The Columbia Guide to the Holocaust

INTRODUCTION

This book provides a general introduction for readers coming to the study of the Holocaust for the first time, as well as a guide to specialized studies and controversial issues for those wishing to delve more deeply into the subject. It is divided into five parts.

Part I offers a concise summary of the factual history, placing the Holocaust within the larger context of Nazi Germany and World War II.

Part II is divided into eight chapters devoted to more detailed explorations of issues and problems that interest scholars and laypersons alike. The first chapter ponders how best to define the Holocaust. Were the Jews the sole targets of Nazi genocide, or must other groups, such as Gypsies, handicapped people, Eastern European civilians and prisoners of war, political and religious dissenters, and homosexuals, be included? The second chapter examines the trends in modern European history that made Nazi genocide possible. It also explores the historical developments and social situations of the various victim groups and examines the history of prejudice, giving special attention to conflicting views on the relationship between pre-Nazi racism and antisemitism and the Holocaust. The third chapter delves into debates about why the Nazi leaders abandoned emigration and deportation of the Jews in 1941 in favor of genocide, while the fourth chapter considers the motivations of those who tormented and killed vast numbers of innocent civilians during the Holocaust. The fifth chapter explores the Jews’ resistance to Nazi policies and their survival strategies in ghettos and camps and in hiding. The sixth chapter probes the reactions of ordinary Germans, Poles, Hungarians, and other Europeans as the victims were being persecuted and deported. The seventh chapter examines charges that the Allied powers and neutral countries failed to seize opportunities to save the victims. The eighth chapter considers the legacy of genocide for survivors, perpetrators, bystanders, and everyone else. Of special interest here are the legal and religious ramifications of the Holocaust and scholars’ efforts to locate Nazi genocide within world history.

Our exploration of these controversial issues seeks to establish the nature of the debates and the strengths and weaknesses of the opposing positions. In most cases no attempt is made to reach conclusions about which interpretations best capture the truth. Readers are encouraged to continue their reading and research in the books mentioned throughout these chapters. Full bibliographical information is provided for these titles in the resource section that concludes this book.

Part III consists of a concise chronology of major events and developments during the Holocaust. It concentrates on the Nazi era, 1933–1945, but it also lists a few key events before and after those years. The chronology may be used in conjunction with and as a supplement to the earlier parts of the guide.

Part IV is an encyclopedia of people, places, terms, and institutions that are central to understanding the Holocaust. These are highlighted in the earlier parts of the guide, enabling the reader to employ the encyclopedia as a source of additional information. Or one may use the encyclopedia for ready reference of highly specific topics or more general concepts, such as camp system or genocide.

Part V presents a guide to print, video, electronic, and institutional resources on the Holocaust. These include books, articles, primary source collections, journals, films, CD-ROMs, Web sites, and resource institutions. Most are annotated to indicate how they might best be put to use. There is a large literature on the Holocaust in other languages, especially German, but we have listed only printed sources in English or English translations of works in other languages. Therefore, some important works on the Holocaust not available in English translation are not included in Part V.

We want to note at the outset that precise statistics of Jewish and Gypsy losses during the Holocaust are not always available. For all their vaunted recordkeeping proclivities, the Germans did not keep accurate count of individuals who were gassed, and records of labor and concentration camps were sometimes lost or destroyed. In this volume the statistics given for losses in various countries and camps represent minimum figures that have been authenticated in existing scholarship. The actual figures may be much higher, and future research may require upward adjustment. In a few cases a range of numbers is given, reflecting the minimum and maximum estimates of losses in cases where documentary evidence is thin.

PART I

Historical Overview

Historical Overview

This brief summary of the Holocaust begins by outlining the stages in which Nazi racial policies evolved. During the 1930s Adolf Hitler sought to exclude Jews, Gypsies, and others he considered to be racially inferior from the German national community. During the first two years of World War II, the Nazi state turned to genocide, starting with the German handicapped, then the Soviet Jews, and finally all European Jews and Gypsies. From late 1941 to late 1944 the concentration, deportation, enslavement, and extermination of Jews and Gypsies were in full swing. At the same time millions of Soviet prisoners of war and Slavic civilians were killed in less organized ways. During the last months of the war the Germans stopped the gassings, but they continued to exploit their victims as slave workers and tried to use them as bargaining chips in ransom negotiations. Following the Nazi defeat victims, perpetrators, and bystanders, at different times and in different ways, came to terms with the immediate legacies of the Holocaust.

In addition to summarizing the evolution of the Holocaust, this overview describes the variety of camps and reactions of victims. It also shows why the Holocaust functioned differently in the various countries controlled by or allied with Nazi Germany. What emerges is a sense of the complexity of these events and the diversity of Holocaust experiences for all the groups involved.

