it own term. After the coming of resident Europeans, as mi ionarie and commercial exploiters, there followed two more refoundations, which I will represent by two historical figures, Simeon Riro, al 0 known as Simeon 'a Kainga and Riro Roko-roko he Tau, and Alfon 0 Rapu Haoa. I use their conflict with external authorities, Chilean in both cases, to 'ymbolize, re pectively, the French and the Chilean refoundations of Rapanui society and culture. Following Alain Babadzan' (1982) propo ition about multiple refoundations for Pacific islands territories. I propo e, within a theoretical examination of colonialism, that Rapanui was founded three times. The first time was in the mythological past, as discussed above. The second time wa in the decades 1860 and 1870, this time by Frenchmen. The la t foundation was through Chileans, commencing in 1888. but only reaching its full ex pres ion from 1966 onward . In discussing tho e foundations, I do not regard them a singular, but processural. That is, that the ancient foundation of Rapanui order may have taken some decades, even centuries, to produce the outline communicated by Rapanui to out iders who asked them in the late 19th century. The foundation from France came in the form of mi sionary priests and lay commercial exploiters, from 1863, until France abandoned the place to Chilean influence in 1888. The foundation of the Chilean order took much longer to unfold and is the main focus of this paper. Missionaries and sheep After the slave or labor raids, Rapanui were reeling from the impact of the loss of personnel and thOe arrival of disease. As most of the oral tradition surviving (e.g. Metraux 1940; Englert 1980) regales with feuds and death, one can imagine that the demise or departure of one' enemies would not have been without some satisfaction. On the other hand, there wa the loss of dear ones .... Lay Brother Eugene Eyraud convinced the Sacred Hearts (Picpus) missionary fathers that he hould be allowed to lead a mission to Rapanui at the beginning of 1864, he took with him six (four men, a woman and a child) survivors of the slave raids and Daniel, a Mangarevan assistant. Seeing the ferocity of the Rapanui upon landing, and the rapid departure of the returning Rapanui, the Mangarevan refused to land, leaving Eyraud on his own for ten months, until rescued. 112 Vol II (3) September 1997 1 , Rapa Nui Journal: Journal of the Easter Island Foundation, Vol. 11 [1997], Iss. 3, Art. 4 During his tay, Eyraud reports a lively, still contesting time on Rapanui. He is befriended and then enslaved by a warrior chief, Torometi, who takes him around with him. When the next load of missionaries appear, eighteen months have pa ed and more Rapanui have died. Between continued fighting and the weakness from ill ease, the place is without crops and people are cavenging for what they can find. The mis ionarie , now seven, including Eyraud and three Mangarevan , who do remain, come with better stock and are a more formidable force, e pecially the strongwilled Roussel, who makes himself the leader of the mission by force of hi personality. Still two years after that, a former Crimean War captain, now down on his luck, Jean-Baptiste Onesime DutrouBornier. make his appearance. apparently as the local repreentative of the partl)ership Brander, Salmon and the Catholic Church, for the corrunercial exploitation of the island and its people. Another two years saw the death of Eyraud, the withdrawal of two of the mis ionaries from activity, and conflict developing between Dutrou-Bornier and Roussel. There were everal reasons why the e two men might di agree. Firstly, Dutrou-Bornier was never reported to have been particularly pious. There were several in France, especially after the turbulent events of the late 18th century, who were antiChurch. Moreover, in pite of the Bishop of Tahiti's apparent good relations with the well connected Brander-Salmon families, missionarie and commercial developers rarely saw eye to eye on native matter. Finally, and of no mall importance, the two Europeans had as their principal Rapanui sponsors two !nen who were tern rivals. Torometi, tormentor of Eyraud, had aligned himself with the more permissive Dutrou-Bomier, whilst the rival Roma, who had defeated and routed Torometi from Hangaroa during Eyraud' fir t stay, was clo e with Roussel. Both European and Rapanui reason were involved in the conflict that proceeded. Meanwhile, both mis ionary and businessman had started to establish the outlines of the new order. Firstly, a few of the Rapanui places with good anchorage, Anakena, Vaihu and, especially, Hangaroa, became the main settlement sites. With Dutrou-Bornier at nearby Mataveri and Roussel at Hangaroa proper, the little ettlement was becoming the defacto colonial capital. The other aging missionary, Father Gaspard, maintained his house at Vaihu and kept pretty much out of the conflict, although he seemed to be friends with DutrouBornier, as the latter vi ited him with food when he was ill. Anakena remained without European resident, and the missionaries suspected "pagan rituals" there. They were right. Dutrou-Bornier, at his significant site of Mataveri, the traditional gathering place of the general populace prior to the annual pring festival, the 'Orongo, probably followed Torometi's suggestions as to where to build hi house. The foundation tones of Dutrou-Bornier's ranch headquarters were huge paenga, the large base stones most likely from a chief's house. Dutrou-Bornier did not discourage Rapanui custom, as did the missionaries, a position from which he no doubt benefited. When the conflict came to a head between God and Rapa Nui Journal https://kahualike.manoa.hawaii.edu/rnj/vol11/iss3/4 Mammon, it was on advice from Papeete that Roussel withdrew to Mangareva, taking with him 168 faithful souls, to work in the Church plantations there. Dutrou-Bornier arranged for 247 of the remaining Rapanui to go to Tahiti, where they were employed in the Church plantations at Mahina. Throughout the 1870s, there was a slow drift of Rapanui to Tahiti. Meanwhile, Dutrou-Bornier was left to his island and he made plans for the ranching operation that had been the reason for his coming to Rapanui in the first place. At the end of 1869, the missionaries had imported 200 sheep, 5 cows, 2 bulls, a horse, 4 pigs, 6 donkey, 4 dogs and 3 cats: a veritable "Noah's Ark," as Zumbohm remarked (Annales 1880:777). This basic farm population was supplemented by DutrouBornier, who went to Papeete with 67 more 'immigrants' and, the following month, sailed for Sydney, where he acquired supplies for his kingdom, by which time Rapanui had become. His bill of lading at Sydney was most impressive: 12 tanks, 37 bundle bags, 100 boxes of soap, 10,500 bricks, 84 bundles hay, 400 sheep, 8 bags biscuit, 10 tierces beef, and 2 package hardware and undries. On 30 December, the day he set sail to return to Rapanui direct, he took on board additional cargo: two case firearms, which suggests that he was prepared to defend his realm! Both Roma and Torometi turn up in records in Tahiti from the 1870s, as the population had been taken down to the minimum for Dutrou-Bornier to operate his agrarian interests. One of the accusations that Roussel threw at DutrouBornier wa that he stole other men's wives, for himself and hi followers. Pua 'Akurenga Koreto was married to Te Hata Tini (5), until the Frenchman became enamored with her. At around the time Dutrou-Bornier was founding his empire, he founded a family, his third (one each in France and Tahiti) producing in a short time two daughters, which, on one (in 1875) occasion, he took with him to Tahiti .. With