International Journal of
Environmental Research
and Public Health
Article
School Leadership and Cyberbullying—A
Multilevel Analysis
Sara B. Låftman *, Viveca Östberg and Bitte Modin
Centre for Health Equity Studies (CHESS), Stockholm University/Karolinska Institutet, 10691 Stockholm,
Sweden; viveca.ostberg@chess.su.se (V.Ö.); bitte.modin@chess.su.se (B.M.)
* Correspondence: sara.brolin.laftman@chess.su.se; Tel.: +46-8-6747987
Received: 17 September 2017; Accepted: 11 October 2017; Published: 15 October 2017
Abstract: Cyberbullying is a relatively new form of bullying, with both similarities and differences
to traditional bullying. While earlier research has examined associations between school-contextual
characteristics and traditional bullying, fewer studies have focused on the links to students’
involvement in cyberbullying behavior. The aim of the present study is to assess whether
school-contextual conditions in terms of teachers’ ratings of the school leadership are associated with
the occurrence of cyberbullying victimization and perpetration among students. The data are derived
from two separate data collections performed in 2016: The Stockholm School Survey conducted
among students in the second grade of upper secondary school (ages 17–18 years) in Stockholm
municipality, and the Stockholm Teacher Survey which was carried out among teachers in the same
schools. The data include information from 6067 students distributed across 58 schools, linked with
school-contextual information based on reports from 1251 teachers. Cyberbullying victimization and
perpetration are measured by students’ self-reports. Teachers’ ratings of the school leadership are
captured by an index based on 10 items; the mean value of this index was aggregated to the school
level. Results from binary logistic multilevel regression models show that high teacher ratings of the
school leadership are associated with less cyberbullying victimization and perpetration. We conclude
that a strong school leadership potentially prevents cyberbullying behavior among students.
Keywords: cyberbullying victimization; cyberbullying perpetration; cyber harassment; school climate;
students; contextual
1. Introduction
Cyberbullying can be defined as “the use of electronic communication technologies to bully
others.” [1] (p. 1074). Traditional school bullying has been defined in terms of negative acts committed
towards an individual by one or more other persons [2]. Three common criteria in the definition of
traditional forms of school bullying are repetition, unequal power, and intentional harm [3]. Traditional
school bullying includes negative actions that are most often performed face-to-face, such as showing
disapproval, teasing, ostracism, and physical harm. Cyberbullying concerns such negative actions that
are performed via mobile phones, computers, and other electronic devices. While cyberbullying shares
attributes with traditional forms of school bullying, it also presents itself with some unique features.
For instance, cyberbullying can occur anywhere and anytime, the “audience” is undefined and can
potentially be much larger than in the case of traditional bullying, and cyberbullying perpetrators
have, a least in theory, greater opportunities to be anonymous than do perpetrators of traditional
bullying [4]. While repetition is a core element in the definition of traditional school bullying, an act of
cyberbullying can be performed only once but be digitally repeated over and over again through e.g.,
the sharing of images.
Earlier studies have shown that students’ involvement in cyberbullying and traditional bullying
to a great extent overlaps [1,4–8]. Some scholars argue that cyberbullying creates very few new victims,
Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2017, 14, 1226; doi:10.3390/ijerph14101226
www.mdpi.com/journal/ijerph
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implying that it is merely another means of harassing those who are already exposed to traditional
forms of bullying [9]. Yet, cyberbullying has demonstrated independent associations with students’
psychological health outcomes also when adjusting for traditional forms of bullying [4,8,10–12],
indicating that cyberbullying behavior is (at least to some extent) a distinct phenomenon that is
relevant to study in itself.
A body of research has examined associations between various school-contextual characteristics
and traditional forms of bullying. Traditional bullying has been shown to be less frequent in
schools characterized by features such as clear rules, positive student-teacher relations, and teachers’
disapproving attitudes towards bullying and their intervening against bullying when it occurs [13–16].