EXCLUDING THE RACIALLY INFERIOR, 1933–1939

On March 21, 1933, the German Reichstag passed the Enabling Act that gave Adolf Hitler dictatorial powers, ending three years of political strife. At the time no one could be sure what he and his Nazi Party would do. Their numerous supporters (just over one-third of German voters; the Nazis never won a free nationwide election) expected bold moves to revive the economy and put the millions of unemployed back to work. Hitler’s army of brown-shirted SA (Sturmabteilung, or Storm Troopers) had smashed their political opponents in street battles, and many Germans anticipated equally militant action to end the depression. Members of the conservative establishment who had handed power to Hitler in a backstairs political deal hoped to be able to control him and his followers and use them to crush the threatening Communist movement. Hitler’s enemies put on a confident front and predicted his early failure. With all eyes fixed on the economic depression and political turmoil that surrounded the destruction of Germany’s democratic Weimar Republic, few Germans paid close attention to Hitler’s ideas about race.

In fact, race stood at the very heart of Nazi ideology. Hitler called his political philosophy National Socialism—the official name of his party was the National Socialist German Workers’ Party, or Nazi for short—by which he meant to suggest that he had reconciled the two great competing political ideas of the nineteenth century, nationalism and socialism. What made it possible for him to bring the two together was his belief that racial thinking would lead to national greatness and social justice. During his formative years before World War I in Austria, Hitler had been deeply influenced by Social Darwinism. This now discredited offshoot of biological Darwinism taught that life was eternal struggle between individuals and groups, nature’s way of ensuring the survival of the fittest. Hitler saw a lot of struggle in prewar Vienna—between classes, nationalities, political parties, and business firms—and took it as the central law of history. As a confirmed pan-German nationalist, he concluded that only a ruthlessly united and racially purified Germany could survive in the brutal struggle with other races and nations.

These ideas came through clearly in Hitler’s book Mein Kampf, published in the 1920s. In it he wrote of Germany’s need to conquer Lebensraum (living space) at the expense of its Slavic neighbors in Eastern Europe and the necessity of racial conflict with Jews and others who stood in the way of German superiority. The future dictator linked the Jews with communism and identified them as Germany’s chief internal foe. If, with the help of his Marxist creed, the Jew is victorious over the other peoples of the world, his crown will be the funeral wreath of humanity…. Hence today I believe that I am acting in accordance with the will of the Almighty Creator: by defending myself against the Jew, I am fighting for the work of the Lord.¹ Often ignored or dismissed as pseudo-intellectual posturing at the time, and later obscured by overriding political and economic concerns, the centrality of race in Hitler’s thinking became apparent only gradually.

Once firmly in power, Hitler and his followers moved quickly to satisfy Germans’ longings for jobs and an end to political conflict. The latter was achieved rapidly and brutally by outlawing all political organizations but the Nazi Party, creating a much feared Gestapo (Secret State Police), and sending leading anti-Nazis to newly created concentration camps such as Dachau, just outside Munich. By the time World War II began in 1939 there would be seven large concentration camps in various parts of Germany and the territories annexed to it, including Buchenwald near Weimar; Ravensbrück, the women’s concentration camp north of Berlin; and Mauthausen in Austria. They would also come to hold more than just political opponents of the Nazi Party. Jews, homosexuals, religious dissidents, and common criminals also entered these camps. Run by Hitler’s elite SS, the concentration camps imposed draconian discipline on the prisoners, many of whom were killed outright or worked to death. But these were not extermination camps. Sometimes prisoners were even released, but only after promising never to speak of camp conditions. Their existence, however, was known to all. Although the regime won the support of an increasingly large number of Germans, the terror served to intimidate political opponents.

Fixing the economy took longer, but the Nazis moved to end unemployment with characteristic determination. They bullied private employers to hire workers, spent vast sums on government building projects, and placed young men in a one-year compulsory national service program called the Arbeitsdienst (Labor Service). By the late 1930s, when Germany was rapidly rearming, unemployment disappeared. Naturally, all this cost a fortune, and Hitler had no idea how to pay off Germany’s massive debts, except perhaps by conquering and looting most of Europe. But he was not saying so openly, and few asked where the money was coming from. Nothing did more to enhance Hitler’s popularity than this spectacular economic recovery.

Hitler’s foreign-policy successes likewise impressed Germans. Loudly affirming his peaceful intentions while denouncing the iniquities of the Treaty of Versailles, which had been imposed on Germany at the end of World War I, Hitler set about burying the treaty one clause at a time. The democracies were preoccupied with their own problems and hoped that concessions would calm the dictator. Hence they stood by as Germany rearmed (March 1935), moved its armies into the demilitarized Rhineland (March 1936), seized Austria (March 1938), and annexed the German-speaking Sudetenland from Czechoslovakia (October 1938). Achieving all this without firing a shot, Hitler lifted the pride of a humiliated nation.

These political, economic, and foreign policy victories were the basis of Hitler’s great popularity in the 1930s. They also made the less attractive aspects of Nazism easier for ordinary Germans to swallow. The people might grumble about the obtrusiveness of party hacks in all areas of life and worry about being overheard expressing the wrong opinion, but this seemed an acceptable price to pay for national resurgence. As for the sufferings of political dissidents and those deemed racially unworthy, there was nothing one could do. As was true of people in other totalitarian regimes, Germans retreated into their private lives to find shelter from, and avoid offending, the omnipresent Nazi state.