the tOwn commencing, Dutrou-Bornier as a kind of governor, even, one might say, French Government representative, for that's what he tried to be, Koreto by 1875 is a "Queen," her two daughters princesses (Lopez 1876). The French flag flew at Mataveri, the official residence, where most of the population dwelt (Loti 1988). Queen Koreto and Mr. Dutrou-Bornier petitioned the French government for a protectorate. Arising out of a dispute over faults in a dress made for Koreto, Dutrou-Bornier was killed in August 1876, the one year when there did not seem to have been any ships either coming from Rapanui or going to it (McCall 1990:206-7). The Rapanui told a French visitor, Alphonse Pinart (1878) that the French regent had fallen from his horse whilst drunk, and died. By the end of 1877, the trade in sheep starts again, and the regular ships resume every few months or so. Father Roussel, who has been in Mangareva tending a diminishing flock, arrive in June 1878 and organizes Rapanui society, noting that the resident ranch manager, a Chilean called 'Chaves' seems fearful (perhaps respectful?) of the Rapanui. Roussel finds a chief, Mati, who is a believer and friend; Peteriko and Paoa, the latter eventually marrying Dutrou-Bornier's younger daughter, are put in charge of the mission's animals, mainly sheep, whilst Dominiko is made 113 Vol II (3) September 1997 2 McCall: Riro, Rapu and Rapanui catechist. Roussel returns the following year to baptize and check up on things, by which time the somewhat Ie s than pious Salmon family offspring, Paea, i in charge. With good 19th century French racism, Rou sel explains that as the man is descended from an English Jewish family, he hardly could be expected to understand or respect Christian ways! Sometime in 1881, a delegation of Rapanui travel to Papeete to request a French protectorate and a Gendarme, but nothing ever comes as the French order slowly forms around Rapanui life. There are births on the island, with the abovementioned baptisms, and Paea is an easy going Governor/ Manager, paying his staff in animals and organizing the hipment of Rapanui carving for trade good. When i itor arrive, such as Gei eler (1883) in 1882, they are alarmed to find that the Islanders know accurately currency exchange rates and display their curio for sale with price tag, on shelves! Roussel's 1883 visit saw 167 people on Rapanui, and featured 15 marriages and about 20 baptisms. Roussel (1883) wrote that the Rapanui themselves asked him to replace the former 'pagan government' with a Catholic one. He names Atamu Tekena as chief, two counselors, and 2 judge. A census taken in 1886, in the Church Archives on Rapanui, shows a Tahitian (if not French l ) style social order, with the titles of office being in Tahitian, along with the Church materials. The missionaries who visited were French, mo tly from Tahiti, but al 0 from the Chilean house of the Sacred Hearts mission, in Valparai o. The census, prepared no doubt by Paea in preparation for the eventual sale of the property (which they never bought, of course!) to the Chileans, erved another purpo e. It established surnames that exist today on the island (See McCall 1986; Hotus et al 1988). The document, bound in a quarto notebook, along with other church documentation, is called "Te Ingoa" and is signed by "Ari'i Paea." 157 persons are listed in the census, perhaps the same one examined by Paymaster Thomson (1889:461), although his published figures do not match with those in the document. The cen us lists, first, those holding offices and thi follows the structure organized by Roussel a decade before. Then, are listed first men, then women, boys and girls. For each person, there is their Ingoa elene, pagan name, and Ingoa papetito. their baptismal one. The former became a surname, whilst the latter remained their proper name. Subsequent Chilean authorities altered some of the surname in recording civil records in the twentieth century, but essentially it was from this list that contemporary surnames derive, when they came to be u ed at all in the course of the present century. Rapanui, for some purposes, particularly the sharing of land and labor, regard these surname groups as functionally equivalent to the corporate kin groups of their past. A comparative list of these surnames, from 1973 and 1986, is in Table 1. In a story that must be told elsewhere, the French interest in Rapanui never became official and much to the delight of the Chilean government, they were allowed by France to take over their colony and proof of international standing. They became the only South American country to have an inhabited overseas colony, today still a point of pride for Chileans. Rapa Nui Journal Published by Kahualike, 1997 Rapanui wa refounded in the 1870s and 1880s, the society was given a new orientation, building upon the first year of European residence in the 1860 . Re idence came to be almo t exclusively at Hangaroa-Mataveri and Vaihu. The surname groups were e tablished and the admini tratlve life of the place wa fixed for the next decade or o. There wa an Islander hierarchy. dependent upon the main re ident out Ider. for many years the company manager. Through this single source would come the civil goods of the society, law and order, cash money and artifact sales. On the other side there wa a church hierarchy in the 1880s. in the hands of Angata and Dominiko, the latter who married the former's daughter by her first marriage. Through the Church came a certall1 amount of charity and the ideological order of the I land. though traditional belief were still strong in those days. This refoundation mixed out ider structure, negotiated in the day· to-day of life on the I land, with Polynesian ones. Chile takes charge, for a while After a couple of year of negotiations, between the brother Pedro Pablo and Policarpo Toro, the commercial interests in Tahiti and on Rapanui. French and Chilean government and the mi ionaries, both in Tahiti and Chile, the official ceremony of cession and acce ion took place on Rapanui, complete with papers in Spanish and heavily Tahitianised "Rapanui." (7) What did the Rapanui understand about what was happening with this ceremony? They knew about protectorates, for word of what Koreto and 8utrou-Bornier were petitioning in the 1870s must have gotten around the mall communit,. A well, there was that group of Rapanui who went to Tahiti in 1881 to ask for a French protectorate. The concept of a protectorate is what the Rapanui were seeking and what they probably thought they were getting 0 doubt Paea Salmon and Atamu Tekena had spoken about these arrangements and the concept of Protectorate was clear. Missionary visitor prior to the tran fer had taken some time to di cu the impending transfer, they said. But, as most adult Rapanui know. Atamu Tekena did not rely upon the written word alone. Standing at the ceremony in front ofToro, Tekena picked up a handful of grass and handed it to the Chilean Captain, saying, 'Thi is for your animal '. He then bent down and scooped up a handful of earth and purpo efully thrust it into his trouser/coat pocket, saying, 'this remains with us.' There can be little doubt what the ge ture meant in terms of land ownership, r think. The Rapanui (Hotus et al 1988) demand that there has never been a sale of land, in spite of curious documents, all signed with "X" held by some institutions. Official Chilean government report hold the same view (Vergara 1939). In terms of sovereignty, a ide from the hoisting of the Chilean flag (remember. French and Engli h flags had been hoi ted before when it was convenient to please a foreign visitor), there was no attempt to tell Atamu Tekena that he was no longer king, and that the Catholic Government of Roussel still was not in place. Indeed, the Spani h version of the documents makes it clear that the chief signing keep their titles and benefits. Moreover, Pedro Pablo Toro 's de ignation was "Agent of 114 Vol II (3) September 1997 3 Rapa Nui Journal: Journal of the Easter Island Foundation, Vol. 11 [1997], Iss. 3, Art. 4 The colonization did not go well and colonists either died or left. Expenditure overcame income OUTSIDER SPOUSES RAPANUI and, in 1892, the Toro brothers' boat foundered on Total Total in rocks whilst at Rapanui. With that sank the hopes of Total On On Hua'ai On On the brother Toro to have their agrarian empire in the Hiva Spouses Hua'ai Hiva Rapanui Lives (Family name) Island Pacific. 