Another school-contextual characteristic that is negatively related to bullying is collective efficacy,
i.e., the degree of shared trust and support [17]. Aspects of schools’ professional cultures in terms of the
school leadership, teacher affiliation, and collaborative activities have also demonstrated associations
with traditional bullying behavior. Roland and Galloway [18] and Ertesvåg and Roland [19] used
Norwegian data collected from both teachers and students, and found that schools in which the
teachers rated the school leadership, teacher affiliation, and collaborative activities high had lower
rates of traditional bullying victimization and perpetration. In a recent study of English schools,
Bevilacqua et al. [20] used student survey data combined with school-level information including
ratings of the school quality by the Office for Standards in Education, Children’s Services and Skills
(Ofsted), which is a governmental authority that carries out inspections of schools in England. Students
in schools which had been rated as “Good” were shown to be more likely to report traditional bullying
victimization compared to those in schools categorized as “Outstanding”. The authors interpreted the
finding by proposing that a highly qualified school leadership evokes a school climate characterized
by disapproval of bullying, but acknowledged that also other aspects of school quality such as school
ethos and awareness of bullying behavior may be of importance [20]. Another recent English study
investigated school characteristics derived from Ofsted and from a teacher survey, and links with
bullying victimization and perpetration [21]. The results showed that the quality of the leadership and
management was associated with the occurrence of bullying victimization and perpetration, but that
school policies, in particular those related to bullying, contributed more to explaining the variation in
victimization and perpetration across schools [21].
Some studies have investigated the links between school-contextual characteristics and students’
involvement in cyberbullying behavior specifically. A negative school climate has been shown to be
associated with both more cyberbullying victimization and more cyberbullying perpetration, albeit with
relatively small effect sizes [22]. A study of Finnish data reported that students’ perception of their
teachers’ abilities to intervene against bullying was associated with more cyberbullying perpetration [23].
The authors interpreted this result in terms of students tending to drift into cyberbullying rather than
traditional bullying perpetration because it is less overt [23]. Bevilacqua et al. [20] analyzed not only
traditional but also cyberbullying behavior and found that in schools with poor quality (i.e., classified
as “Requires improvement”), cyberbullying perpetration was more common than in schools rated
as “Outstanding”. No association was however found between school quality and cyberbullying
victimization. Still, the finding that cyberbullying perpetration was less common in the schools with
the highest quality suggests that a strong school leadership, being one aspect included in the “school
quality” measure, may prevent against cyberbullying behavior among students. Yet, to the best of our
knowledge, there are hitherto no studies that have investigated the links between teachers’ ratings of
the school leadership and student-reported cyberbullying behavior.
The current study focuses on cyberbullying behavior among students in Sweden, a country
which in international comparison has low rates of bullying at school, but also relatively low rates of
cyberbullying [24]. For instance, in the international Health Behavior in School-aged Children (HBSC)
study of 2013/14, 6% of 15-year-old Swedish students reported to have been cyberbullied by messages
at least once (the HBSC average was 11%), and 6% reported to have been cyberbullied by pictures at
least once (the HBSC average was 9%) [24]. Using new Swedish data that combines information from
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two surveys collected amongst teachers and amongst students, respectively, the aim of the current
study is to assess whether teachers’ ratings of the school leadership, as one specific aspect of the school
context, are associated with the occurrence of cyberbullying victimization and perpetration among
upper secondary students. We hypothesize that strong school leadership, as assessed by the teachers,
is associated with less cyberbullying victimization and perpetration as reported by students.
