Location via proxy:   [ UP ]  
[Report a bug]   [Manage cookies]                
Everand Logo

Welcome to Everand!

  • Discover millions of ebooks, audiobooks, and so much more with a free trial

    From $11.99/month after trial. Cancel anytime.

    Beyond the Two-State Solution
    Beyond the Two-State Solution
    Beyond the Two-State Solution
    Ebook111 pages2 hours

    Beyond the Two-State Solution

    By Jonathan Kuttab

    ()

    Read preview

    About this ebook

    Beyond the Two-State Solution, by Jonathan Kuttab, is a short introduction to the ongoing crisis in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Zionism and Palestinian Nationalism have been at loggerheads for over a century. Some thought the two-state solution would resolve the conflict between them. Kuttab explains that the two-state solution (that he supported) is no longer viable. He suggests that any solution be predicated on the basic existential needs of the two parties, needs he lays out in exceptional detail. He formulates a way forward for a 1-state solution that challenges both Zionism and Palestinian Nationalism. This book invites readers to begin a new conversation based on reality: two peoples will need to live together in some sort of unified state. It is balanced and accessible to neophytes and to experts alike.

    LanguageEnglish
    PublisherNonviolence International
    Release dateDec 1, 2020
    ISBN9781393968559
    Beyond the Two-State Solution

    Related to Beyond the Two-State Solution

    Related ebooks

    Politics For You

    View More
    View More

    Related podcast episodes

    Related articles

    Related categories

    Reviews for Beyond the Two-State Solution

    0 ratings

    0 ratings0 reviews

    What did you think?

    Tap to rate

    Review must be at least 10 words

      Book preview

      Beyond the Two-State Solution - Jonathan Kuttab

      What others have to say about this book!

      Whatever your position about the conflict between Arab and Jew, Kuttab will make you re-think it. A brilliantly even-handed assessment of what might work in Palestine/Israel. Based on Kuttab’s many years of first-hand involvement with what is happening on the ground. Dr. John Quigley, President’s Club Professor of Law, Moritz College of Law, Ohio State University

      It's great and an excellent contribution and push toward the conversation shifts that are emerging – yet still so lacking – in this moment. I look forward to seeing this booklet become an important part of the paradigm shifts we deeply need!  Oriel Eisner, Director, Center for Jewish Nonviolence

      Wow, it’s amazing. I am deeply impressed and absolutely encourage, even insist, that people read it. I am completely inspired by Jonathan Kuttab's clear, concise and much needed vision of the future grounded in the realities of history and the longings of both people for equity, dignity and security. Rabbi Lynn Gottlieb

      This book is the start of a renewed conversation, a new frame, to end the current impasse which is causing so much suffering. It is for the reader to decide and to commit themselves to be part of real solutions to the conflict rather than irrelevant discussions about antiquated solutions. Mubarak Awad, Founder, Nonviolence International

      "Jonathan Kuttab's Beyond the Two-State Solution is a treasured pathway to peaceful and just change.  Kuttab is a Palestinian American who has listened carefully and responded deeply, giving all of us who have worked and prayed for the imprisoned on both sides of the crumbling Green Line a possibility of seizing together a Kairos moment. This carefully crafted monograph is a trail marker for real change and reduction of heart, soul, and physical suffering." Thomas R. Getman, past Director for International Relations, World Vision

      Beyond the Two-State Solution

      By Jonathan Kuttab

      Nonviolence International

      Washington, DC   2020

      Nonviolence International

      Copyright © 2020 by Nonviolence International

      A close up of a sign Description automatically generated

      CC BY-NC-ND: This license allows reusers to copy and distribute the material in any medium or format in unadapted form only, for noncommercial purposes only, and only so long as attribution is given to the creator. 

      Kuttab, Jonathan

      Beyond the Two-State Solution

      The cover is designed by Slava Klimov.  

      The cover painting by Kamal Boullata, 1970s, oil on canvas, is held in a private collection.

      Maps are courtesy of Amnesty International, and the Applied Research Institute – Jerusalem.

      Printed in the United States of America.

      .