128 34 109 13 6 19 75 Araki Toro's (1892) bitter Memoria for the Chilean 27 179 69 152 10 17 83 Alan government complains that his previous communications and petitions for assistance to official sources I 14 12 I 13 0 I Calderon had not been answered and that he is out of money, I 2 3 21 12 6 18 Cardinali the colony a failure. 40 76 3 7 10 86 Chavez (Teave) 36 Toro's disaster gave the French-Tahitian order a 7 6 1 0 I Edmunds Hei 6 0 few more years of life. In August of 1892, when the Rapanui, some observers aid, still prepared their 27 42 10 12 54 15 2 Edmunds 'Orongo ceremony, Atamu Tekena died, a new king Rapahango had to be found. There was some disagreement 1 0 I 7 5 ," I 6 Fati amongst the small community of just over two hun17 85 3 5 8 93 68 Haoa dred people. Some favored Enrique Ika, who was in 0 5 61 66 Hereveri 44 17 5 a more direct line of descent from the last traditional king, little Gregorio, who had died during those sick 27 II 6 17 109 65 92 Hei or Hey years of the 1860s, and feeling ran strong. 4 27 0 0 0 27 HilO 23 However, the Catechist, Angata, organized the 6 72 35 29 64 2 8 Hotu women to promote the candidacy of young Simeon Rifo, son of Ngure and first cousin to Angata. In 42 36 78 6 8 14 92 Huki Rapanui terminology, they would be siblings. Ngure, 102 58 160 13 13 26 186 lka Roussel noted his diary, was a follower of Torometi 7 2 4 35 Manutomatoma 24 28 5 and, therefore, one of Outrou-Bornier's band. Ac(Niares) cording to a sparse list of baptisms of Rapanui, held 3 38 19 13 32 3 6 Nahoe in the Catholic Mission in Tahiti, Tirneone Rifo Kainga was baptized 9 March 1879. Assuming he 0 2 2 0 2 0 0 Rangitopa was only a few years old at the time, he could have 94 211 II 22 33 244 117 Pakarati been anything from 17 to 21 when he was elected 104 10 15 119 45 59 5 Pakomio king. 146 48 133 8 5 13 85 Paoa The Chilean Naval Commander Castillo (1892) on the Abtao, observed the excitement surrounding 140 Pate (A vaka) 24 133 5 2 7 109 the election and reported that Rifo was voted in by 70 73 48 22 2 I 3 Pont the women because he was so good looking. Oral 4 3 I 0 1 Pua 2 1 tradition reports that a dissident stole the uniform Atamu Tekena had worn, so that Riro would not that 2 2 4 24 II 20 Raharoa 9 (Terongo) have it. At the same time, as a safeguard, Angata arranged that Riro should marry the adopted daugh6 5 0 5 I 0 I Rapahango ter of the couple who had returned from Tahiti in 37 101 10 19 120 9 Rapu 64 1888 and so they were. 162 94 46 140 13 22 Riroroko 9 With the departure of Toro and his colonists, Rapanui was left alone, with Riro as king, advised by 14 3 17 0 2 2 19 Roe his councilors, in Catholic government. As well as 16 131 84 31 115 10 6 Teao his baptismal name, Simeon, he was also 'Rifo la II 185 51 163 II 22 Tepano 112 Kainga,' Riro of the Estate. On his election to king4 10 22 I 3 26 Tepihi 12 ship, he added to his name 'Roko roko he tau', in memory of little Gregory who had died in the early 249 108 357 20 17 37 394 Tuki days of the missionaries, the prince who never be2,645 3,009 1.717 928 175 189 364 1986 Totals came king. It was because of this that he (and his 1,716 1,820 447 56 51 107 1973 Totals 1.260 family's surname after him) came to be 'Rifo roko.' There are no ships that are known to have called at Colonization," not even "Governor" and he negotiated with Rapanui between 1892 and 1896, so life during this period must have been the quietest, perhaps even the most traditional Atamu Tekena throughout his time on Rapanui. The Rapanui probably were unaware that they had become a part of Chile, that had been the case for over thirty years. There are no though 1hey hoped that Chile would look after them, which is incidents of violence known either in the literature or in oral what happened for the next four years. tradition. either from outsiders, or amongst the Rapanui. Table I: Rapanui Demography; I May 1986 Rapa Nui Journal https://kahualike.manoa.hawaii.edu/rnj/vol11/iss3/4 115 Vol 11 (3) September 1997 4 McCall: Riro, Rapu and Rapanui And, there would be little reason for Riro or any other Rapanui to believe that the circumstances of their live had been altered; that Chile wa doing anything more than benignly keeping a distant eye on their di tant protectorate, their 'orphan,' as some Chilean popular sources have described Rapanui. But, that was to change from 1896 onward, for during five years, the first pieces of the third refoundation, the Chilean one, would be put brutally into place. This was the beginning of a process of Chileanization that wa to culminate in the island finally becoming a full part of Chile in 1966. But, first: the person who was instrumental in arranging that now 0 familiar framework for life on the Island was Alberto Sanchez Manterola, who more than two decades after his residence on the Island, left a typescript describing his deeds to his descendants and now, to us (Sanchez 1921). (8) The beginning of Chileanization Alberto Sanchez wa an almost honorable man. When he ob erved his employer trying to defraud in urance, he reacted with indignation. When he saw his employer conspire to murder King Rim, who had been so courteous and received him so well, he did nothing. Sanchez was a man of hi times and probably could not take seriously the fact that Rapanui, a colony of Chile, did not have familiar Chilean institutions. Prior to coming to Rapanui, the Chilean government had created the post of "Maritime Sub delegate of Ea ter Island" and he had been named a the first to occupy that post (Vazquez de Acuna 1987: 163). He probably did not know that Riro was descended from the Miru, the senior Rapanui clan or that he had been elected by popular suffrage. He did know that natives can only pretend to have kings, but proper people really have "Caciques." That is, they had native leaders who were appointed and supported by the national government. The Chilean state follows the French one, with a system of central government representation to local populations, alway appointed and alway loyal to the center. Riro's major fault was that he was a royal king, not, as Sanchez would have him a republican Cacique but that, soon, would be fixed. The details of Sanchez Manterola' (1921) five years in Easter Island mu t be taken up elsewhere, (9) the purpose of this summary is to detail his part in the murder of the last King of Rapanui. When Sanchez arrived in March 1896, he reported that the 214 people were keen to get manufactured goods and he received a very warm and courteous welcome. Riro visited Sanchez and made him feel welcome. Sanchez took on 'about 50' paid employees which was a sizable part of the adult population. King and Sub-Delegate relations seemed cordial and respectful. In 1897, Enrique Merlet, a rather dark figure of a businessman, who believed he owned Ea ter Island, sent three armed guards to Rapanui, including one