2. Materials and Methods
2.1. Data and Procedure
Data from two separate surveys performed in the spring of 2016 were combined: the Stockholm
School Survey (SSS) and the Stockholm Teacher Survey (STS). The SSS is a cross-sectional survey
conducted biennually by Stockholm Municipality among students in grade 9 of the compulsory school
and grade 2 of the upper secondary school, in all public schools and in a number of independent schools
in Stockholm. The questionnaires are completed by the students in the classroom and recollected by
the teacher. The survey includes questions on alcohol use, drug use, smoking, and criminal behavior,
but also covers topics such as social relations and the situation at school [4,16,25]. In the SSS of 2016,
external non-response has been estimated to approximately 22% [26]. The STS was carried out in 2014
among senior-level teachers in the schools participating in the SSS, and in 2016 among senior-level
teachers as well as among upper secondary school teachers in all the schools participating in the SSS.
The main purpose of the STS was to collect information about school characteristics in terms of teachers’
ratings of—for example—the school leadership, cooperation and consensus, and school ethos but also
about teachers’ working conditions, in order to study whether and how these aspects were related
to student-reported outcomes in terms of psychological health, bullying, and academic achievement.
The STS was performed though a web-based questionnaire. The response rate was 58% among upper
secondary school teachers. To construct school-level measures, teachers’ ratings were aggregated to
the school level, which were linked to the student-level data from the SSS.
In the present study, we use data from the SSS of 2016 collected among students in the second grade
of upper secondary school (17–18 years) with matched school-level information from upper secondary
school teachers participating in the STS of 2016. The matched data set includes information from 6129
upper secondary school students and 1251 teachers in 58 schools. The minimum number of students
in a school was 10 and the maximum number was 362. For our study sample, we excluded 62 students
with internal non-response on migration background, resulting in a study sample of 6067 students
distributed across 58 schools. Due to item non-response also on our dependent variables, the analyses
are based on n = 5657 (cyberbullying victimization) and n = 5781 (cyberbullying perpetration),
corresponding to 92.2% and 94.3% of the responding 6129 students respectively.
2.2. Variables
Cyberbullying behavior was captured by questions on cyberbullying victimization and perpetration
posed to students in the SSS. These questions were asked immediately after a set of questions on
traditional bullying behavior. The opening question of the battery concerned whether the student
had been bullied or harassed at school this school year, and response categories included a range of
(non-mutually exclusive) items on various forms of traditional bullying victimization (e.g., whether
the student had been teased, ostrasized, physically hurt, and whether someone had spread rumours).
Thus, in the subsequent questions, students were probed with examples of the practical meaning of
“bullied or harassed”.
Cyberbullying victimization was measured by the question: “Have you been bullied or harassed
on the Internet or by text messaging (SMS/MMS) this school year?” The response categories were
“Yes”, “No”, and “Don’t know” where the last category was coded as missing.
Cyberbullying perpetratation was measured by the question “Have you taken part in the
bullying or harassment of other students on the Internet or by text messaging this school year?”
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Again, the response categories were “Yes”, “No”, and “Don’t know”, where the last alternative was
coded as missing.
School leadership was captured by teachers’ responses in the STS, and measured by an index
constructed from ten items. The items were: (a) “The management has an interest in pedagogical
questions”; (b) “The management shows an understanding of my work problems”; (c) “The school
leaders have high expectations of me as a teacher”; (d) “When the management makes decisions
on important issues they first discuss it with the teaching staff”; (e) “The majority of teachers’
understanding of school goals and policies align with the management’s”; (f) “The management allows
room for teachers’ pedagogical freedom”; (g) “I regularly receive feedback from the management
about my performance as a teacher”; (h) “The management is a good support for teachers experiencing
difficulties with a class”; (i) “The distribution of responsibility between teachers is clear at this school”;
and (j) “This school is led in a good way”. The response categories were: “Strongly agree” (5);
“Agree” (4); “Neither agree nor disagree” (3); “Disagree” (2); and “Strongly disagree” (1). Values from
all items were added, thus forming a scale ranging 10–50 with higher values indicating higher teacher
ratings of the school leadership. The measure was based on exploratory and confirmatory factor
analysis and demonstrated good psychometric properties (RMSEA = 0.061; CFI = 0.993; TLI = 0.990).
