The Restaurant: A 2,000-Year History of Dining Out

The

RESTAURANT

Diversion Books

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Copyright © 2020 by William Sitwell

All rights reserved, including the right to reproduce this book or portions thereof in any form whatsoever.

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The author and publishers have made all reasonable efforts to contact copyright-holders for permission, and apologize for any omissions or errors in the form of credits given. Corrections may be made to future printings.

First Diversion Books edition April 2020

Hardcover ISBN: 978-1-6357-6699-8

eBook ISBN: 978-1-6357-6709-4

First published in Great Britain by Simon & Schuster UK Ltd, 2020 A CBS COMPANY

Printed in China

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Library of Congress cataloging-in-publication data is available on file.

Contents

Introduction

The tentacles of inspiration wrap around the world; they cross continents, they infiltrate cultures and they instill themselves in people’s minds. They also curl themselves along the course of history. Sometimes the tentacles pause; sometimes they seem to stop altogether, before springing up centuries later and in a very different place.

Those tentacles—those roots of the restaurant story—I will endeavor to describe in this book.

From the ancient to the futuristic, there are few things quite as multifarious as a restaurant. It is a business, a hobby, a passion and a calamity. Between a restaurateur and a chef, or the two combined, it takes ingenuity, business acumen, creativity, technical expertise, design or artistic sensibility, accounting sense, literacy, people skills, public relations proficiency, marketing know-how, negotiating talent—and it helps if you can cook.

Restaurants can be dreamt up in a passion and gobbled up in a frenzy. They can be wild successes or horrendous failures. As many fortunes have been made, many people have been ruined.

The history of eating out is a story of politics, of terror, of courage, of madness, of luck, of innovation, of art, of love and of quiet, earnest endeavor.

It is a story that could be explained by simply studying individuals with unique attributes, whose passions and foresight saw them open extraordinary places, implement novel kitchens, or settle on a manner of service or a style of food that changed the way many of us ate.

And, across the pages of this book, you will find such people. There is the amazing fourteenth-century Ibn Battuta, who journeyed and ate out in forty countries over thirty years, bringing home ideas and writing about his culinary adventures for people to learn from. And the nineteenth-century Frenchman, Marie-Antoine Carême, who created serious distinction between the food of the professional kitchen and that of the home.

You’ll meet Juvencio Maldonado, a Mexican-born immigrant in New York City, whose patented taco machine from 1951 unleashed a fast-food craze. And Yoshiaki Shiraishi, whose 1958 sushi conveyor belt revolutionized the eating of fish.

There are the Roux bothers, Albert and Michel, who transformed the bleak dining scene of postwar Britain as they opened Le Gavroche in London in 1967, training and inspiring generations of chefs. And Alice Waters, who, with her US counterculture restaurant Chez Panisse in California, attempted to beat down the beasts of fast food with her love of the farmer and the seasons.

These men and women have influenced others in countries thousands of miles from their own. Millions have tasted their personal philosophies, wittingly or unwittingly, for good or ill.

But, if this book rests on the great man/woman theory, it also firmly posits the theory of unintended consequences. The French revolutionary Maximilien Robespierre did not foresee that his politics—or bloody methods of implementing them—would usher in an era of fine dining. Nor did Richard and Maurice McDonald predict that their business’s spiral into a global monster would inspire people like Alice Waters to create a completely opposite type of restaurant.

Intended or not, restaurants have been instruments and symbols of transformation. They can signpost both the decline and success of a nation—or, indeed, an empire. The extraordinary sophistication of the dining scene of ancient Pompeii was indicative of the Roman Empire’s vision, breadth, sophistication and prosperity. The bleak restaurant scene of the United Kingdom after the Second World War showed quite how the horrors and disruption of conflict had damaged both the country’s food culture and palate. Fast-forward to 2018, London’s status as a global player was exemplified by its dining scene—this time in a positive light. In the words of the restaurateur and designer Sir Terence Conran, the UK capital went from a culinary joke to being the absolute envy of the world.

Yet Conran’s view reflects another theme in the story of restaurants: the constant fantasy of the glory of the present. Writers frequently assert that there is no better time to dine out than now, but, some twenty years before Conran’s remarks, in 1997, The Good Food Guide pronounced that there has never been a more exciting time to eat out.