In the case of the Jews, Hitler initially encouraged this attitude of popular indifference by gradually excluding them from the national community and encouraging them to emigrate. He may have been influenced to take this legalistic approach by the results of his first direct attack on the Jews after becoming dictator, the nationwide boycott of Jewish businesses set to begin on April 1, 1933. Hitler placed it under the direction of Julius Streicher, one of the early leaders of the Nazi Party, a vicious antisemite and the editor of the scurrilous weekly newspaper Der Stürmer. Although Streicher urged Germans not to buy goods in Jewish shops, and Storm Troopers sometimes physically intimidated people from doing so, many patronized them anyway. Foreign reactions were also negative, with Jewish groups and their sympathizers threatening to organize boycotts of German-made goods. The Nazis called off their boycott after the first day and opted instead for less confrontational policies.

These consisted of a series of laws and edicts designed to Aryanize German institutions and reverse Jewish emancipation and assimilation. The Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service of April 7, 1933, removed anti-Nazis and Jews from government jobs as judges, lawyers, teachers, and officials. Subsequent laws limited Jewish enrollment in schools and universities to 1.5 percent of the student body, barred Jewish dentists and physicians from public insurance programs, revoked the naturalization of Eastern European Jews, and specified that only Aryans could edit German newspapers. Simultaneously extralegal pressures on Jewish businessmen to sell their firms, often for only a fraction of their real value, began the gradual process of excluding Jews from the German economy. When local Nazi hotheads revived the practices of boycott and physical attacks aimed at Jews, Hitler firmly returned them to the legal path by promulgating the Nuremberg Laws in September 1935.

The Nuremberg Laws enabled the state to limit the rights of Jews as German citizens and banned marriage and sexual relations between Jews and Germans. Legal codicils later defined Jews as persons having more than two Jewish grandparents. Those with two Jewish grandparents were defined as Mischlinge (mixed breeds), and they were grouped with the Jews only if they were married to Jews or belonged to Jewish congregations. Persons with one Jewish grandparent were also considered Mischlinge but normally were not grouped with the Jews. Later, in 1938, Hitler decided to create a special category of privileged mixed marriages for interracial couples that had married before the Nuremberg Laws went into force. Jewish women married to German men were exempted from anti-Jewish measures. The same was true for Jewish men married to German women if they had children. In making these exceptions Hitler showed that he wanted to minimize the number of Germans who would be hurt by his campaign against the Jews.

Hitler’s preference for legal methods of isolating the Jews reflected his sensitivity to public opinion both at home and abroad. As Germany prepared to host the 1936 Olympic Games in Berlin, the Nazis wanted nothing to stain their law-and-order image. This had the unintended result of sending mixed signals to the Jews. Nazi antisemitic policies were designed to demoralize the Jews and induce them to emigrate. In fact, emigration was the original Nazi solution to the Jewish problem, and it remained in force until 1941. Economically and psychologically devastated, some Jews had left the country already or else planned to go soon. And yet most Jews still hoped that conditions would not get worse and that they could ride out the storm. Moreover, departing was never easy. Quite apart from the mental anguish involved in leaving home, it was hard to find a country willing to accept refugees in a time of world economic depression. Further complicating matters was the German emigration tax, which confiscated a considerable portion of an emigrant’s wealth. Hence only about 105,000 of the approximately 600,000 German Jews emigrated in the first four years of the Third Reich.

In 1937, as Hitler entered the fifth year of his dictatorship, he felt increasingly confident of his power and less dependent on conservatives at home or popular opinion abroad. In that year the dictator informed his generals of his plans for a war of conquest in the near future. To prepare for war he wanted to cleanse Germany by speeding the Jews on their way. Pressures to Aryanize Jewish businesses increased, as did random acts of anti-Jewish violence. Such acts were conspicuous accompaniments to Germany’s forcible Anschluss (union) with Austria in March 1938. Also in 1938 foreign Jews and Gypsies were expelled from the Reich. Radical pressures culminated in the Crystal Night pogroms of November 9–10, 1938, in which Nazi Storm Troopers, following orders from Berlin, vandalized Jewish shops and homes and burned 267 synagogues. Twenty thousand Jews were sent to concentration camps, and at least ninety-one were actually murdered. The American consul in Leipzig, David Buffum, described the pogroms as the carefully organized work of Nazi fanatics: Having demolished dwellings and hurled most of the movable effects onto the streets, the insatiably sadistic perpetrators threw many of the trembling inmates into a small stream that flows through the Zoological Park, commanding horrified spectators to spit at them, defile them with mud and jeer at their plight…. The slightest manifestation of sympathy evoked a positive fury on the part of the perpetrators, and the crowd was powerless to do anything but turn horror-stricken eyes from the scene of abuse, or leave the vicinity.² Soon thereafter Jews were excluded by law from every conceivable area of German life, including schools, universities, and business activities. The Aryanization of Germany’s culture and economy was complete.