The index also shows high internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.90). To capture teachers’ ratings
of the school leadership at the school-level, we used the mean value of the school leadership index
for each school. In order to detect potentially non-linear associations, we divided our study sample
into three categories of about equal size, in order to classify students into schools with relatively weak,
intermediate, and strong school leadership.
A set of control variables were included.
Gender was measured by the question “Are you a boy or a girl?” and the response categories “Boy”
and “Girl”. Students who did not respond to this question (3.4%) were kept as a separate category.
Family structure was captured by the question “Which people do you live with?” with a list of
boxes to be ticked. Those who ticked “Mother” and “Father” were classified as living with two parents
in one household and were contrasted against all others.
Parents’ university education was assessed through the question “What is the highest education
your parents have?” The response categories, to be ticked for mother and father separately, were:
“Old elementary school (folkskola) or compulsory school (max 9 years schooling)”, “Upper secondary
school”, “University and university college”, and “Don’t know”. Those who ticked “University
and university college” for at least one parent were classified as having one parent with university
education, and were contrasted against all others.
Migration background was measured by the question “How long have you lived in Sweden?”
The response categories were: “All my life”, “10 years or more”, “5–9 years”, and “Less than 5 years”.
The last two categories were merged due to small numbers.
2.3. Ethics
Data from the Stockholm School Survey are filled in anonymously (with no information on
personal identification) and are therefore not subject to consideration for ethical approval, according to
a decision by the Regional Ethical Review Board of Stockholm (2010/241-31/5). Ethical permission
has been approved for the Stockholm Teacher Survey (2015/1827-31/5).
2.4. Statistical Method
Since the data structure is hierarchical with students nested within schools, and since school
leadership, which is our main independent variable of interest, is measured at the school-level,
multilevel analysis was applied. Two-level binary logistic regression models were estimated in Stata
13 using the “xtmelogit” command.
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3. Results
Descriptive statistics of the study sample are presented in Table 1. Among the students,
7.3% reported to have been subjected to cyberbullying victimization, and 3.0% to have been involved
in cyberbullying perpetration during the current school year.
Table 1. Descriptives of variables included in the analyses. n= 6067.
Descriptives
n
%
5246
411
92.7
7.3
Cyberbullying perpetration b
No
Yes
5607
174
97.0
3.0
Gender
Boys
Girls
Missing information
2798
3064
205
46.1
50.5
3.4
Family structure
Two parents in the same household
Other
3777
2290
62.3
37.7
Parents’ university education
No parent
At least one parent
2068
3999
34.1
65.9
Migration background
Lived in Sweden whole life
Lived in Sweden ≥ 10 years
Lived in Sweden < 10 years
4937
530
600
81.4
8.7
9.9
School leadership
Mean
34.23
s.d.
4.24
Cyberbullying victimization
No
Yes
a
a
n = 5657; b n = 5781.
Next, descriptive results are presented by categories of teachers’ ratings of the school leadership
(Table 2). To the right of the columns displaying the numbers of students and schools in each category,
mean values and ranges of teachers’ ratings of the school leadership are presented. The next two columns
show the percentages of students who report cyberbullying victimization and perpetration by the
three categories of teacher-rated school leadership. Clear gradients are demonstrated: cyberbullying
victimization and perpetration is most common among students attending schools with weak
leadership, and least common among students attending schools where teachers rate the leadership
as strong. The relative difference is larger for cyberbullying perpetration than for cyberbullying
victimization. Chi-square tests show that the associations are statistically significant.
Table 2. Description of categories of school leadership, and the occurrence of cyberbullying
victimization and cyberbullying perpetration by categories of school leadership.