And what of the much-maligned restaurant scene in the decades of postwar Britain? The film director and Sunday Times newspaper critic Michael Winner once referred to it as: The golden period of the 1950s, when food tasted like it was meant to be.

In 1791, Samuel Johnson wrote that there is nothing which has yet been contrived by man, by which so much happiness is produced, as by a good tavern or inn. So the food can’t have been too awful then. And how about in 1170, when William Fitzstephen’s Description of London talked of a public eating house, open day and night, where everything desirable is instantly procured?

If it were true that eating out only became worth thinking about relatively recently, the story would be a rather narrow one. But I don’t believe that—and, if you travel back a few thousand years with me, I might be able to convince you, too. While some of the tales might be considered more eating away than out, I still think they are relevant, as the graduation from away to out influenced the restaurants of the future.

Of course, the modern world, with its possibilities of communication and travel, means that millions are now lucky to have developed much broader and experienced palates. And that heightens the symbolism of the restaurant, for many of us can now judge a nation by its food. Indeed, a restaurant alone can provide people with a reason to travel. Restaurants have become as vital to culture as museums, art, nightclubs or beaches, and are now just as crucial as the landscape, the people or climate of a country.

But, while restaurants are a reason to travel, they are also a reason not to. If you live in a city with brilliant vendors of the cuisine of India, China, Japan, Peru, France or Italy, then why bother getting on a plane? In the words of the British writer Nicholas Lander: Menus represent the least expensive form of travel.

And, just as restaurants can be symbolic of a country, so, too, can they be a status symbol for the diner. How complex the idea of dining out becomes when the reason someone picks a restaurant is because of the reflected glory they believe they revel in by simply being there.

Tell me where you eat and I will tell you what you are, wrote historian John Burnett (deftly editing the words of his predecessor Jean Anthelme Brillat-Savarin). That conversation about your favorite restaurants might be more nuanced than you think, as you demonstrate your credentials based on the type of establishment you enthuse about. Perhaps you need to add some vegan cafés in among the smart/casual fashionable eateries you keep talking about.

Restaurants have also become forms of entertainment, if not an intrinsic part of the entertainment industry. One wonders if some of them are merely an adjunct to a chef’s TV show or book-publishing career. It can be hard to see which is the product and which is the marketing tool. Some chefs open restaurants after winning televised cooking competitions, and some win such competitions after having run restaurants, going on to cook only for television.

Yet, as restaurants have become part of the leisure business, so their raison d’être has become less defined. If you need to take exercise, walk or run to make space for dinner, should you even go out to eat? What mad kind of world do we live in where people go to restaurants when they’re not hungry? But, of course, food is not the only reason we eat out. As the British restaurant critic A. A. Gill once put it: You go to a restaurant because you have an appetite, and appetite is not the same as hunger.

Whatever the shape or form of a place where we eat out, its inspirations are varied and multifaceted. And they are often the joyous result of immigration, whereby food has been introduced by a community to satisfy its own people—the Japanese communities of North America in the 1960s or the Bangladeshi immigrants in the East End of London in the 1940s, for example—but then the host nation has got a taste of it, and, while its citizens may have disparaged the original immigration that brought it about, they enjoy the cuisine so much that they embrace it, before assuming it as a key part of their own culture (as in the case of Britain with Indian food).

However, before you tackle this complex and wonderful story, I feel I should add an apology. This is my history of eating out, written within 272 pages, so there are many people, restaurants and stories not mentioned herein. There are whole countries and cuisines that have not made the final cut, but whose food and restaurants remain as delicious as they are influential. I apologize to them, and I apologize to you for not covering them.

But the storyteller’s privilege is to tell his own tale. This is not a countdown of the best restaurants of all time or a list of the greatest chefs, finest ovens or most innovative kitchen tools ever. The stories I have chosen to tell will give you a delicious backstory. It’s also a narrative that shapes the modern world we live in today.

William Sitwell

Weston, Northamptonshire

1

The Romans

An inn discovered in ancient Pompeii reveals a city with a very sophisticated array of hotels, bars and restaurants.

August 23, AD 79. A blazing hot day on which we can imagine a citizen of Pompeii stumbling out into the street from his favorite bar. It could have been the Inn of Primus, a very real watering hole situated on the north-east corner of Holconius’s crossroads. From the main entrance, he steps out onto the Via dell′Abbondanza. This, the main street of the town, once dissected a metropolis of some 12,000 souls and stretches out for almost a kilometer.

