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    Managing Credit Risk: The Great Challenge for Global Financial Markets
    Managing Credit Risk: The Great Challenge for Global Financial Markets
    Managing Credit Risk: The Great Challenge for Global Financial Markets
    Ebook1,057 pages11 hours

    Managing Credit Risk: The Great Challenge for Global Financial Markets

    By John B. Caouette, Paul Narayanan, Robert Nimmo and Edward I. Altman

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    Managing Credit Risk, Second Edition opens with a detailed discussion of today’s global credit markets—touching on everything from the emergence of hedge funds as major players to the growing influence of rating agencies. After gaining a firm understanding of these issues, you’ll be introduced to some of the most effective credit risk management tools, techniques, and vehicles currently available. If you need to keep up with the constant changes in the world of credit risk management, this book will show you how.
    LanguageEnglish
    PublisherWiley
    Release dateJul 12, 2011
    ISBN9781118160695
    Managing Credit Risk: The Great Challenge for Global Financial Markets

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      Managing Credit Risk - John B. Caouette

      Introduction

      Credit risk is the oldest form of risk in the financial markets. If credit can be defined as nothing but the expectation of a sum of money within some limited time, then credit risk is the chance that this expectation will not be met. Credit risk is as old as lending itself, which means that it dates back as far as 1800 BCE.¹ It is essentially unchanged from ancient Egyptian times. Now as then, there is always an element of uncertainty as to whether a given borrower will repay a particular loan. This book is about how financial institutions are using new tools and techniques to reshape, price, and distribute this ancient form of financial risk.

      Ever since banks as we know them were organized in Florence 700 years ago, they have been society’s primary lending institutions.² Managing Credit Risk has formed the core of their expertise. Traditionally, bankers and other lenders have handled credit evaluation in much the same that tailors approach the creation of a custom-made suit—by carefully measuring the customer’s needs and capacities to make sure the financing is a good fit. When we originally wrote this book in the late 1990s, it was accurate to say that the approaches taken then did not differ fundamentally from the one used by the earliest banks. This is not necessarily the case today, although the changes we will comment on later in the book still vary from institution to institution, and certainly there are major differences between money center institutions, regional banks and banks in emerging markets. Meanwhile the first decade of the twenty-first century has seen the credit markets become the focus of a whole new category of lender including hedge funds, private equity firms, and other institutional players who are bypassing the traditional credit methodologies in favor of the new ways of credit risk management. Thanks to the creation of credit derivative products, market participants can take or shed credit risk on any entity anonymously, that is, without entering into any legal credit arrangement with that entity or lending to it. This is one of the reasons you find a bank in Germany taking credit risk on a subprime home mortgage in Kansas without ever seeing either the borrower or the property. This used to be the preserve of the local Kansas bank.

      It is easier to design a suit for a customer you already know. Because of the very nature of this approach, banks historically have been drawn to relationship banking. This led to a pattern where they were more concerned about their relationship with a customer than they were about the profitability of a specific loan or about the effect a given transaction may have on their overall loan portfolio. As long as a borrower met the credit criteria, the bank did not pay much attention to concentrations that were building up. Citibank’s buildup of construction loans and the effect they had on the institution when these loans went sour in the late 1980s is a case in point. At the time of the publication of the first edition of Managing Credit Risk, the banking industry had begun to recover from a crisis that had emerged nearly a decade earlier. There was widespread recognition within the industry that the traditional approach to lending had led to unacceptable results and that banks had done a rather poor job of pricing and Managing Credit Risk.

      In some ways the banking crisis of the day was just what you would expect from an industry that was adapting to a more limited role in the provision of credit. In other ways, it reflected an evaluation that the traditional banker/client roles needed some updating if not revolutionary change. Those who read our first edition would not have had to look hard to find a decidedly negative view of how banks were dealing with credit risk at the turn of the century. Less than a decade later, things look a lot different. Later in this introduction, we list the 10 major changes that are shaping the management of all risk, credit included. Those changes are significant and banks are at the cutting edge of the change. So we take a more generous view of the way banks are managing credit and portfolio risk and in many places you will see us holding many of them up as examples of excellence in the management of this risk. They are better, but as we can now see in the subprime mortgage crisis at the end of 2007, they are still capable of major missteps.