Categories of
School Leadership
n Students
n Schools
School Leadership
Mean
School leadership
Weak
Intermediate
Strong
2225
1910
1932
17
14
27
30.05
34.43
38.85
Range
24.67–32.65
32.71–35.52
35.78–44.60
** p < 0.01.
Cyberbullying
Victimization
%
8.5
7.3
5.8
Cyberbullying
Perpetration
Chi2
%
Chi2
10.68 **
4.0
3.0
1.9
14.01 **
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To assess whether the association between teacher-rated school leadership and student-reported
cyberbullying behavior is robust also when adjusting for student-level sociodemographic characteristics,
multilevel analyses were performed. Results from two-level binary logistic regression models of
cyberbullying victimization are presented in Table 3. Model 1 includes only student-level variables.
Students who did not respond to the question on gender have an elevated risk of reporting
cyberbullying victimization (OR 2.46, 95% CI 1.59–3.80). Also family structure demonstrates
a statistically significant difference, indicating that students who do not live with two parents in
the same household are more likely to report to be victims of cyberbullying compared to the reference
category (OR 1.30, 95% CI 1.05–1.60). In Model 2, categories of teacher-rated school leadership are
added. A graded association with cyberbullying victimization is demonstrated, although there is
a statistically significant difference only between weak and strong school leadership. Students who
attend schools with strong leadership are significantly less likely to report cyberbullying victimization
compared to those attending schools where the teachers rate the leadership as weak (OR 0.69,
95% CI 0.51–0.94). Additional analyses showed that there is no statistically significant difference
between intermediate and strong school leadership (data not presented). Furthermore, we also
performed analyses where we included the continuous measure of school leadership instead of thirds.
This measure did however not reach statistical significance (OR 0.98, 95% CI 0.95–1.01) (data not
presented), indicating that using thirds of school leadership is a preferred strategy since it captures the
non-linear association with cyberbullying victimization.
Table 3. Results from two-level binary logistic regression models of cyberbullying victimization. Odds
ratios and 95% confidence intervals. n = 5657 students within 58 schools.
Cyberbullying Victimization
Model 1
Model 2
OR
95% CI
OR
95% CI
Gender
Boys (ref.)
Girls
Missing information
1.00
1.10
2.46 ***
0.89–1.37
1.59–3.80
1.00
1.09
2.45 ***
0.88–1.35
1.59–3.79
Family structure
Two parents in the same household (ref.)
Other
1.00
1.30 *
1.05–1.60
1.00
1.30 *
1.05–1.60
Parents’ university education
No parent (ref.)
At least one parent
1.00
0.93
0.75–1.16
1.00
0.93
0.75–1.16
Migration background
Lived in Sweden all life (ref.)
Lived in Sweden ≥ 10 years
Lived in Sweden < 10 years
1.00
0.97
1.07
0.67–1.40
0.76–1.50
1.00
0.96
1.09
0.66–1.39
0.78–1.52
(0.05)
1.00
0.85
0.69 *
0.05
0.62–1.15
0.51–0.94
(0.04)
Student-level
School-level
School leadership
Weak (ref.)
Intermediate
Strong
School-level variance (s.e.)
0.08
*** p < 0.001; * p < 0.05.
Results from analyses of cyberbullying perpetration are presented in Table 4. Model 1, containing
only student-level variables, demonstrates that girls are less inclined than boys to be perpetrators of
cyberbullying (OR 0.45, 95% CI 0.32–0.63). In addition, students with university educated parents are
less likely to be engaged in cyberbullying perpetration (OR 0.71, 95% CI 0.52–0.98), whereas students
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who had lived in Sweden for less than 10 years are more likely to report cyberbullying perpetration
compared to those who had lived in Sweden all their life (OR = 1.73, 95% CI 1.12–2.67). Model 2 adds
school leadership. Also for cyberbullying perpetration, a graded association is demonstrated, although
there is a statistically significant difference only between weak and strong school leadership. Students
in schools where teachers rate the leadership as strong report less cyberbullying perpetration compared
to students who attend schools where the leadership is rated as weak (OR 0.49, 95% CI 0.32–0.77).