Perhaps our friend, weary from drink—wine, possibly, which was watered down to suit a customer’s taste—and wishing to avoid the crowds of this Pompeiian Oxford Street, a Fifth Avenue of the ancient world, turns right out of the bar and then takes a sharp right again down the narrower Via Stabiana. He passes the open window of Primus’s, where a counter abuts the street, offering food to go. There’s even a wide step up to it so that passers-by, our worse-for-wear Pompeiian included, don’t bump into it as they make their way down the busy little street.

This Primus regular, irritable from the heady mix of alcohol and losing at dice, wishes merely to get home for a siesta. He looks ahead of him down Stabiana, the view into the distance dominated by the hulk of a mountain. This is Vesuvius. Having grown up with this large feature of the landscape, it is as familiar to him as his own hands. But today there is something unusual about it. From the summit of the mountain, a thin plume of smoke can be seen—what the younger poet Pliny described as looking like an umbrella pine.

The thoroughfare of Via dell’Abbondanza—a Fifth Avenue of the ancient world—was filled with popular eating and drinking establishments visited by rich and poor. Emperor Nero, even, was known to frequent such taverns.

There had also been a rumble that morning, an earth tremor that residents of the town had remarked upon. But they were not uncommon; this part of Campania often experienced such minor shakes—the gods grumbling, perhaps, like humans did when offered a bad hand at the gambling table. Certainly Vesuvius’s smoke and a minor rattling of the ground would not have alarmed the residents of the town, nor would they have connected the two. Indeed, the idea that a volcano such as Vesuvius might erupt was ridiculous. While there had been a serious earthquake seven years previously, she hadn’t actually erupted for 1,500 years.

And so we follow our man as he stumbles home, ducking and weaving along the vast cobblestones, attempting to avoid both pedestrian and stray dog. Once home, maybe he takes another few drinks, pushing him beyond sunset and into the night. And then, fully sated, he retires to bed, falling into a deep sleep. Perhaps the effects of the best part of a day at Primus’s meant that one of the gods looked kindly upon him and never woke him up.

For August 24 arrives and visits upon the little city of Pompeii a tragedy. Within hours, Vesuvius does erupt, spewing lava, deadly fumes and dust across the region. A great number of Pompeii’s residents die quickly, unable to escape from their houses. Those who do escape with their lives return in the weeks or months that follow to look for their possessions, their houses and the bodies of loved ones, but in vain.

An airtight blanket of ash and lava has coated the city. Rainfall has set the lava to pumice stone. Recovery of anything—human or inanimate—is impossible. So they give up. Pompeii disappears from the map. And, for eighteen centuries, it remains that way.

Excavations continue today after some 250 years, but what the visitor can see is, in the words of one historian, the Pompeiians, their joys, sorrows, their work and play, their virtues and vices.

And nowhere is this more pertinent than in a scribbler’s searches for concrete evidence of the dining scene of the Roman Empire over 2,000 years ago. For, as we all know, eating out is at the heart of things: be it fueling happiness, appeasing grief, aiding and abetting both business and pleasure, or encouraging our best and our worst natures.

And, because Pompeii did not seek nor anticipate the oblivion that struck it, what we see is truth. It is a town that was in full swing at the very moment the Roman Empire was at its peak. Pompeii in ad 79 was a big deal. It was a shining example of the Roman dream, the magnificent vision that meant a citizen of Rome could travel across the empire knowing that he was protected by a unified legal system and a single administrative language, and that, if he wished to buy drinks, snacks and meals, he needed only one currency. The empire’s downfall was precipitated by Barbarian invasions at its furthest borders—some say the upshot of uncontrolled immigration. Arguably, the last Roman emperor was Romulus Augustulus, but, while he may have been the final emperor, thus technically the most disastrous, he wasn’t so egregious as to offer the people a referendum…

So there was not a whiff of impending doom when Pompeii was trending in the ad 70s. All that was good in the empire was great in Pompeii—law, technology, culture, language, religion, architecture, food, drink… And the town was well situated, too. Geographically, it was by the sea, but also nestling between the warm waters of the Mediterranean and the slopes of Mount Vesuvius in the region of Campania, a fertile area whose land, soil and slopes were perfect for the growing of vines.