whom he wished to replace Sanchez. The Chilean contingent demanded that the "Canaca" flag be taken down and that only the Chilean flag be flown. The Islanders acquiesced, their first indication, perhaps, of the restrictions of Chileanization to come. Rapa Nui Journal Published by Kahualike, 1997 For New Years Day 1898, Riro put on an island-wide party for Sanchez which is a huge succes and things go well for the rest of the year, but the end ee a di pute ari e over wage and conditions for those in the employ of what has become now "the company." In the course of discus ions, Sanchez throws Rim and his delegation out of his office. There follows a trike by the Rapanui who say that they will wait until a Chilean naval ship can come to sort out the dispute. Sanchez, impatient and convinced that Riro has gone too far, goe with a couple of his armed guards to Hangaroa, there to be confronted by Rapanui, who di arm one of the more belligerent guards. The Rapanui in isted on their right of arbitration. countering outsider force with outsider justIce. There were everal matter to be taken up. Merlet, through Sanchez and the armed guard . had declared that all animal on the island belonged to the company and had confi cated them. Fence that had been build earlier to keep live tock out of Rapanui agricultural plots became a frontier over which the I lander should not pass, as they were confined to only 1000 hectare of their island. Hotu (et al 1988:297) cites eviden e that the I lander were tricked into building the enclosure that eventually deprived them of the freedom to visit their own ancestral land . The autocratic rule, threat of violence, prohibition of Rapanui symbol (i.e., the flag), loss of animals and lands and, the restriction to one part of the i land were the outlines of the new Chilean order that were becoming evident. Also, part of the package. wa the appeal to the authority of visiting Chilean Naval captains, the succes of which wa never certain. Merlet regarded Riro as a ridiculous impostor and wrote a strong letter to him, telling him to stop hi "king non ense." Riro applies for permission from Sanchez to travel on a Merlet company ship to Valparai o. believing that he is going to sp ak to the President of Chile. [n Valparaiso. he i met by Jeffries, in the employ of Meriel, but known and presumably trusted by Rim. According to Sanchez. Jcffrie got Riro drunk and take him to" uspiciou place," until he fall ill and dies. Oral tradition says that Merlet had Riro poisoned (Hotus et al [988:302-3). Riro wa accompanied on his fatal mis ion by Juan Tepano, Juan Araki (the on of Dutrou-Bornier's oldest daughter) and Jose Pirivato. Tepano and Riro regarded themelves a kin, as have their descendants. They were told by Merlet's men that the king was dead. It is not clear how it came about, but Juan Tepano returned k) Rapanui in 1900 as Cacique, in Merlet's employ, and Juan Araki found a position for life with the Company. Merlet arrived to visit his empire for the first time in the arne year and contemptuou ly set fire to the Rapanui fields. There was some re istance to the king's death and ub equent outrages, but it is put down by Sanchez and hi armed men. In the same year, an even more determined Englishman, Horace Cooper. arrives and Sanchez leaves, with his con cience. Cooper's measures are even more tringenl. In a leller (10) dated "Talcahuano, 24 September 1902" B. Rojas, commander of La Baquedano, the annual Chilean warship, refers to two leiter from Cooper, accusing certain Rapanui of insurrection. Six name, including that of Pirivato, were given 116 Vol II (3) September 1997 5 Rapa Nui Journal: Journal of the Easter Island Foundation, Vol. 11 [1997], Iss. 3, Art. 4 a deportee, to be taken to Valparaiso and left to their own device . Nothing more i heard from these persons, nor is there evidence that they actually were disembarked in Chile. I wa told that they were dumped at ca. When Rojas takes the deportee, at the ~ame time he leave arms and bullets with Cooper, to continue to reinforce hi rule. An official Naval vi it of 1903 de.:lares that all is quiet, due to the measures taken on the previous visit, i.e. the deportations of troublemakers (Cuevas 1903). All, indeed, i quiet, until there i a short millenarian revolt (McCall 1992) led by Riro's cousin, Angata, who had hifted from being a fiery catechi t to an inspiring prophete . (11) Angata' revolt wa couched in magico-religious terms whIch, whilst appealing to a new generation of Rapanui who had grown up since the as as ination of Riro, achieved the opposite of her in.IDntion. Rather than bring a kingdom of God, or a world based on Rapanui understandings, to her island, she succeeded in provoking the Chilean government into appointing a separate (from the Company manager) Chilean official to represent the state. thus commencing the teady increase in the number of non-I landers, i.e .. Chileans, on the Island and their consequent innuence (ibid. 1977:243). Between the wars The Merlet enterpri e evolve into an English company and the dual relationship of company manager and Chilean resident officials becomes established, with the annual Naval vi it as a counterforce of sorts for appeal (see Vergara 1939: Porteou 1981). There are strike over wages throughout much of thi century, but there is no reported (in any source, oral I' written) attempt to challenge the political order of Chile. In 1953, control become even tighter and there is a relurn to a single authority, as the foreign company is turned over to the Navy. Military rule. with punishment' such as la 'hing and head shaving for minor infractions become also a parl of Rapanui life. It is very much at a long distance that the Rapanui learn of Chile. for by mid-century, the Islanders arc forbidden to leave their land. A newspaper story of the limc (Valenzuela Davila 1953) reveals some of the attitudes prevalent, even amongst Chileans sympathetic to the island and its (by now) nearly thousand population. Dr. Valenzuela. who visited Rapanui for one year to serve as phy ician. approves of tough treatment. including the la h. for misbehaving Islandcr·. He noted thal the Islanders did not seem to be imbibing the benefits of Chilean civilization and, instead, dreamed of traveling to Tahiti. He (Valenzuela Davila 1953:15) uggested as a way of dealing with this that Rapanui should be removed from their I land and given land in the north of Chile to work. On 9 Ma 1947, a group of concerned Chileans formed a group they called 'The Friends of Ea'ter Island (Los Amigos de Isla de Pascua)" which in one form or another continue to thi day. Their 1957 Annua! Report (Amigos 1957:3-4) claims that the main purpose of the group was to organize medical aid to combat leprosy on the I land. Another function becomes morc important around this time and that i looking after the few Islanders, as students or adults, who do manage to get to the Mainland (Amigos 1957:5). The Report sternly https://kahualike.manoa.hawaii.edu/rnj/vol11/iss3/4 Rapa Nui Journal remarked though, that such travel and overseas residence does the Islanders no good and it should not be encouraged. An opening in the pirca Pirca is the Chilean word used for stone wall that one finds in so many parts of the island. At one time, the legitimate bounds of the Rapanui world were defined by such pirca and no Islander could venture outside that enclosure without permi ion even, as one critical writer put it, a sort of passport (Maziere 1969 [1965]). Five years before Los Amigos was formed, Elias Rapu and Reina Haoa had their first live birth, Alfonso, also known as "I rael." When he was 15 years old, in 1957, he was