Although relatively few ordinary Germans joined in the Crystal Night carnage, it was now abundantly clear to the Jews that the Nazi leaders wanted them out. As always, the problem was where to go. Most countries, including the United States and Western European nations such as France and Great Britain, restricted entry to those least likely to swell the welfare rolls—and immigrants, it was widely assumed, were sure to become wards of the state. The British limited Jewish immigration to Palestine in response to protests from the Arab majority there. The Evian Conference, held in July 1938 at the suggestion of American president Franklin D. Roosevelt with the goal of finding new homes for German Jewish refugees through intergovernmental cooperation, had been a conspicuous failure. The refugees’ plight was dramatized in May 1939 when 930 German Jews left Germany aboard the German luxury liner St. Louis, believing they would be admitted to Cuba. Refused permission to debark there, they sailed to the coast of the United States but were again rebuffed and forced to sail back to Europe.

To break through these obstacles, the German leaders in January 1939 established a Reich Central Office for Jewish Emigration under the direction of Reinhard Heydrich, chief of the Security Police and the Security Service of the SS. This office coordinated and streamlined everything involved in promoting Jewish emigration both legally and illegally. Whenever sufficient visas could not be obtained, the Germans simply chased groups of Jews across unguarded sections of Germany’s borders. All of these procedures were modeled on a smaller Central Office for Jewish Emigration established the previous year in Vienna by Adolf Eichmann, the SS specialist in Jewish affairs. Throughout this SS takeover of Jewish emigration, Eichmann continued to distinguish himself by his diligence. By 1939 the Jews were leaving at the rate of nearly 70,000 yearly, and only about 185,000 Jews were left in Germany proper when World War II began on September 1, 1939.

Jews were not the only racially dangerous group targeted by the Nazis for exclusion. Germany’s 30,000 Gypsies were identified as racially alien and subjected to the terms of the Nuremberg Laws; some were placed in special Gypsy camps. Male homosexuals, blamed for undermining the racial community by failing to produce children, were sometimes sent to regular concentration camps. As racial Germans they might (theoretically) be rehabilitated and returned to the community, but in fact few of those sent to concentration camps survived. A third group, also consisting of racial Germans, was already partially excluded by being confined to hospitals and nursing homes. These were the mentally and physically handicapped, considered dangerous carriers of hereditary diseases. The Nazis were firm believers in eugenics, the selective breeding of humans for the purpose of improving the race by weeding out the weak and inferior. Starting in 1934 they subjected the handicapped to compulsory sterilization, excluding their future progeny from the national community and, indeed, from life itself.

WAR AND THE BEGINNING OF GENOCIDE, 1939–1941

During the first two years of World War II, the Germans radicalized their racial policies with astonishing speed and began subjecting their victims to genocide. The first to be exterminated were the German handicapped, who were gassed during the very first year of the war. Simultaneously the Germans brutally ghettoized the Jews and Gypsies in occupied Poland and later extended the exclusionary policies already in force in Germany to occupied Western Europe. In June 1941, when Hitler widened his war by attacking the Soviet Union, the German armed forces were accompanied by special mobile killing squads whose orders were to kill Jews and other enemies of the Reich on Soviet territory. By the end of the year preparations were being made to exterminate the Jews and Gypsies in Europe. Evidently Hitler believed that he could camouflage genocide under the cover of war. The truth might eventually leak out, but a swift victory would render knowledge of mass murder moot.

The Euthanasia (T4) Program

The mass murder of mentally and physically handicapped Germans was planned shortly before the outbreak of war, in the spring of 1939. It began with the euthanasia of around 5,000 severely handicapped children in German hospitals during the winter of 1939–1940. This turned out to be merely a prelude to a massive expansion of the mercy killing of the handicapped at Hitler’s order in 1940 and 1941. Whether they had been sterilized or not, these individuals were held to be useless eaters, an economic drag on society, having lives not worth living. In a secret program, informally named T4 (after the address of the unit’s Berlin headquarters, Tiergartenstrasse 4), German doctors systematically killed at least 70,000 handicapped Germans: the mentally ill, retarded, blind, deaf, mute, senile, epileptic, and physically deformed. This was done chiefly at six killing centers where experiments revealed that the best method was injecting carbon monoxide gas into rooms disguised as showers. Although T4 was to be kept secret, word of it leaked out, and in 1941 courageous leaders of the Catholic and Protestant churches publicly denounced this murder of the defenseless. Early in August Bishop Galen of Münster delivered a stinging rebuke in a public sermon: Woe to mankind, woe to our German nation if God’s holy commandment, ‘Thou shalt not kill’ … is not only broken, but if this transgression is actually tolerated and permitted to go unpunished.³ Perhaps even more significant were protests from the German public. Hitler, infuriated at this interference but unwilling to risk dissension during wartime, officially ordered an end to gassings in the killing centers on August 24, 1941. However, the murders of handicapped Germans continued on a decentralized basis throughout the war and took perhaps another 80,000 lives.

T4 was both a logical extension of earlier exclusion policies and a precedent for the coming Final Solution of the Jewish problem. The killing centers developed techniques of mass murder that served as models for the extermination camps. Additionally, starting in 1941 T4 trained personnel would carry out mass murder on a far larger scale in the east.