      The first decade of the twenty-first century has seen the credit markets transformed by several institutional developments. First, the markets mirror their environment: They have become global, highly innovative, and of critical importance to the global economy. The top market players have developed into universal megabanks. There are a handful of such organizations, which were formed from the top ranks of what was once the top tier of commercial or investment banks. Now they do both investment and commercial banking as well as many other types of investment related services and lending. The names are familiar—-Citicorp, JPMorgan Chase, Goldman Sachs, Morgan Stanley, UBS, Merrill Lynch, Deutsche Bank, Credit Suisse, Bank of America, and so on. These organizations are on the cutting edge of credit risk management and are a proving ground for best practices within the industry. Secondly, real credit risk has been embraced by the capital markets and this has fueled the development of whole new categories of lenders including structured finance lenders, hedge funds, private equity firms, and others who, for the most part, are finding new ways to approach credit risk management. Thirdly, credit risk management has evolved into total enterprise risk management. Best practice for the major players is to include market, operational, and reputation risk alongside the management of credit. Finally, the shape and day-to-day operations of the credit risk markets in this new millennium are heavily influenced by regulators who are setting the rules (e.g., Basel II and Solvency II) for most of the players in a much more sophisticated way, and by the rating agencies whose rating practices have set the market standard of credit risk measurement—especially with respect to securitized products.

      The counterpart to credit risk is market risk—the chance that an investment’s value will change in price as a result of marketplace forces such as interest rates, commodity prices, and currency levels. Market risk has affected financial institutions ever since markets were created. Techniques for managing market risk have undergone a radical change. Anyone who tours a large trading floor at a bank or an investment bank can see that the management of market risk has been the focus of tremendous technological development. Major breakthroughs have turned this aspect of risk management into something of a science—one that is applied to both equities and debt instruments. Market risk developments were an important precedent for our focus on credit risk management. Some have commented that the 1980s were a period when market participants focused on how to manage market risk. This led to the Basel Committee introduction in 1995 of a system that allowed banking institutions to set capital requirements based on market risk levels calculations using the models the banks had developed. This focus on models and other mathematical analysis by the Basel Committee continued as they turned to the management of credit risk in Basel I and II.

      This is not to suggest that market risk has been eliminated. In the case of America’s savings and loan associations, for example, an entire industry quaked because of bad bets made on commercial real estate asset values during a period when deregulation was increasing the risks in the financial markets. Periodically, we learn of major losses experienced by trading firms that are the result of rogue traders who are identified—after the fact and accused of misappropriating the firm’s capital. Sometimes the problem is that a firm does not really understand what it is doing (despite a great pedigree such as with Long Term Capital Management) and bets the ranch on a losing idea.

      Despite its shortcomings in anticipating systemic events and overcoming the actions of some individuals, the science of managing market risk does nevertheless reflect late twentieth-century knowledge and technology. For example, banks have adopted the concepts of gap management, duration, and even the theory of contingent claims. Major banks have created huge markets for interest rate and currency swaps.

      By contrast, in 1998, when we first published Managing Credit Risk, the management of credit risk at banks was, to a substantial degree, a kind of cottage industry in which individual leading decisions were made to order. As befitted a cottage industry, there was, for the most part, no common credit language. Practitioners, academics, and regulators heatedly debated fundamental measurements such as default timing, default events, workout costs, and recoveries. There was a dearth of reliable quantitative data on financial and nonfinancial variables as well as on recovery rates following failure. There was, however, at the time, a considerable effort underway to improve the situation. Many studies were initiated by Edward Altman and the rating agencies on default levels and recovery rates, but they were all a work in progress and not yet internalized by many leading institutions. Ten years later things look a lot different. Credit risk is still a tougher risk to master than market risk. There are many more variables to consider. However, we now have many more tools, much more information and some important new players who are willing to take credit risk, expect to be fairly compensated for it, and are demanding more transparent market pricing.