The wines of the region were famous and its makers enjoyed a healthy export business. Indeed, the most famous wine of ancient Greece, Falernian, from Aglianico grapes, was produced on nearby Mount Falernus. This prized white wine was often made from late-harvested grapes and left to mature in amphoras until it oxidized, taking on a rusty color and packing a punch with a high alcohol content. A price list on the wall of a bar in Pompeii states: For one [coin] you can drink wine / For two you can drink the best / For four you can drink Falernian.

Shaded by Mount Vesuvius and cooled by the sea, Pompeii had it all. A tourist destination, a fashionable seaport, a magnet for the smart set, an outward-looking internationalist stopping point for traders and businesspeople. That the amphitheater could seat 20,000 spectators indicates that people would visit Pompeii from neighboring towns, if not further afield. It was, in the words of Cambridge Classics professor Dame Mary Beard, a cross between Las Vegas and Brighton.

It was to Pompeii that Romans came for partying—to gamble, to find girls, to eat and to drink. And both visitors and residents were well catered for. Hospitality was a cornerstone of the town, if not the wider empire.

The term originates from the word hospes, which describes a Roman who is connected to a fellow Roman by ties of hospitality. The word was both legal and sacred. It was stronger than blood. They even had a God who oversaw it. It fell under the remit of Jupiter (also known as Zeus in Greek mythology), when he wasn’t dealing with sky and thunder, to watch over ius hospitia, the law of hospitality.

And so it applied to all, rich or poor, as a unifying concept. Regardless of your wealth, one was expected to embrace and offer hospitality. Perhaps it developed from more mercurial intentions. If Romans were hospitable wherever they went, it helped expand the empire both by enabling traders to do business more comfortably and by softening up those who were about to be conquered. And, if the latter didn’t succumb, the Romans slaughtered them anyway.

So traders, merchants and sailors arrived in towns and cities across the empire seeking and expecting a warm welcome—comfort, food, company and a little entertainment. As the historian Livy wrote of Rome: Throughout the city, the front gates of the houses were thrown open and all sorts of things placed for general use in the open courts, all comers, whether acquaintances or strangers, being brought in to share the hospitality.

It became traditional for courtyards of private houses to be adorned with items for passing travelers: a wonderful respite for the weary stranger. It helped to forge friendships and fueled hope—an essential element if you’re building an empire. When someone returned home with tales of adventure and warm receptions, it would encourage others to set forth.

So the tradition gradually became formalized and, eventually, the violation of it was perceived as a terrible crime. This Roman custom meant that, by the time we drop in on Pompeii in ad 79, commercial hospitality had become highly organized.

There were hotels, coaching inns, bars, restaurants and brothels. Because of the vast number of saucy images found on the walls of many of these establishments, some argue that virtually all of them doubled as brothels. Juvenal, a Roman poet of the late first and early second centuries ad, described the typical Roman bar as liberty hall, where your typical customer could be found lying next to a cut-throat, in the company of sailors, thieves and runaway slaves, beside hangmen and coffin-makers, or beside a passed-out priest.

But less excitable scholars, such as the rather more contemporary Mary Beard, believe that, while there were some brothels in the town (and one in particular, with its dingy little bedroom and stone bed, makes one pity the poor sex workers), the images are less indicative of brothels everywhere, more that the Romans just had a dirty sense of humor.

As with most Roman provincial towns, several inns and taverns can be found at the entrance to Pompeii, having provided handy shelter to visiting merchants. Then there are other establishments spread across the town. In total, archaeologists have identified some 160 properties that seem to have been bars and restaurants, in addition to a great many hotels. This relatively large number owed to the fact that many people would not have had access in their homes to the utilities required to prepare food—from ovens to sinks. It’s not dissimilar to the circumstances that the dwellers of modern-day Manhattan find themselves in. Limitations on space and power provision mean that a great many New Yorkers have no kitchens and can’t even boil a kettle. And such is the convenience, affordability and fashion for consuming everything out—from coffee to three-course meals—that, even if they can cook, they don’t throw dinner parties.