      Nonviolence International

      https://www.nonviolenceinternational.net/

      Table of Contents

      1: Basic Conflict

      2: The Grand Compromise

      3: Settlements – the Fly in the Ointment

      4: Collapse of the Grand Compromise

      5: Three Attempts at Removing Settlers

      6: The Oslo Process and the Trump Plan

      7: Survival of the Language

      8: Minimum Requirements

      9: The Vision

      10: Constitutional Guarantees

      11: Objections and Challenges

      12: False Democracy and the Demographic Demon

      13: Unique Features

      14: How to Get There

      Executive Summary

      1: Basic Conflict

      The complex conflict in the Middle East, which fuels endless enmities and a clash of civilization between the East and West and underlies, or exacerbates numerous additional conflicts, can be boiled down to a major struggle between two mutually exclusive ideologies. Each ideology comes with its own narrative, long list of grievances, and a credible demand on the sympathies and resources of large populations and players from outside the region. These two are the Palestinian Arab Nationalist movement and the Jewish Zionist movement. Both movements developed and grew at roughly the same time and laid claim to the same land. They each demanded the support and sympathy of millions within and outside the region as they engaged in their struggles. 

      The Arab Nationalist movement in Palestine saw itself as a nationalist liberation struggle against foreign colonialists and occupiers. It saw itself as part of the Arab—and indeed part of the Third World anti-colonial struggle for liberation and self-determination. It had little knowledge of and no sympathy for the Zionist movement. It viewed Zionism only as an ally to and an extension of western colonialism, and indeed as a settler colonial movement encroaching on their homeland. It saw no legitimacy to the Zionist movement and viewed it as a mortal existential threat to itself and its homeland. Most Palestinians did not see Jews as a national entity, but as adherents to a venerated monotheistic religion. The connection of Jews to the Land was viewed as a hoax and a pretext. While Palestinians recognized that the Holy land is indeed sacred to Jews, Moslems and Christians, they viewed any political or national claim to their land as a colonial enterprise. Any attempt by Zionists to establish a foothold in Palestine, through land purchases, Jewish immigration, or otherwise, was viewed with determined hostility. Even after the Holocaust in Europe, the massive influx of Jewish refugees into Palestine and their successful creation of the state of Israel, this continued to be the dominant Palestinian view.

      The power of the new state with its massive victories and advances only re-enforced this. Palestinians continued to see Israel as an illegitimate enterprise lacking in any historical, moral, or legal justification. Israel was merely present as a hostile, invading, settler-colonial presence, established by the West at the expense of Palestinians on Palestinian land, and displacing the legitimate indigenous Palestinian population. Except for the small number of indigenous Palestinian Jews, who were viewed as Palestinians of the Jewish faith, the Palestinian nationalist movement recognized no other rights for Zionists or Jews in their homeland and yearned to reverse their displacement by these foreigners.

      On the other hand, the Zionist movement developed in ignorance or total dismissal of the indigenous Arab population. Their movement was a European movement intended to create a Jewish state in Palestine and the gathering of Jews from all over the world into that state. Their slogan was a land without a people for a people without a land. They developed their ideology for the ingathering of Jews into Eretz Yisrael based on historical ties, religious connection, and the necessity of finding a solution to European Christian antisemitism by creating a Jewish State in Palestine. They sometimes referred to this as the liberation movement of the Jewish people and spoke in terms of resisting British colonial rule but did not pay much attention to the existing indigenous Arab population. Those like Ze’ev Jabotinsky, who thought at all about the local population, knew it would be unreasonable to expect anything but resistance from them. He felt that only by convincing them of the futility of resistance through an iron wall of vastly superior military strength could there be any peace at all. To this day, many Zionists view the Arab nationalist movement as an extension of worldwide antisemitism. They see the presence and ideology of Palestinian nationalism as a threat to their very existence which must be resisted at all costs. 

      It is no wonder that the two movements clashed. Their awareness of each other was entirely antagonistic. Palestinian nationalism totally rejected Zionism and its claims and saw it as a mortal enemy and a continuing existential threat. Zionists on the other hand, dreamt of spiriting away the local population, and insisted on conflating it with the rest of the Arab world. They wanted the Arab world to accept the new Jewish state and find a solution to Palestinian Arabs by absorbing them into their numerous states and leave Palestine to Jews. The ideology of Zionism had no room for Palestinian Arab nationalism or indeed for any Arabs in historic Palestine at all. Arabs may be tolerated as individuals, but only if they accepted that the state belonged to the Jews, and they were there as individuals and only on sufferance. The new state insisted that Jordan or some other Arab state represent their interest, and indeed for a long time

      Enjoying the preview?
      Page 1 of 1