Nazi Racial Policies in Occupied Poland

As the German armies swept across western and central Poland in September 1939, some 2,000,000 Polish Jews and smaller numbers of Gypsies and the handicapped were singled out for unusually brutal treatment. At first they were the targets of beatings, shootings, lootings, and other random acts of violence. Then the Germans set about conducting more organized atrocities. In the broad band of territory annexed directly to Germany, which constituted about one quarter of prewar Poland, the handicapped were brought under the umbrella of the T4 program and exterminated, whereas the Jews and Gypsies initially were to be rounded up for expulsion to the remaining Polish territory that was under German occupation. This territory, known as the General Government, was ruthlessly administered by Governor General Hans Frank in Kraków. The Germans briefly planned to establish a Jewish Reservation at Nisko, near Lublin in the General Government, and some Jews were actually sent there. However, the reservation was totally unprepared to accept large numbers of deportees, and those who were resettled there died by the thousands. German officials in the General Government as a whole protested that it could not accommodate such large numbers (more than 1,000,000) of Jews and Gypsies in addition to the multitudes of Poles who were also being deported there. Hence Nazi officials in the annexed territories relented and permitted the establishment of a large (with 160,000 inhabitants) ghetto in the industrial city of Łódź. This ghetto, intended as a purely temporary expedient, lasted until August 1944, in part because its leadership organized the ghetto inhabitants to produce essential war material for the Germans.

Throughout the annexed territories and the General Government the Germans confiscated the Jews’ property and gradually herded them into ghettos, where they were expected to perform various forms of forced labor. Comparatively small numbers of Gypsies went along with them. In carrying out these measures the Germans were helped by Volksdeutsche, ethnic Germans who had lived in Poland and other eastern European countries for generations. They were often the most enthusiastic supporters of ethnic cleansing.

There were a great many ghettos in the General Government, and they varied in size from the one in Warsaw, with 445,000 inhabitants, to small-town ghettos of only a few thousand. The largest ghettos and many of the small ones were sealed off from the remaining local populations, but a few of the ghettos were open to traffic back and forth. However, all of the ghettos had three features in common. First, they were governed by Jewish Councils that consisted of Jewish leaders appointed by and responsible to the Germans. Second, they were overcrowded and poorly supplied with food and medicines, resulting in many deaths from malnutrition and disease. Third, they were initially conceived of by the Germans as temporary holding pens until some place could be found to which the inhabitants could be permanently expelled.

Some German officials spoke of expelling the Jews to new homes in the East, presumably referring to the Soviet Union. Other German documents referred to Madagascar as a possible destination. Before the war began the Polish and French governments had discussed creating a home for the unwanted Jews of Europe on that Indian Ocean island off the coast of Africa, then a French colony (today the Malagasy Republic). Hitler had happily endorsed the idea. Once Germany conquered France in 1940, Madagascar was Hitler’s to dispose of as he saw fit, but only if he could defeat or sign an armistice with Great Britain and gain access to the sea routes. In the first years of the war Hitler believed that victory was imminent. Hence in this early stage of the struggle the German policy on Jews and Gypsies remained one aimed at expulsion rather than genocide. That changed at some point in 1941.

Germany and Occupied Western Europe

In these regions, too, the Germans prepared the Jews for expulsion to Madagascar or some other remote spot. In Germany itself the Nazi leaders in 1939 established a kind of Jewish Council, the Reich Association of Jews in Germany, and made it responsible for all the remaining German Jews. Most of the Jews who had lived in small towns moved to the big German cities where they found shelter with larger Jewish communities. There the Nazi authorities concentrated them in special Jewish apartment blocs, informal ghettos that further isolated the Jews from German society. The able-bodied were forced to work in war factories. In September 1941 Jews were required to display a yellow Star of David with the inscription Jude ( Jew) sewn on the front of their clothing whenever they appeared in public. In October the SS began systematic deportations of German Jews and Gypsies to ghettos in Eastern Europe, where they were made to share the fate of the victims already there. Later that same month SS leader Heinrich Himmler banned the voluntary emigration of Jews except in special cases that would enrich the Reich (that is, a few very rich Jews could, and did, buy their way out).

Following the German conquest in 1940 of most Western European countries—France, Belgium, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and Norway—policies there on Jews and Gypsies were brought into line with those in Germany. The Jews were registered, expropriated, denaturalized, isolated, and required to wear the yellow badge. The cooperation of local officials in carrying out these measures was made easier because the harshest treatment was always reserved for foreign Jews. In France, which had the largest Jewish population in Western Europe (350,000), officials of the collaborationist Vichy regime rounded up 25,000 foreign Jews and placed them in French concentration camps in preparation for future expulsion. In Western Europe deportations to the East did not begin until 1942. The only exception was Denmark, where the small Jewish population was relatively unmolested until 1943.