      TOP 10 CHANGES IN THE CREDIT MARKETS IN THE LAST DECADE

      New product innovations, particularly in the credit derivative and structured finance areas and the standardization of older innovations.

      The growing sophistication of the major players in the credit markets in terms of techniques and strategies.

      The increased use of scientific and mathematical models (e.g., credit scoring models for residential mortgage lending and correlation models to price basket credit default swaps).

      The New Basel accords, which have directly shaped the banking markets and indirectly influenced market participants in general (often called regulatory capital arbitrage).

      The ready availability and easy delivery of reliable credit information on a global basis, 24/7 through the Worldwide Web.

      The phenomenal growth in technology and systems capabilities at affordable prices leading to better reporting and modeling.

      Huge changes in the markets themselves, in terms of size, liquidity, and globality.

      The emergence of hedge funds as major investors in the markets.

      The growing influence of the rating agencies.

      Lower levels of loss and higher levels of liquidity led to constantly reducing credit spreads, which reached their historical lows in June 2007. This market frenzy was a vortex dragging more people into what turned out to be poor credit choices.

      Creating this list was the first thing we did after deciding upon a revision of this book. We knew that many changes have taken place over the past decade, and it seemed like an important first step to try to capture them in a list that we could agree on and refer to as we made changes. Everyone might not agree with our 10 and certainly others might wish to emphasize or describe things somewhat differently. However, we doubt that we would have a substantially different list if we polled everyone who is working in the credit markets of Europe and the United States. Nevertheless, the list is our own and forms the basis for all the changes that will appear in the second edition of Managing Credit Risk.

      EVOLUTION OF CREDIT RISK IN THE ECONOMY

      Credit risk is a consequence of contracted and/or contingent financial transactions between the providers and users of funds. To understand how it has evolved in modern times, we have to look at the private corporation as the vehicle of economic growth. In precapitalist societies, family and sovereign wealth were the primary bearers of credit risk. Subsequently, the formation of joint stock corporations created entities that were able to pool resources, bear economic risk, borrow money, and exist beyond the natural lives of the owners. Financial intermediaries were created to pool savings and provide them to the users of funds. Even before interest expenses were given preferential tax treatment, corporations (for example, railroads and utilities) used the debt market to raise funds from distant investors, using corporate assets or a government guarantee to secure their borrowing. The bond markets and banks were the dominant providers of debt capital (see Baskin and Miranti 1997).

      As markets grew, other providers of funds gradually took market share away from banks. Junk bonds, asset-based securities, and commercial paper displaced conventional bank financing to a significant extent. A primary reason for this was economics. According to Bryan (1993), the total cost of intermediating a security over the life of an asset is under 50 basis points, whereas the cost of bank intermediation is well over 200 basis points.

      A NASCENT SCIENCE OF CREDIT RISK MANAGEMENT

      In the mid-1980s and early 1990s, the United States experienced record defaults on bank loans and corporate bonds. When junk bond defaults jumped to over 10 percent in the years 1990 and 1991, many observers argued that both junk bond and the leveraged bank lending markets were likely to disappear. The high-yield bond markets recovered, however, and reached record volumes later in the decade.

      Prompted in large part by very poor performance in their portfolios in the mid-1980s, practitioners of credit risk management became increasingly interested in new techniques. However, the heightened concern about credit management that emerged did not evolve into a pervasive drive to create and deploy new evaluation techniques. Nor did banks embrace portfolio management, believed to be much needed for them. Instead, this period saw the development of a few standalone models, continued refinement of some relevant default databases (first established in the late 1980s), and a spate of surveys be regulators and consultants on existing techniques. The latter invariably reached the conclusion that in most financial institutions, credit culture and lending strategies needed to be rethought and possibly redesigned (for example, see Bryan 1988).