Additional analyses showed that the difference between intermediate and strong school leadership
is significant only at the 10%-level (data not presented). Finally, we also conducted analyses of
cyberbullying perpetration using the full index of school leadership. This was shown to be statistically
significant at the 1%-level (OR 0.94, 95% CI 0.91–0.98) (data not presented).
Table 4. Results from two-level binary logistic regression models of cyberbullying perpetration.
Odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals. n = 5781 students within 58 schools.
Cyberbullying Perpetration
Model 1
Model 2
OR
95% CI
OR
95% CI
Gender
Boys (ref.)
Girls
Missing information
1.00
0.45 ***
0.73
0.32–0.63
0.31–1.69
1.00
0.45 ***
0.73
0.32–0.62
0.31–1.69
Family structure
Two parents in the same household (ref.)
Other
1.00
1.22
0.89–1.67
1.00
1.21
0.89–1.66
Parents’ university education
No parent (ref.)
At least one parent
1.00
0.71 *
0.52–0.98
1.00
0.73
0.53–1.00
Migration background
Lived in Sweden all life (ref.)
Lived in Sweden ≥ 10 years
Lived in Sweden < 10 years
1.00
1.19
1.73 *
0.71–2.00
1.12–2.67
1.00
1.17
1.77 **
0.70–1.97
1.15–2.71
(0.10)
1.00
0.75
0.49 **
0.04
0.51–1.11
0.32–0.77
(0.09)
Student-level
School-level
School leadership
Weak (ref.)
Intermediate
Strong
School-level variance (s.e.)
0.10
*** p < 0.001; ** p < 0.01; * p < 0.05.
4. Discussion
Cyberbullying is a significant problem among students, demonstrated not least by the fact that
cyberbullying behavior is associated with adverse psychological health outcomes over and above
involvement in traditional bullying behavior [4,8,10–12]. Hence, identifying preventive measures to
combat cyberbullying is a relevant task. The aim of the present study was to examine whether teachers’
ratings of the school leadership is associated with cyberbullying victimization and perpetration among
students. Our hypothesis that strong school leadership is associated with less cyberbullying behavior
gained empirical support: results from the multilevel binary logistic regression analyses showed
that, among students in schools characterized by relatively strong leadership, both cyberbullying
victimization and perpetration is less common than among students attending schools where the
leadership is relatively weak.
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Our findings reflect those of two Norwegian studies that reported associations between
teachers’ ratings of the schools’ professional culture in terms of leadership, teacher affiliation,
and collaborative activities, and school-level means of bullying victimization and perpetration
as reported by students [18,19]. These studies were however restricted to traditional bullying
behavior. Our results also mirror those of a recent English study covering both traditional and
cyberbullying behavior: Bevilacqua et al. [20] reported that among students in schools rated by the
governmental Office for Standards in Education, Children’s Services and Skills (Ofsted) as suffering
from poor quality, cyberbullying perpetration was more common than among students in schools with
“Outstanding” quality. The authors underlined the significance of schools’ leadership and management
in understanding the prevalence of bullying behavior [20]. The relevance of the quality of the school
leadership and management for bullying victimization and perpetration also relate to the findings of
Muijs [21], although differences in school policies, in particular those related to bullying, were shown to
have greater explanatory power with regard to the between-school variance in bullying behavior [21].