The Attack on the USSR and the Einsatzgruppen Actions

By early 1941 Hitler’s war against England had reached a stalemate. In order to bring the war to a rapid conclusion the dictator decided to attack the Soviet Union in the expectation that rapid victory there would also bring the British to their knees. Additionally, as Hitler saw it, conquest of the Soviet Union would solve the problem of German Lebensraum (living space) and bring about a final reckoning with the most dangerous Jews of all, the Russian Communists. Operation Barbarossa, as the attack was called, began on June 22, 1941. At first it was fabulously successful, penetrating all the way to Moscow before winter weather forced a temporary halt to the invasion. Vast sections of the western Soviet Union were placed under the administration of the leading Nazi Party theoretician, Alfred Rosenberg, who was named Reich Minister for the Eastern Occupied Territories.

Included in the planning of Operation Barbarossa was the formation of four Einsatzgruppen, mobile killing squads made up of Security Police and Security Service personnel. They were instructed to follow the invading German armies and kill primarily Jews but also Communist officials, Gypsies, and the handicapped. The single largest Einsatzgruppen massacre occurred at the end of September 1941 when 33,000 Jews and Gypsies from Kiev were shot and buried at Babi Yar just outside the city. Before the war was over these Einsatzgruppen had shot and buried in mass graves more than 1,000,000 defenseless civilians of all ages, often with cooperation from the German army. Units of the German Order Police engaged in similar actions. Jews and Gypsies not thus disposed of were herded into ghettos like those in Poland. The largest of these were in Minsk (100,000), Kovno (30,000), and Riga (30,000). In rounding up these victims the Germans needed the aid of volunteers from among the conquered peoples of the Soviet Union, especially the Ukrainians and Lithuanians. Called Hiwis, these volunteers were also trained to help guard labor and extermination camps.

During the early phase of the war against the USSR, vast numbers of Soviet soldiers were also taken captive. As subhuman Slavs they were not treated according to the rules of war but rather were shot or mistreated in prisoner of war camps. More than 3,000,000 Soviet soldiers perished after surrendering to the Germans. The racially inferior Polish, Russian, and Ukrainian civilians, too, were starved and exploited. Food and other resources needed to sustain life in Eastern Europe were sent to Germany. Before the war was over millions of Slavic civilians were dead.

The mass murder of Soviet Jews by the Einsatzgruppen may have been part of an existing overall plan to kill every Jew in Europe, although we cannot be certain of this. But three facts are certain. First, the astounding brutality of the war in the Soviet Union nurtured extremist thinking about ways to solve the Jewish problem. Hitler had told his generals to carry out a war of extermination in the USSR, resulting in increasingly desperate resistance by the defending Red Army. Second, the refusal of the Soviet Union to collapse on schedule spoiled German plans to deport the Jews of Poland, Germany, and Western Europe in the near future. Overcrowding and disease in the East European ghettos worried German occupation officials about how much longer they could cope with so many Jews and Gypsies. The fact that Soviet Jews were being murdered seemed to suggest that killing them was an acceptable alternative to having them die slowly in captivity. Third, the Einsatzgruppen were proving imperfect instruments of mass murder. Shooting people one by one took too much time and was too visible. Worse, the men of those killing squads found mass murder so stressful that nervous breakdowns and alcoholism were common. Late in 1941 SS officials began searching for a more efficient and less public method of mass extermination. In September they carried out experimental gassings of Soviet prisoners of war at what was then the small Polish concentration camp at Auschwitz. In November construction of what were to become extermination camps began at Bełzec and Chełmno, and in December Jews and Gypsies were being killed in gas vans at Chelmno. Hence many scholars believe that by the end of 1941 what the Germans called the Final Solution to the European Jewish Problem had begun.

THE FINAL SOLUTION, 1941–1944

The actual plan for the Final Solution was conveyed to the heads of other German government agencies by Reinhard Heydrich at the Wannsee Conference in 1942. This plan involved sending Jews from all over German-controlled Europe to ghettos, labor camps, and extermination camps in the East. The impact of these policies varied from country to country, and much depended on where the victims lived. News of the camps filtered out, but it was not always believed, and even when it was believed it was difficult to interpret. Many of the victims found ways to resist their tormentors, but for various reasons armed resistance was not a common response during the Holocaust.

The Wannsee Conference

In July 1941 Reich Marshall Hermann Göring, after Hitler the most powerful German leader, had authorized SS security chief Reinhard Heydrich to draw up an overall plan of the organizational, functional, and material measures to be taken in preparing for the implementation of the aspired final solution of the Jewish question.⁴ Heydrich headed the Reich Security Main Office, which coordinated all German police and security agencies in Germany and the occupied countries. It took him nearly six months to come up with a plan, which suggests that Nazi policies may still have been in flux at that time. Heydrich called a meeting of leading government, party, and SS officials at Wannsee, a suburb of Berlin, on January 20, 1942, to inform them of the project. Hitler, he stated, had authorized the systematic deportation of all 11,000,000 European Jews to camps in Eastern Europe. There they would be forced to work for the Germans until they dropped. Gypsies were not mentioned at the conference, but in practice they would be included in the deportations. Nor was any specific mention made of extermination camps, but it was made clear that those incapable of work would be dealt with appropriately. (The Nazi leaders always used the euphemisms Final Solution and special treatment to keep the genocide a secret.) Adolf Eichmann, who took the official notes of the Wannsee Conference, was placed in charge of arresting and deporting the victims to the camps. Once the various agencies represented at the conference had agreed to cooperate, the Final Solution could proceed.