      Paradoxically, interest in new approaches to credit risk management exploded during a period when the credit markets themselves were exceptionally benign. Although same economists are now predicting a recession for the United States in early 2008, the U.S. economy has been strong for much of the last decade and most of the world’s stock markets have been booming for a substantial period, reflecting impressive corporate growth and low interest rates. With a few conspicuous exceptions such as Argentina, Japan, Indonesia, Thailand, Malaysia, and South Korea, credit markets in most parts of the world have been well behaved. Indeed, for the last seven years (2000–2006), well under 1 percent of total bank loans have been non-performing, compared to an average of close to 4 percent in 1988 through 1993. Default rates on leveraged loans and junk bonds were likewise well under 2 percent for the last three years, in contrast to the 4.2 percent average for junk bonds in 1991 through 2006. Given these positive credit market statistics, the surge of interest in new techniques for managing credit risk during the early years of the new millenium is surprising. Even more surprising was how little this seems to have helped avert the latest credit crisis—and worse yet, may have contributed to its creation. What is the reason behind the renewed focus on credit?

      The answer, we believe, may be found in the changes that have occurred in both the lending institutions and others such as hedge funds which have fueled a huge increase in market liquidity. Lending institutions have reached a stage of development where they no longer want or need to make (buy) a loan and hold it to the end of its natural life (maturity, payoff, or charge-off). The reasons undoubtedly include pressures from regulators, the emergence of dynamic trading markets for loans, and the pursuit of internal objectives for return on equity. Today, banks are increasingly willing to consider shifting their credit exposure through transactions with counterparties. The markets in which banks can sell their credit assets (other than residential mortgages and consumer loans) are still fairly small and illiquid, and they are inefficient in comparison, say, with the Treasury market. Nevertheless, the market for bank loans has grown in size and liquidity. Consequently, banks and their counterparties are invested heavily in processes for gathering credit information and the analytical foundation necessary to value bank loans by a meaningful risk/return standard. Increased competition, the drive for diversification and liquidity, and regulatory changes such as risk-based capital requirements created by Basel I and II have thus stimulated the development of many innovative ways to manage credit risk. Banks realized (yet again) from the real estate default experience of 1989 to 1991 that concentration was a critical issue. Out of this realization arose portfolio management. The contagion of the financial crisis in the Asian economies in 1997 signaled that credit risk correlation, if anything, was yet to be well understood.

      Around the world, the experiences in the U.S. banking system are being repeated. European countries such as Switzerland and Sweden have gone through a similar real estate crisis. European and Japanese banks have been hurt more than the U.S. banks by concentration in lending to the Asian economies. Domestic financial institutions in the damaged Asian economies, including Japan, are looking to improve their systems for managing credit by building a new credit culture and moving toward an improved market-driven discipline. Thus, just as portfolio management appears to have arrived in U.S. and European banks, the need for credit culture is being acutely felt in the emerging economies.

      INNOVATIVE PRODUCTS AND STRUCTURES

      Many innovative products and structures have been developed to manage credit risk. The following are some important examples:

      Structured finance transactions such as collateralized mortgage obligations and asset-backed securities. These instruments pool assets and transfer all or part of the credit risk borne by the originator to new investors and, in some cases, to one or more guarantors as well. By means of the secondary market, investors can, if necessary, transfer the risk to yet any other party.³

      Exchanges and clearinghouses. By introducing a structural hub, these entities minimize the need for every pair of contracting parties to create a separate mechanism for managing their counterparty credit risk exposure.

