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College of Liberal Arts & Sciences
Summer 2000
Tim Hitchcock and John Black, eds., Chelsea Settlement and
Bastardy Examinations, 1733-1766
John D. Ramsbottom
Butler University, jramsbot@butler.edu
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Ramsbottom, John D., "Tim Hitchcock and John Black, eds., Chelsea Settlement and Bastardy
Examinations, 1733-1766" Albion / (Summer 2000): 314-315.
Available at https://digitalcommons.butler.edu/facsch_papers/718
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Review
Author(s): John D. Ramsbottom
Review by: John D. Ramsbottom
Source: Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies, Vol. 32, No. 2 (Summer,
2000), pp. 314-315
Published by: The North American Conference on British Studies
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4053802
Accessed: 17-09-2015 19:57 UTC
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314 Albion
andits sometimesAllen's"Hartleyopathy"
is whatgivesthebookbothitspeculiarstructure
impressiveinsight.
Boston University
AARONGARRETr
Tim Hitchcock and John Black, eds. Chelsea Settlementand Bastardy Examinations,
1733-1766. London:LondonRecordSociety. 1999. Pp. xxii, 177.?20. ISBN 0-90095233-4.
Paul Slack (Poverty and Policy in Tudor and Stuart England [1988]) has argued that
economic growth had begun to banish "deep poverty" from England by the end of the
seventeenthcentury,leaving the aged anddisabled,along with the unemployed,as fit objects
of relief through the Poor Law. But the complex statutes concerning legal "settlement"
played a role in directingthis assistance, and historiansdisagree about their significance.
Some insist that magistratesused the laws to exclude immigrantswho might deplete local
resources.Othersassertthatmigrationwas actuallyencouragedby the fact that,in principle,
all English men and women possessed a settlementin some parishand thereforefelt free to
take their chances moving. The documentsat hand are valuablebecause they illustratethe
efforts of the poor to establisha claim to relief in a rapidlyurbanizingparishon the outskirts
of HanoverianLondon,the scene of tumultuouseconomic and social change.
The editorsprovidea useful interpretiveintroduction.By the mid-eighteenthcentury,the
activities of parish government in relieving poverty amounted to "a welfare state in
miniature"(p. xvi). Chelsea apparentlywas a model of efficiency-even its workhouse
childrensurvivedlonger thanaverage-and its archivesare certainlyextraordinaryin their
completeness.The documentsreproducedheredescribeinhabitantsthoughtlikely to become
a financialchargeon the parish,eitherby having a bastardchild or by falling into need. The
examinationsconductedby local justices were designed to elicit the informationnecessary
to determinepaternityor a settlement-the circumstancesof birth,marriage,apprenticeship,
and residence-and they also gave the examinee an opportunityto fashion a life-story.The
editors suggest thatthe "powerrelationship"implicit in this interrogationdid not leave the
poorhelpless. "Byjudicious self-censorshipthe apparentvictim of the processcould, within
limits, effectively controlits result"(p. vii).
The over 400 biographiesrepresentedin these examinationsyield insightsinto the nature
of migration,work, and sexuality in the period. Immigrantsto the capital tended to come
not only from nearbyruralcounties but also from more distantlocations, includingIreland
and Scotland,where men enteredthe armyonly to end theircareersyears lateras "Chelsea
pensioners."The parishwas undergoinga shift from agriculturalto industrialemployment;
how this affected the poor can be studiedthroughthe useful entries for occupationsin the
index. Women who deliveredbastardswere mainly young, unmarried,migrantservants,a
conclusion broadlyconfirmedby Nicholas Rogers' work on Westminster("CarnalKnowledge," Journal of Social History [1989]). Those who did marryoften took advantageof a
cheap ceremonyat the Fleet prison,whereneitherbannsnor license were required.All these
trends underlinedthe authorities'fear of "violence and disorder,representedby unwed
mothers,abandonedchildren,and the unemployed"(p. xxi).