Many of Pompeii’s establishments are what we would today call a restaurant with rooms, which the Romans called a hospitium. In various shapes and sizes, there were modest establishments in poorer parts of town that probably had long-term residents who couldn’t afford to rent a home, some of which appear to have had enough bedrooms for up to fifty people.

Then there were: coaching inns (stabula), which were simple bars, sometimes located just outside the metropolis; restaurants known as popina; and the inevitable lupanar (brothels).

Of those eating and drinking establishments, the Inn of Primus was doubtless very popular. Situated on the main drag of Via dell′Abbondanza, it would have attracted a wide clientele from the local businesses and residences that existed at the heart of Pompeii.

Along that street were found shops and workshops offering anything and everything one could imagine. There were builders’ merchants, blacksmiths, iron and bronze dealers, arts and crafts stores, shops selling cloth, olive oil, hardware and tools. There was a wine store, a bakery, a barber shop, as well as a grocer, a fruit store, a bank, several brothels, a laundry and the local public baths. The latter advertised itself as elegant baths for the best people, and that perhaps included those who lived in the extremely smart and unbelievably lavish villas, houses and apartments along the road: noblemen, generals and prosperous professionals such as surgeons and physicians.

Indeed, adjacent to the Inn of Primus were two impressive residences belonging to Pompeiians Marco Epidio Rufo and L. Rapinasi Optati. Both are architecturally remarkable, with inner courtyards, columns and fountains that must have felt like cool, calm refuges from the steamy streets beyond the grand front doors.

Of course, we know the names, if not the lives, of those who inhabited these homes, because—as with so many shops, baths and blacksmiths—their monikers and titles are written either on signs at the front or inside on the walls. And we know which buildings were bakeries, because the vicious discharge of Vesuvius covered, concealed and preserved not just the mills, ovens and loaves, but also the unground wheat kernels. In the olive oil shops, there are traces of oil in the jugs; amphoras are still stacked in the wine shops. In fact, archaeologists claim to have even found evidence of rosemary, garlic, olive oil, cheese and anchovies in the fossilized flatbreads in some of the bakeries. Not far from the forum is the sign of a shop belonging to local baker Podiscus Pricus, in whose building historians say was a wood-fired oven. There were likely other ovens across Pompeii, too, similar to a small one found in the Greco-Roman market area of Naples. Some 4 feet in diameter, these ovens would not have been a good shape for bread, but you could bake smaller rounds: in other words, pizza—that classic Italian street food staple.

The spirit of some of the Pompeiians who chomped on these pizzas can be seen in the graffiti across town.

On the wall of a bar owned by one Athictus are the words: ‘I screwed the barmaid. A little more poetic and found at the bar of Astylus and Pardalus is: Lovers are like bees in that they live a honeyed life. And at the bar of Innulus and Papilio—most likely also a brothel—an individual recorded the occasion of his coming out: Weep you girls. My penis has given you up. Now it penetrates men’s behinds. Goodbye, wondrous femininity!"

And thus at the epicenter of this energy and industry was the Inn of Primus. It was excavated on two separate occasions, in 1853 and 1857.

Stepping into the inn—amid the throng of locals (Pompeiians rich and poor lived cheek by jowl, meaning they likely rubbed shoulders in bars) and visitors new to the town—was an L-shaped bar. It was noisy and maybe a little smoky. While drinks were served at the bar, the circular holes cut into the top of the adjacent side suggest it was used to house a small grill, and there was likely a metal tripod secured over coals to hold a pan for soups or to keep food warm. It’s also probable that wine and other drinks were stored under the counters in terracotta or earthenware vessels.

To the right of the bar was a hearth, which may have doubled as a fireplace and second grill or oven. To the back on the left are steps that would have led to accommodation on a second story, and to the right is a door that leads to a back room. The remnants of some ornate paintwork on the walls suggest that this room wasn’t a back kitchen or store room, but rather a dining room. The existence of red paint with gold stripes denotes a smart interior room—red blocks lined with gold.

It was in here, perhaps, that our local Pompeiian had spent the afternoon, drinking and gambling, before calling it a day. The existence on the wall of an advert for an electoral campaign suggests that discussions in such a place included politics. Indeed, across town and at nearby Herculaneum, similarly destroyed and preserved intact, one can find several painted declarations for political candidates. Doubtless many inns became meeting places for these discussions. In