      Credit derivatives, which can be layered to modify the credit risk profile of an underlying asset. Although it is still young and currently being challenged, the credit derivative market is growing at an explosive pace. A lender who does not want to continue to assume the credit risk from an asset no longer has to sell the asset outright. Financial instruments are being devised—some simple and some complex—that create a kind of insurance mechanism for transferring the risk of default, and, in some instances, of credit migration. For the first time ever, it is now possible to go short on credit. Furthermore, the credit risk to be bought or sold may be tailored as to amount, period, and the type of credit event. The credit derivative market will transform the business of borrowing and lending in a way that was quite inconceivable just a few years back.

      CREDIT RISK IS LIKE MILK

      As financial innovation has progressed, credit risk has changed in many ways. In the case of senior/subordinated securities, for example, credit risk has been segmented and redistributed. To avoid the possibility that an entire issue will be downgraded because of poor performance in an isolated segment, these structures are partitioned into separate classes (Myerberg 1996). In the dairy, milk from a cow is first separated into components and then reconstituted into various grades to suit the consumer tastes: low fat, high fat, light cream, and so on. Similarly, financial innovation has decomposed risk and repackaged it into parts that appeal to different types of investors. In this way, a single issue can attract multiple investor classes. This approach to credit risk has turned it from a defensive concern to an offensive opportunity—understanding the credit risk has made it possible to open up new channels of funds flow. The new generation of finance companies that are funded by asset-backed commercial paper are a prime example of this trend. Debt obligations are pooled and recast as super-senior, senior, mezzanine, and equity tranches. The mezzanines themselves are later pooled to create what has come to be called CDO-squared. Similar structures have been created in the synthetic space, where there are no cash flows per se, but the holder of a synthetic tranche will get a credit spread income. In exchange, this layer will absorb credit loss caused by the default of an entity in the underlying pool.

      The number of entities participating in a credit-related transaction has grown. A structured finance transaction, for example, may include an originator, a seller/servicer, a trustee, and a guarantor. Each of these entities faces exposure from or represents exposure to some other participant. This does not mean total credit risk has increased. However, because multiple parties are involved, it does mean that credit risk must now be assessed from more than one perspective. Credit risk of the underlying obligor has now been exchanged for counterparty financial institution risk and, in many instances, for market risk.

      Financial engineering has created instruments with various embedded options and dependencies, each of which may expose participants to both market risk and credit risk. In the case of an interest rate swap, for example, potential counterparty exposure is not fixed. In some cases, it begins at zero, then increases over time, then gradually returns to zero at the maturity of the swap. Derivative transactions such as swaps require new forms of financial disclosure and accounting, and they also raise legal issues regarding enforceability. On one pretext or another, some counterparties may simply refuse to honor contractual commitments. For these reasons, rapid growth in the derivatives markets means an overall increase in credit risk.

      THE GLOBAL RATE OF CHANGE IS TRULY UNPRECENDENTED

      Credit risk has grown exponentially against the backdrop of dramatic economic, political, and technological change around the world. In decades past, geopolitical boundaries and government regulation restricted the mobility of capital. Ever since exchange rates were allowed to float in the early 1970s, financial markets have witnessed a steady progression of deregulation. This has led to increased competition between financial institutions and a blurring of the boundaries separating banks, investment banks, insurance companies, and investment companies. There have been major changes in the geopolitical arena as well: the breakup of the USSR, the reunification of Germany, and the introduction of free-market approaches in China and the Eastern European countries. The bipolar tension between capitalism and communism has faded and with it much of the pressure for oversized military budgets. However, geopolitical issues continue, in the form of nuclear proliferation, terrorism, and world poverty. The spotlight is today, however, on economic growth and an improved standard of living. China and India are leading examples of this paradigm shift.

      Around the world, liquidity has increased. This represents an opportunity in the sense that new sources of capital have appeared. It represents a challenge, too, because new uses and users of this capital have emerged around the globe as well. Transactions take place involving currencies and entities of unprecedented variety. In many instances, credit risk must now be analyzed where parties have little or no credit history. In all, credit risk has grown more complex. At the same time, the ability of governments to guarantee and offer bailouts has diminished and the velocity with which a major credit crisis can cast its shadow globally has increased.