elected as being sufficiently promising that he was sent to Chile, where he was fostered by a kindly, liberal family, to follow hi studies, eventually, a a school teacher. At least one of the curious contrasts between the stories of Riro and Rapu is that there are some details lacking in my account for both of them. For Riro, it is because the events were so long ago, whil t for Rapu, it is because they are so recent. Rapu is alive still and entitled to his secrets. Rapu was not in the first group of Rapanui children allowed to leave the Island for further study, as that had been in 1956, perhaps coming from Thor Heyerdahl's (1958) sympathetic representations that Chilean colonialism had room for improvement, a well as forces inside Chile. One of the plans of the Amigos wa to have Chilean families each lake on a Rapanui one. to assi t them, and to some extent that happened with the early school children. Many older Rapanui have very warm memories of their apoderados ("sponsors"), often saying they feel sometimes closer to the Chileans who looked after them in adolescence than the parents who cared and prepared them for that unique rite de passage. Alfonso Rapu received his teaching diploma and returned to his Rapanui to do good. Islanders are as attracted to him for his new ideas as are the local Chilean Naval officials repelled and threatened by hun. In 1964, Rapu urged community improvement and captured the imagination of his fellow Islanders. The incumbent Rapanui Mayor (the Cacique had been replaced with an appointed, then elected, Mayor some time before) was told by heads of families to step down and that Rapu would take over his office. The reigning Chilean Delegate, Captain Guillermo Rojas, was affronted that he had not been consulted by the Rapanui and rejected the proposal. From Rojas's point of view, Rapanui officials held office only at the pleasure of the Naval chief of the Island. He did not like the young Rapu, and accused him of being a "communist," a separatist and probably everal other derelictions. By that time, late 1964, a large Canadian Medical Expedition to Easter Island (METEI) had installed its more than one hundred persons on the island and were filming, including the photogenic Rapu (Reid 1965:45-57). Under the eyes of the media, as it were, a second election took place and Rapu was elected again, some Chileans remarking, sourly as with Riro before, that women had been swayed by the winning candidate's good looks. Shades of Riro! Rojas was not pleased. A small strike took place and the Naval Governor cabled Chile that Rapanui was in revolt! 117 Vol II (3) September 1997 6 McCall: Riro, Rapu and Rapanui Within a short time, with headlines creaming, a contingent of Marines had been dispatched to Rapanui and Rapu was taken into custody, under guard. The two score or so marines landed and marched up the road to the church, to be confronted by a crowd of hundred of women, advancing gaily, but with determination, towards them. The marines retreated to the Governor's now besieged headquarters and Rapu escaped, some say, dressed as a woman, with clothes muggled to him by a relative. Canadians filming, Naval Captain fuming and the Marines wondering what to do next, by early 1965, Rapu came out of hiding and resumed his elected position, a hero. He was to have been taken to Chile, like Riro, and the Islanders feared that he would have met the same fate as their last freely elected ruler. The international attention that the 'revolt" brought, shamed Chile, one version of the story goes, and on 22 February 1966, Chilean President Eduardo Frei signed Law 16,441, the "Ea ter Island Law," which created the Departamento de Isla de Pascua, as part of Valparaiso (Vazquez de Acuna 1987: 183-8). A few months later, in June, the Rapanui become full citizens of Chile and their i land is no longer a military colony. On a larger scale, at least part of the 1966 change in legal status was due to the coming of a secret USA military base on the Island in that year, whose operations were part of the surveillance by that country of its arch rival, the (then) USSR. Maybe those plans, part of larger defen e arrangements between Chile and the USA. were lurking in the background, favoring the island's move to civilian statu and increased contact? Just as Riro's assassination brought about an irretrievably altered Rapanui in the early part of this century, Rapu's triumph in 1965 placed the island on a path of increased Chileanization, the course of which is underway still. Some discussion The basic argument is that both Riro and Alfon 0 learned from their times, Riro from the French missionary concept of "the Catholic monarchy" and Rapu from his time in training as a Chilean school teacher. Riro, with no evidence that he ever lefl the island, until his death, had an imperfect command of outsider ways and perished because of that. He believed his antagonist. Enrique Merlet; moreover, he trusted in the integrity of Alberto Sanchez, whom he had welcomed with European decorum and looked after. There was the strong commercial rush and, basically, no one watching internationally when Riro met his demise. With Rapu, he had seen Chileans in Chile and lived amongst them, becoming a teacher. intimately involved in a core institution of their tate, education. His source int Chilean society were strong. And by the time of his return to Rapanui to take up his teacher role, the island was better known to the world and, even, frequently visited in the 1960s, although irksome movement restrictions applied till. There was no direct commercial interest in the place by 1964 and there was someone watching: a contingent of Canadian researchers, who even filmed the events, as I mentioned. Rapa Nui Journal Published by Kahualike, 1997 The same offer was made to Rapu as it was to Riro: go to Chile and sort out the local island problems, but the modern day hero refused, knowing what might result. People sang Rapu the song of Riro a a reminder of former treachery. Riro created his colonial space using hi French mi sionary "Catholic Monarchy" model, although he had been elected. His reference point wa far away, in Tahiti, and not in the minds of his adversaries. In contrast, Rapu knew intimately his opponent , could peak well with them and had a certain tatu due to hi education. In Weberian term . Riro wa a traditional leader. but out of his tradition, while Rapu wa a rational-legal one, solidly within a traditional Chileanized context. Riro' role was to maintain the integrity of Rapanul and their practices. Shortly after his election. there had been a period of four years when no ship are recorded to have stopped there: he wa on his own. Hi script was a totally different one and had Riro remained on his island. he would have not peri hed. Once removed from his colonial space, the King had no protection and wa poisoned by hi antagonist. Royalty was replaced by republic, in the form of the Cacique, loyal to the center. Rapu, on the other hand, was working in colonial space, but using the rhetoric, the tools of his opponents: the ballot box, the political meeting and, with the Canadians, was an advanced manipulator of the media. He sought to change a military situation to a civil one and that was hi only military act. Efforts to di credit Rapu usually center upon hi alleged foreign ties, particularly French ones. The Naval Governor of the day. Rojas, linked Rapu with the French adventurer, Franci Maziere (1969). This accusation seeks to distract from Rapu's essentially Chilean political aCllon, with which he effectively won the day. Rapu had no experience in France or knowledge of French ideology. except