How can then the association between school leadership and cyberbullying behavior be
understood? A strong leadership directs the work for school improvement and can therefore be
expected to be associated with less bullying behavior among students [19]. For instance, it seems
reasonable to assume that schools with a strong management foster clarity of school rules, positive
student-teacher relations, interventions against bullying, as well as strong collective efficacy, which
are all school-contextual aspects that have been shown to be linked with less prevalence of traditional
bullying behavior [13–17]. Another, related, interpretation of our results is that a strong leadership
is a prerequisite for schools’ anti-bullying work to come into force and to be efficient. In Sweden,
schools are required by law to work actively against bullying. All anti-bullying measures are however
not equally ambitious or equally successful. As a conclusion from their evaluation of anti-bullying
methods, The Swedish National Agency for Education [27] argued that to be successful, anti-bullying
work needs to be embedded among all staff and students in the school. If this is the case, it does
not seem far-fetched to assume that a strong leadership facilitates or may even be a prerequisite for
the implementation of such an encompassing anti-bullying approach. It is also possible that other,
non-observed school-contextual aspects are confounders or mediators in the association between school
leadership and cyberbullying behavior, for instance school policies related to bullying [21]. A promising
avenue for future research would be to disentangle the pathways and mechanisms between school
leadership and cyberbullying behavior among students, exploring possible mediators. One potentially
fruitful way of gaining a deeper understanding of the processes at work is to use statistical methods
such as structural equation modelling; another way would be to apply qualitative methods and
perform interviews with teachers and other school staff as well as with students. Additional relevant
tasks for future inquiry are to investigate how other school organizational characteristics as well as
school segregation are related to the prevalence of cyberbullying behavior among students.
While we found associations between school leadership and cyberbullying behavior, it should
be underlined that there are also student-level characteristics that are associated with cyberbullying.
For instance, students who do not live with two custodial parents in one household had an elevated
risk of being cyberbullied, as well as students who did not answer the question on gender (possibly not
wanting to define themselves as boys or girls). Accordingly, to gain a deeper understanding of
cyberbullying, one should acknowledge the existence of social inequalities and power orders.
The main strength of the current study is the use of a new, large-scale data material that combines
survey information from both teachers and students. The participation rate was reasonably high
among both teachers and students. Our measure of school leadership was based on teachers’ responses
to multiple items and our measures of cyberbullying behavior were based on survey responses
from students, thus decreasing the risk of bias due to common method variance. Nevertheless,
the study is also subject to limitations. As mentioned above, it is possible that there are other
school-contextual aspects that may account for the association between school leadership and
cyberbullying behavior among students. For instance, many Swedish schools use anti-bullying
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programs, but we lack information on the type and extent of practical anti-bullying work in the studied
schools. Another limitation concerns the fact that both cyberbullying victimization and perpetration
were captured by single items with dichotomous responses rather than by more elaborated measures.
Furthermore, it is possible that the measure of cyberbullying perpetration had lower validity and
reliability than that of cyberbullying victimization due to social desirability. On the other hand,
the association between school leadership and cyberbullying perpetration was stronger than that
between school leadership and cyberbullying victimization. This could theoretically be expected,
since students who are subjected to cyberbullying victimization may be so by persons who do not
attend the same school, and whose behavior is thus not affected by the school contextual characteristics
of the school that the cyberbullying victim attends. Finally, it should be mentioned that since the data
were collected among teachers and students in Stockholm, we cannot make generalizations to other
contexts. Hence, further studies are needed to corroborate the findings.
5. Conclusions
Cyberbullying is a significant problem for those who are exposed, and thus, efforts to combat
this type of bullying are needed. The school is one context which may act protectively against
cyberbullying. Connecting school-level information based on teachers’ assessment of the school
leadership with students’ reports on cyberbullying victimization and perpetration, the present study
concludes that a strong school leadership is one potentially important component in the work against
cyberbullying among students. A fruitful task for future inquiry is to investigate the relationship
between school leadership and cyberbullying behavior in greater depth in order to discern the processes
and mechanisms at work.
Acknowledgments: The study was financed by the Swedish Research Council for Health, Working Life and
Welfare (Forte) (2013–0159), and the Swedish Research Council, Forte, Formas, and Vinnova (2014–10107).
Author Contributions: Bitte Modin was the Principal Investigator of the project and conceived this study.
Sara B. Låftman performed statistical analyses and drafted the manuscript. Bitte Modin and Viveca Östberg
reviewed and revised the manuscript.
Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest.
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