Even a cursory survey reveals that the capacity of the poor to influence their fate was
indeed "limited."With the completion of the parish workhouse in 1737, many of those
needingrelief wereplacedthere;a substantialproportionof the rest (judgingfromthe index)
were "passed"to anotherparish.But local officials could not escapethe requirementto assist
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Reviews of Books 315
relief'to
qualifiedpaupers.By 1749,a footnoteinformsus, theparishincreased"outdoor
wasnotjusta meansof
copewiththeoverwhelming
demand.Moreover,theexamination
restricting
relief,butalsoa courtof appealforthosewhohadpawnedeverything,likethe
motherwhowasstillunableto payburialexpensesforherchild,"whichobligeshertoapply
to theparishofficersforrelief' (p. 57), or forconcernedrelatives,likethemanappearing
for"(p.26).The
onbehalfof hisbrother,
whohad"goneto seaandlefthischildunprovided
editorsof thisvolumewishto underline
thesuggestion,basedonrecentresearchindifferent
sources,thatthe poorincreasinglycameto believethataccessto parishreliefwas their
whoselives arerecountedhereemergeprimarily
"right"(p. viii). WhethertheLondoners
of thereader.In eithercase,
as "victims"
or as "agents"
will dependupontheperspective
thePoorLawgavethemsomewhere
to turn.
Truman
StateUniversity
JOHND. RAMSBOTTOM
Kirstin Olsen. Daily Life in Eighteenth-CenturyEngland. (Daily Life throughHistory.)
Westport,Conn.:GreenwoodPress. 1999. Pp. xiv, 395. $45.00 ISBN 0-313-29933-1.
Compendiaof informationon everydayEnglish life in past time, often writtenby nonacademics, are currentlya modestly thriving genre, as witness the success of Liza Picardon
RestorationLondonor Daniel Pool on WhatJane AustenAustenAte and Charles Dickens
Knew.Now KirstinOlsen has addedto theirnumber,rathernicely filling the chronological
gap with Daily Life in Eighteenth-CenturyEngland,partof a series from GreenwoodPress
on everyday life in differenthistoricaleras.
Olsen's introductionbegins with a seriesof parallelsbetweeneighteenth-centuryEngland
and modem Americaboth countriesare dynamicallycapitalist,see challengesto traditional
values, aretechnologicallyinnovative,andso on. Althoughshe does not exaggeratethe class
mobility of the period,Olsen's is a modem, dynamic,bustling,and secularizingeighteenth
century, not a J. C. D. Clark-style Church and monarchy-dominatedold regime. (It is
significantin this respectthatreligion is the subjectof the eighteenthchapter,out of a total
of nineteen.) Her principalscholarly sources for eighteenthcenturysocial history are Paul
Langford,Roy Porter,and E. P. Thompson.She avoids both the Scylla of the "MerryOlde
England"approachand the Charybdisof an overemphasison hopeless misery to paint a
pictureof an Englandwhere vast differencesin power between classes, genders,andraces
combinedwith a fundamentalideological consensus on the virtuesof the system.
Daily Life in Eighteenth-CenturyEngland is more a topically organizedreferencebook
thana unified treatmentof eighteenthcenturysocial historylike Porter'sEnglish Society in
the Eighteenth Century.The pleasantly written chapterscover the basic topics of social
history-politics, the family,the economy andso on-as well as classic subjectsof everyday
life books such as clothing and food. As her title indicates,Olsen's focus is English rather
than British. Her knowledge of the period has some problems-she accepts the old and
discreditedfeministchestnutaboutthe purportedderivationof the tenn "ruleof thumb"from
the legal restrictionof the size of a stick a man could use to beat his wife.
Informationis presentedin a variety of ways, including tables, illustrationsand a brief
timeline of dates relevant to the topic at the conclusion of most of the chapters. The
illustrations,mostly fromthe PrintCollectionof the Lewis WalpoleLibraryat Yale, arewell
chosen althoughthe reproductionsare not always good and the scale is often too small to
make out the detail. Quotationsfrom primarysources are also well chosen, althoughnot
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