in so far as tho e attItudes formed part of the Chilean republican etho . What Rapu introduced was a greater Chileanizatlon, eventually leading to the civil tatus of the i land in 1966, a brief flirtation as an American military colony and eventual integration into the Chilean state, accomplished not so much through the growth in the governor's office, but through the increasing bureaucratization of the Rapanui controlled municipality. It was the mIlitary (Air Force) trained brother-in-law. Samuel Cardinali, who as appointed Mayor of Rapanui in the 1980s. brought in the present bureaucratic order. His design of the town hall as a erie of small office v:,as an architectural symbol of his organizational intent. Throughout Rapanui's relations with Chile. there ha~ been a dialogical relation hip between defiance and deference, carefully measured by the subject population. Chilean action ha provoked Rapanui reaction and Rapanui reaction has summoned up Chilean reaction. Defiance to be successful for the Rapanui must be couched in Chilean terms, appeal to Chilean ensibilities and follow Chilean social forms. The taking of the LAN-Chile aircraft a few year ago was an example of ucce sful defiance. as have been the occasional strikes for higher wages in the pa t. The most recent defiance was in November 1992 when a project to place a lighthouse on one of the island's 118 Vol II (3) September 1997 7 Rapa Nui Journal: Journal of the Easter Island Foundation, Vol. 11 [1997], Iss. 3, Art. 4 Table 2: Rapanui By Re idence Outside Chile (1986) Country of Residence Rapanul Born Outsider Spouses Their Children Total II 2 4 17 0 2 Argentina Alistraita Brazil 4 2 Canada 0 0 England 2 0 4 6 France II 9 7 27 7 8 23 2 5 0 2 German 2 Ital) ew Zealand 2 4 9 Sweden . i 2 2 6 Switzerland 2 2 3 7 Spain 3 Tahiti 82 7 34 123 USA 27 5 8 40 3 5 80 277 Venezuela ub-Totals 156 -tl Cominental Chile 692 148 TolalOff Rapanui 928 TOlalOn Rapanlli 1986 Totals ee ote 840 189 See NOle 1117 1717 175 See Note 1892 2645 364 See 3009 ote B. In the top part of this table, the offspring of Rapanui and non-Rapanui marriages are separated. In the last four rows. these children are included III the "Rapanui" IOlal. which is both their legal and customary status extinct volcanoes was halted ucce sfully, through treet marche and marshaling the sympathetic mainland pre s. Organized around the surname groups (see Table I), the Council of Chiefs (Hotus et al 1988) has been both defiant and deferential in its time. Most of the Council's exi tence has been during the period of the Pinochet dictatorship when public commentary was strictly controlled. The Council managed to get media pace to protc t against government policy when other forms of protest were not permitted by the dictatorship. The very form of the Council and its modus operandi derives from a Chilean based Organization, founded in 1947, called "The Friends of Easter Island" (see above). Rapanui deference occurs to garner Chilean support. For example, the recent postage stamp dispute between Chile and France was remarkable for the lack of Islander commentary. Rapanui preferred to let the two nation-states, France and Chile, settle the matter and there was no Islander intervention. Deference is often the attitude employed when important government and public figures visit Rapanui. The award by the municipality of Easter Island of its Chilean style honor, "I1Iustrious son" has gone, variously, to an archaeologist, a police thug and a notorious arms dealer. Deference extend to the use of Chilean social forms in interpersonal relations, what Goffman (1963; 1983) would Rapa Nui Journal https://kahualike.manoa.hawaii.edu/rnj/vol11/iss3/4 call "cooling the mark," or "tension management." Ea ter Island ociety has gone through several openings and closings since contact with Europeans intensified in 1862. The first opening was the commercial development of the island, which started with the Tahitian-French consortium of Dutrou-Bornier, John Brander and the Catholic Church. This was the beginning of extensive Rapanui traveling and emigration and the beginning of the sheep ranch that was to be such a feature of the island's life until the demise of the last animal in November 1985. With the coming of the Chile-based Merlet company and the murder of Riro in 1899, the island again was closed. Islander travel wa re tricted and, after World War 1, the era of desperate small boat voyages commenced, with more than half those hopeful escapees perishing in the attempt (McCall 1977:333-336). In time, the ranching interests imposed their embargo so as to keep their workers from knowing about wages and prices on what Porteous (1978; al 0 1981) calls "The Company Island."' Officially, though, the reason for the isolation was due to the alleged danger of lepro y. The first cracks in the opening of the island were in 1956, when the inaugural contingent of school children was allowed further study in Santiago. By the early 1960s, official census figures showed that nearly half of the Rapanui population lived off their island! The full opening of Rapanui took place in 1966, when the island became a civil territory. Now, that opening is proceeding not only through transport technology, but communications as well. The volunteer radio station was joined by a broadcast television one in 1976. Video tapes from Santiago shortly (in 1994) are being replaced by satellite transmissions. Telephones, now direct dial from the island, shortly will be available from the world directly. The FAX machine has started to make its appearance. The positive side of this opening up is that'Rapanui have available to them more possibilities for development than ever before in their history. About a third of the population now resides off Rapanui, in Chile, Tahiti and in various countries (see Tables 2 and 3). The negative side i that this opening up has resulted in a redefinition of space and time, and the possibility that Rapanui space may become detached from Rapanui locale through outsider definition. One of Merlet's primary objectives was to re-define Rapanui time and space; to impose an outsider work regime and definition of property. Time became focused on a mandatory daily routine, encompassed by larger spans in preparation Table 3: Principal Places of Rapanui Residence (1986) Rapanui % Outsider pouses % Totals % Rapanui 1717 65 175 48 1892 63 Continental Chile 692 26 148 41 840 28 Outside Chile 236 9 41 II 277 9 Totals 2645 100 364 100 3009 100 Usual Residence 119 Vol II (3) September 1997 8 McCall: Riro, Rapu and Rapanui for company ships, to being trade goods and remove products from the island. Time was determined by Merlet and his successors and the Rapanui were obliged to conform to that new definition, or be cut off from the cash reward that the company was able to offer. Imposed by force was the definition of space, in the first instance between the Rapanui and "the company," in whatever form. Islanders were forced to reside in one small corner of their island, deprived, even, of brief visits to their own ancestral territories. During the period of the full Naval rule of the island, from 1953 to 1966, pa ses were required to venture from Hangaroa, and access to the i land trictly controlled. That definition of Rapanui space continues in the division of the island into various categories of land, some of which is available to the islanders (their residences and agricultural plots) and others are not, such as the national park. The largest land holder on the island continues to be the successor to the company, even occupying part of its premises, SASIPA. This has contributed to Rapanui being