Ghettos

At Wannsee Heydrich spoke of sweeping Europe from west to east. In practice, the Germans found it preferable to deal first with the far larger populations of Jews and Gypsies in Eastern Europe. There most of the Jews were already concentrated in urban ghettos, and some of these were emptied during 1942 and their residents sent to labor and extermination camps. But not all the ghettos could be liquidated during the first year of the Final Solution. It took time to complete the forced labor and killing installations, and even then their capacities were limited. Moreover, several of the ghettos were proving useful to the Germans. Ghetto factories and workshops were turning out everything from uniforms for German soldiers to toys for German children. Sometimes these enterprises were owned and run by German businessmen, such as Oskar Schindler in Kraków. Elsewhere, as in Łódź, the Jews organized and ran the factories themselves. Hence these ghettos were permitted to last into 1943 and, in a few cases, 1944.

The Jewish Councils that ran the ghettos for the Germans hoped that such productivity would make the Jews indispensable to the war effort and buy life for at least some of them. Hence the councils sought to maintain strict order and to combat all forms of armed resistance to the Germans, believing that disorder or uprisings would bring down massive retaliation on the whole ghetto. Jewish police forces were organized by the councils to keep the ghettos in line and, whenever necessary, to hand troublemakers over to the Germans. Sometimes the police were also expected to supervise the roundups and deportations from the ghetto, as ordered by the Germans; at other times the Germans came in to do the job themselves.

Naturally the Jewish Council members and their families and employees, including the police, were the last to be deported, and they often enjoyed other privileges as well, such as better rations and living quarters. All of this made them controversial in the ghettos, but as they themselves saw it someone had to hold the Germans at bay and keep at least some ghetto inhabitants alive. Some Jewish Council leaders went out of their way to impress the Germans and emulate their authoritarian style, as did Mordecai Chaim Rumkowski, Eldest of the Jews, in Łódź. Other Jewish Council leaders played the dangerous game of working with the Jewish underground while giving priority to keeping the Germans satisfied, as did Jacob Gens, chief of the Vilna Jewish Council. Council leaders who did not do as they were told were replaced, and defiance in the ghettos led to immediate roundups followed by mass shootings or deportations. Some council heads despaired. When Adam Czerniaków, chairman of the Warsaw Jewish Council, learned in July 1942 that he could do nothing to halt the massive deportations from the ghetto, he committed suicide. More compliant leadership took his place.

For ghetto inhabitants life was a constant struggle to obtain food and avoid deportation. The Germans granted them only the most minimal food supplies—sometimes as little as 500 calories a day per person—and the smuggling of food was essential to survival. The Jewish Councils typically established soup kitchens and rationing to assure that everyone got something to eat. But it was never enough, and disease and malnutrition brought on high death rates. Equally vital to survival was having a job. Without a work card certifying gainful employment, ghetto dwellers were vulnerable to being rounded up and deported at any time. Newly arriving Jews from Germany and Western Europe, as well as those herded in from nearby towns and villages, had to be accommodated, another task that fell to the Jewish Councils. Jews in the ghettos, sometimes acting independently of the councils, also worked to keep spirits alive by organizing schools, concerts, plays, libraries, literary societies, and open or clandestine religious services. Secret archives, such as the Oneg Shabbat organized by Emmanuel Ringelblum in Warsaw, documented and preserved the history of life in the ghettos.

Cooperating with the Germans and promoting Jewish survival were the two poles of Jewish Council policies, but ultimately they could not be reconciled. By August 1944 the last of the big ghettos, Łódź, was being liquidated. Only one ghetto survived to the end, and it was a special case. The Germans made Theresienstadt, a town in occupied Czechoslovakia, into a model ghetto for privileged Jews, especially elderly German and Austrian Jews and Jewish war veterans who had fought for Germany in World War I. Comparatively good conditions there were exploited by the Germans when they took inquisitive Red Cross representatives on a tour of the ghetto in June 1944. At the same time German propagandists made a film of the ghetto showing idyllic conditions. In fact, the ghetto was usually overcrowded, and there were frequent deportations to camps in Poland. Especially in the last year of the war food and sanitary conditions deteriorated and deaths from disease rose. Of the nearly 140,000 Jews sent to Theresienstadt, fewer than 17,000 were freed when the ghetto was liberated in May 1945.

Forced Labor

Jews and Gypsies deported from Eastern European ghettos or from their homes or camps elsewhere in Europe were put through "selections." These might happen in a ghetto before deportation, at the final destination, or during a temporary stop at a transit camp along the way. Selections separated those who were capable of (and needed for) work from those who were not. The former usually went to labor camps and concentration camps; the latter went to extermination camps.