disembedded (Giddens 1990:22-27). Giddens writes: The advent of modernity increasingly tears pace away from place by fostering relations between 'absent' others, location ally distant from any given situation of face-toface interaction ... place becomes increasingly phantasmagoric. that is to say, locales are thoroughly penetrated by and shaped in terms of social influences quite distant from them (Giddens 1990: 19). Even the formally undifferentiated Rapanui lands have been subjected to registration since the early 1980s, brought about by the reward of obtaining cheap housing. Previously opposed in the 1970s, the offer of Chilean government subsidized housing brought about a rush to register Rapanui held residential plots. Today, there are whole parts of the settlement that consist entirely of sub idized ("subsidio") housing, people's property defined by formal title rather than kin relation. The construction of this housing is to have two effect, one short term and the other more in the future. Firstly, the construction of the house used to require Rapanui to mobilize their kin resources, thus incurring mutual debts and obligations. The subsidized housing is produced by government labor and there are no necessary kin obligations incurred. So, not only will the inheritance of land move out of the kin group and into the bureaucratic pr- lcedure, but one can predict that the multiple obligations incurred in house con truction will not be a feature of future Rapanui life. That is, that Rapanui is moving along the path trod by other societies, replacing relations based on kinship with those based on contract. The more long term effect is also an ur;:'tended consequence and derives from the material, asbeMos, u ed in the construction. Asbestos and the diseases caused by the improper use of this material, have led to severe curtailment of that material's use in the developed world. In Chile, the subsidized housing on Rapanui is largely of sheets of asbestos. The house constructors will certainly suffer from the effects of this dust in the course of construction; if these sheets are not kept properly sealed with paint. the inhabitants will . suffer as well. Experience in the developed world with asbestos, where its use largely is banned, suggests that it takes Rapa Nui Journal Published by Kahualike, 1997 about thirty years for the disease to develop, a time bomb for the future of Rapanui! That Rapanui space is becoming detached from Rapanui place, is an inevitable part of the opening of Rapanui s ciety. as it has been in other colonial context . The paradox i' that those, for very different rea on , who sought to keep Rapanui a closed society, uch as the a sassinated Riro, and the authoritarian Chilean regime, were the one re ponsible for the preservation of its localized cultural forms to the present day. Others, represented for illustrative purpose In thi~ paper by Alfonso Rapu, who sought to open the i land have contributed unintentionally to the ubmer ion of it indigenou social forms. Both Riro and Rapu acted for their own reasons in their own time and space; the con equences that I have suggested above are unintended, but none the less real for it. Without a doubt, the opening of Rapanui ociety hall lead to the demise of its localized CUlture, a has happened elsewhere in the colonial world. But, it will lead also to the development of a new Rapanui world, that people will construct out of the interaction of their daily lives. As Karl Marx wrote many years ago, "Human beings make their own history, but not in circumstances of their own choosing." It is through the management of defiance and deference, the action to control and moderate the opportunities for opening and the threats for closing Rapanui society that people on the world's most remote human outpost will hape their own de tinies, but usually not in circumstances of their own choo ing. Postscri ptum As 1 did in the shortened oral pre entation of the above at the Rendezvous, I want to end this piece with a reflective confes ion and a comment. I mentioned that people often are surprised that 1 do social anthropology on Rapanui, since most image of the place never show any local people. That was not entirely the image that I had when 1 went to Rapanui, but one not too distant: my theoretical preparation for understanding Rapanui prior to my fieldwork in 1972 was Gonzalez' concept of the "Neoteric society." That is, a society and culture similar to those in the Caribbean where, recently founded, people carried out their daily lives in a tran actional context, building from random elements their systems of..being (see Gonzalez 1969). People would be working in the absence of history, their lives being carried out on the ba is of personal history, using such concepts a "reputation" (for males) and "respectability" (for females) ( ee Wilson 1973). It was the Rapanui who demonstrated to me how in error I was and the depth of their history and knowledge. Whilst mo t of those cultural specialists from whom I learned so much are now dead, there are many people on the island today whose identity and daily being derive from structures and processes of several centuries. A corollary to that confession is a comment that derives not from fieldwork amongst the Rapanui, but from having encountered a number of persons who have made it their life's 120 Vol II (3) September 1997 9 Rapa Nui Journal: Journal of the Easter Island Foundation, Vol. 11 [1997], Iss. 3, Art. 4 tentative title of the book I intend to complete about history and life on Rapanui. The conversations refer to those that I have had with Islanders over the years, both on the island and elsewhere, as well as those I have had with myself trying to understand the place. These conversations have conclusions. (10) Archives of the Institute of Easter Island Studies, University of Chile. (II) See McCall (1992) for a summary and Hotus et al (I 988: 303-49) for details of the Naval inquiry about the incident. work to tudy Easter Island. These people re ide on the island, Mainland Chile and in a number of countries around the world. All of u who are not Rapanui and who do not derive our main identity from association with that powerful place must remember that the island does not belong to us, the out ider, the tangara (and vj'e!) hi va. Owing to our privileged po ition in universities (l include my elf) and residing in some of the better padded part of the world, Wl' may know a lot more about Rapanui than the average Islander; our studies may have taken us to the most e oteric depth of Polynesian knowledge. But. at its basis, Rapanui belongs to the RapanUJ and not to u . We the researchers are always the guests of tho e I lander and, if we are lucky and behave ourselves, we mlght be privileged, even, to become their collaborators. References Babadzan, Alain. 1982. Naissance d'une Tradition. Changement cultural er syncretisme religieus aux lies Austrares (Polynesie fran~ ise). Paris, ORSTOM. Castillo, L. A. 1892. Viaje a Isla de Pascua. Diario Olicia! de la Republica de ChjJe for 31 October: 1777-8. Chapman, Patrick M. 1993. Analysis of non-metric cranial traits from prehistoric Easter Island with comparisons to Peru. Unpublished Master of Arts thesis in Anthropology, University of Wyoming. Chauvet, Stephan. 1935. L'ile de Paques er ses mysrcres. Paris, Editions 'Tel'. Chauvet, Stephan. 1965. la Isla de Pascua y sus misten·os. Version espanola completa por Jose Maria Souviron. Colecci6n Historia y Documentos. Santiago de Chile, Empresa Editorial ZigZag. Cuevas, Commandante. 1903. El 50 viaje de La Baquedano. Revista de la Manna, Vol. 35. Englert, Sebastian. 1980. Leyendas de Isla de Pascua. Textos bilingues. Santiago de Chile, Universidad de Chile. Geiseler, Kapitanlieutenant. 1883. Die Oster-losel. Eine Stane prehistorischer Kultur in der Sudsee. Beiheft zum Manne Verordnungsblatt44: 1-54 and Plates 1-21. Giddens, Anthony. 1990. The consequences of modernity. Cambridge, Polity Press. Gill, George W., Sonia Haoa and Douglas W. Owsley. 1993. Easter Island origins: Implications of osteological fmdings. Paper presented at the Rapa Nui Rendezvous, University of Wyoming, 3-6 August 1993. Goffman, Erving. 1963. Behaviour In public places. New York, Free Press. Goffman, Erving. 1983. The interaction order. Amencan Sociological Review48: 1-25. Gonzalez, Nancy Solien. 1969. The Black Caribs. American Ethnological Society Monograph Series. Se.attle, University of Washington Press. Heyerdahl, Thor. 1958. Aku-Aku. The secret ofEaster Island London. George Allen and Unwin. Heyerdahl, Thor. 1989. Easter Island The mystery solved london, Souvenir Press. Hotus, Alberto, EI Consejo de Jefes de Rapanui y Otros. 1988. Te mau hatu Rapa Los soberanos de Rapa Nui. Pasado, presente y futuro. Santiago de Chile, Editorial Emisi6n y el Centro de Estudios PoHticos Latinoamericanos Sim6n BoHvar. Lopez, Juan E. 1876. Exploraci6n de las islas esporadicas al occidente de la costa de Chile. Anuario Hidrogratico 2: 77-84. Loti, Pierre. 1988. L'ile de paques. Jouma! d'un aspirant de La FJore.VilIe-d-Avray, Editions Pierre-Olivier Combelles. Maude, H. E. 1981. Slavers in paradise. The Peruvian slave trade in Polynesia, 1862-1864. Stanford, Stanford University Press. Maziere, Francis. 1969 [1965]. Mystencs ofEaster Island; Translated from the French Fantastique l'ife de paques. [Paris, Robert Laffont]. London, Collins. McCall, Grant. 1976. European impact on Easter Island. Response, recruitment and the Polynesian experience in Peru. Joumal of Footnotes (I) Research on Rap~ui was supported by a Ph. D Scholarship at the Australian National University, The Australian Research Council and the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences of the University of New South Wales. Field trips to Rapanui from 1972-1974 and, again, from 1985 to 1986. were supplemented by archive research on Mainland Chile and in the archives of the Sacred Hearts in Papeete, Valparaiso and Rome. For the research in Chile, the author is grateful to the aval Archives of Valparaiso and to the Institute of Easter Island Studies. University of Chile. For the Sacred Hearts archives, especially in Rome, the author owes a considerable debt to R. P. Amerigo Cool . 2 (2) The usual quoted surface area of Rapanui is 166 kIn . However, a more recent figure kindly sent to me by the Director of the Institute of Ecology of Chile. Dr. Juan Grau, gives the surface area as 170.85 km 2 This calculation is supplied to Dr. Grau by the National Office of Frontiers and State LlInits of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (3) According to Chilean sources. Rapanui is situated at approximately 28 deg 10 min S latitude and 109 deg 30 min W longitude. (4) George Gill and his colleagues produced a series of studies of Peruvian elements in Rapanui skeletal remains at a conference about the island held in August 1993. Gill speculates that prior to settling their eventual home. the Marquesan founding figures may have overshot and spent some time in Peru, doubling back to found Rapanui in an attempted return voyage (See Gill, Haoa & Owsley 1993; Chapman 1993). (5) Unless otherwise noted, details of Rapanui genealogy are from fieldwork carried out in 1972 to 1974. My main informants on maramu 'a. the old days, were Jose Fati Puarary, Luis Pate Paoa, Amelia Tepano Ika. Leon Tuki Hey and Victoria Rapahango Tepuku. all of whom generously gave of their time and knowledge for my work. (6) Research in the French Archives d'Outre-mer at Aix-en-Provence to discover such detail is being carried out in late 1993 and early 1994 (7) Documents for this Chilean annexation were first published in Vergara (1939), a rather specialist text. When Dr. Stephen Chauvet's (1936) compilation of photographs and history was translated and published in Chile, in various editions from 1945 onwards, a selection of documents about the Chilean status of the island was included in extensive appendices (e.g. Chauvet 1965). Closer to the centenary of the annexation, another collection, supported by justificatory article, appeared (Vazquez de Acuna et al 1987). (8) The typescript is in the archives of the Institute of Easter Island Studies. University of Chile and I am grateful for access to this enlightening document. Parts of it are summarized in Hotus et al ( 1988). (9) Maramu'a. Conversations and conclusions on Easrer Island, is the Rapa Nui Journal https://kahualike.manoa.hawaii.edu/rnj/vol11/iss3/4 121 Vol 11 (3) September 1997 10 McCall: Riro, Rapu and Rapanui PaciJic History II: 90-105. McCall, Grant. 1979. Kinship and environment on Easter Island. Some observations and speculations. Mankind 12(2): 119-37. McCall, Grant. 1986. Las fundaciones de Rapanui. Easter Island, Museo Provincial R. P.. Sebastian Englert. McCall, Grant. 1990. Rapanui and outsiders: The early days. in Bruno IlIius & Manhias Laubscher (eds.), CiIcumpaciJica. Festscluift flir Thomas S. Barthel. Frankfurt am Main, Peter Lang. Pp. 165-225. McCall, Grant. 1992.37 Days that shook the (Rapanui) world: The Angata cult on Rapanui. in D. H. Rubinstein (ed.), Proceedings ofthe Pacific History Association. Mangilao, University of Guam Press. Pp. 17-23. Metraux, Alfred. 1940. The Ethnology ofEaster Island Bishop Museum Bulletin 160. Honolulu Pinart, Alphonse. 1878. Exploration de I'lle de Piiques. Bulletin de La Societe, Geographique 6 (6~m. series): 193-213. Porteous, 1. Douglas. 1978. Easter Island: the Scottish connection. Geographical Review68(2): 145-56. Porteous, 1. Douglas. 1981. The Modemization ofEaster Island Western Geographical Series 19. Victoria, University of Victoria Press. Roussel, Father Hippolyte. 1883. Lener to Mgr. Tepano 1aussen. Archives of Sacres-Coeurs, Rome: 75-2. Sanchez Manterola, Alberto. 1921. Cinco Aiios en la Isla de Pascua. Unpublished typescript dated Vina del Mar, Marzo 38 de 1921. Santiago, Archives of the Institute of Easter Island Studies. Thomson, William 1. 1891. Te pito te henua or Easter Island. Report ofthe National Museum 1888-1889 (Washington DC): 447552. Toro, Pedro Pablo. 1893. Memoria del Ministeno del Culto i colonizacion presentada al Congreso Nacional en 1892. Vol. 3. Santiago de Chile, Imprenta Nacional. Vazquez de Acuna, Isidoro, et al. 1987. Pnmerasjoumadas tem'tonales: Isla de Pascua. Colecci6n Terra Nostra 10. Santiago, Instituto de Investigaciones del Patrimonio Territorial de Chile. Vergara M. de la Plata, Victor M. 1939. La Isla de Pascua. DOflllnaci6n y dOfl11nio. Santiago de Chile, Publicaciones de la Academic Chilena de la Historia. Wilson, Peter 1. 1973. Crab antics. The social anthropology ofEnglish speaJang negro societies ofthe Caribbean. Caribbean Series 14. New Haven, Yale University Press. Zumbohm, P. Gaspard. 1880. Annales des Sacres-Coeurs, 633-9. Memorial Gifts You can honor and remember others through a Memorial Gift to the Easter Island Foundation -a special way to pay tribute to the memory of a loved one. By providing support for the Foundation and its programs, such as scholarships for islanders, your gift can live on into posterity-and some fortunate Rapanui student can have a brighter future. Please send Memorial Gifts to the Easter Island Foundation, Attn: Barbara Hinton, 49 Briar Hollow Lane # 1705, Houston, Tx 77027. .' Rapa Nui Journal Published by Kahualike, 1997 122 Vol II (3) September 1997 11