The labor camps were both very numerous and extremely varied. Most of them were in Poland, but others could be found in the Soviet Union and in Germany itself. Some labor camps, such as those located at the armaments plants at Skarzysko-Kamienna and Cz stochowa in Poland, were enormous. Others might have only a few hundred workers. Some were placed next to existing factories, but in other cases the workers built both their own camps and the factories in which they worked from scratch. Although some labor camps were owned lock, stock, and barrel by the SS, others were operated by the German army, the Luftwaffe, the Organisation Todt (German construction battalions), and private German firms. But all of them were under the jurisdiction of local SS and police leaders. Assisting the German authorities were guards, often Ukrainian Hiwis, and prisoner functionaries consisting of the camp senior and his helpers. In 1943 most of the labor camps were absorbed into the concentration camp system, becoming concentration camps in their own right or else external subcamps of existing concentration camps. The rest were shut down and their prisoners deported or killed.

Other prisoners were sent to forced labor in concentration camps, the numbers of which increased dramatically as they spread from Germany to other parts of Hitler’s wartime empire. Most Jews in the prewar German concentration camps were deported to new concentration camps in the East. In all these new camps the existing system of colored triangles distinguished the categories of prisoners: red for political prisoners; green for common criminals; black for asocials, including Gypsies; and pink for homosexuals. Jews had an inverted yellow triangle sewn over a red one, forming a Star of David. Only at Auschwitz and its satellite camps were the working prisoners tattooed with their serial numbers on the left forearm. Jewish inmates had a triangle added to their tattoos to distinguish them from non-Jews.

In order to run the labor camps as efficiently as possible, the SS carried over an administrative system from the German concentration camps that placed important aspects of camp life in the hands of prisoner functionaries. These included capos, who acted as foremen of prisoner work details; block seniors, who were responsible for the prisoners when they were in their barracks; clerks, who kept camp records and made work assignments; and runners, usually teenagers who carried messages all over the camps. Their authority was backed up by enforcers, prisoners armed with whips and truncheons. All of these prisoner functionaries were responsible to a camp senior, a prisoner who reported directly to the camp commandant, usually an SS officer. At times the SS gave these jobs to the professional criminals among the prisoners, confident that they would demonstrate the requisite lack of pity. At other times, and especially when superior organizing skills were needed, the Germans appointed Jews and other political prisoners to the positions.

The prisoner functionaries had considerable power in the camps, and they were rewarded by being given special privileges, such as private sleeping quarters, more and better food, and exemption from harsh work details. Because these could be withdrawn at any time, members of this camp aristocracy worked hard to satisfy the SS, often treating their fellow prisoners with unbelievable cruelty. As one survivor recalled: If he [the prisoner functionary] lost his position, he would go down just like the others, and he was ready, rather, to kill a hundred others. The Germans didn’t have to bother with the whole camp population at all; just appoint one Jew, and then he would arrange everything in the best order to their satisfaction, and very often, much beyond their demands.⁵ But that was not always the case. Some of the prisoner functionaries used their positions to shield their comrades from the very worst treatment by faking beatings, reassigning threatened prisoners to easier work details, and sending the sick to infirmaries where prisoner doctors could look after them.

The Germans spoke of forced labor as extermination through work. This was an appropriate description, for only the fittest prisoners could survive backbreaking work, long hours, brutal punishments, poor and insufficient food, and inadequate medical care. The SS was not alone in profiting from their misery. Giant German firms such as the chemicals conglomerate I. G. Farben, the aircraft manufacturer Heinkel, and the armaments firm Krupp exploited forced labor. Camp products included raw materials such as food and coal as well as all sorts of industrial products, such as synthetic rubber, textiles, aircraft parts, rifle and artillery shells, and electronic components. Toward the end of the war prisoners in Eastern European camps were also sent out to dig trenches for the retreating German army.

Surviving forced labor required both determination and luck. A prisoner had to be determined to survive and willing to take chances to do it. This might include volunteering for extra work in return for additional rations or risking the wrath of some powerful prisoner to ask for a better work assignment. Or it might mean stealing food from the kitchen or faking an illness and hiding from selections and deportations in the sick ward. A prisoner who lost this determination, who gave up—in camp slang a Muselmann—was considered to be as good as dead. Such persons either died in the camp or were identified at the frequent camp selections for shooting or deportation to an extermination camp. But prisoners had only limited opportunities to take risks and thus determine their fate. More often than not luck played a decisive role. Did the Germans happen to need workers on the day of your selection? Did you have a skill they could use? Were you young and healthy? Was the prisoner in charge of work assignments from your hometown or country? Any number of purely fortuitous situations could tip the balance one way or the other.

Extermination

Jews and Gypsies who were sent to extermination camps were too young, too old, or too sick to work, women with children, or simply not needed for forced labor. Four of the six extermination camps were devoted almost entirely to mass murder: Chełmno, Bełzec, Sobibór, and Treblinka. No large labor or concentration camps were attached to them, and only a few hundred prisoners were kept alive there to dispose of the bodies (the work of the Sonderkommando), sort the victims’ belongings, and generally assist the SS in running the camps. The two remaining camps, Majdanek and Auschwitz, were extermination and concentration camps combined. In these camps selections done upon entry determined who lived or died. At the other camps, arrival almost invariably meant death that very day.

Chełmno, just north