      Superimposed on these geopolitical developments is the powerful force of information technology. Today, it is easier than ever before to gather, pool, and retrieve data from far-flung regions of the globe. Techniques such as genetic algorithms, neural networks, and optimization models are within reach of any analyst equipped with a personal computer. Newer models and databases are leading to a better understanding of the expected financial behavior of any particular asset and its relationship to other assets. This improved knowledge may well further increase the importance of securities markets at the expense of banks. However, markets do not have the same commitment to a credit relationship that a bank may have: When the source of funds dries up overnight, a borrower cannot renegotiate the terms of the loan as easily as with a bank. Borrowers will have to manage financing sources as a portfolio of choices, each with a different price-availability profile, and learn to tolerate greater volatility in the financing arena.

      Many of the techniques developed to measure and control market price risk are being applied to credit risk. But as in the case of market risk, tools for Managing Credit Risk will not, by themselves, make the world a safer place. Any analytical tool is a child of the human intellect attempting to model the real world through a limited set of variables. These tools employ estimation and optimization techniques that are also inventions of the human mind. A model may capture a large proportion of the reality being modeled, but it must nonetheless omit some important aspects of it. Furthermore, a model’s very existence may alter market behavior over time, rendering it less and less useful. For these reasons, participants in the financial markets will need to pay great attention to the issue of model risk. It appears that model risk of this type was one of the causes of the subprime crisis.

      As we explain in the chapters that follow, the new financial tools are, in themselves, works in progress—useful but still imperfect. If they are accorded unwarranted authority or if they are handled without proper care and judgment, they can actually amplify and not minimize an institution’s exposure to credit risk. In the end, the effectiveness of these tools depends absolutely upon the skills, motivations, and attitudes of the people using them. That is why participants in the credit markets must pay close attention to the selection and training of their professionals, to the incentives they create for them, and to the attitudes that pervade their organizations. All of these are critical elements of a firm’s risk culture. Over the coming decades, success will go to those firms that employ the right tools and create the right kind of culture. So is there still a challenge in the management of credit risk? The answer is, yes. But it is a very different kind of challenge. Our skills as an industry are much better and we have many more tools to work with, but the environment and the scale of things all have changed and have created new challenges to manage. The market is much more fragmented. A world where derivatives outweigh physicals by a factor of 10 or more will create unintended consequences that we are only now just beginning to understand.

      When we wrote the first edition of Managing Credit Risk, the challenge we saw was quite different from what it looks like only 10 years later. In the late 1990s, banks were still struggling to move past the credit problems that emerged a decade earlier. Most of the new tools, innovations, and methods for managing credit risk had been developed at that time, but it was not clear then whether a lot of these new ideas would come into practical use in banks. Ten years later, the outcome is clear. Motivated by a strong survival instinct and some direction from regulators, the world’s banking industries are now much better at managing risk and they have incorporated most of the concepts we discuss into their risk management systems. So what are the challenges today? Today’s challenges arise from the growing sophistication of the markets. The megabanks we discussed earlier in this introduction and are now the central core of the credit markets have successfully turned themselves into experts in managing, packaging and selling off risks to the global financial markets. The challenge now is whether the full range of players in the system has the intellectual foundations and proper risk capitalization to handle the range of risks that are now routinely moved around the globe. If they do not, the cost to the global economy could be high.

      The first six chapters of this book describe the institutional setting for credit risk: banks, insurance companies, pension funds, exchanges, clearinghouses, and rating agencies. The chapters that follow introduce and discuss the tools, techniques, and vehicles available today for managing credit risk. The concluding chapters integrate the emerging trends in the financial markets and the new tools and techniques in the context of credit culture. Throughout the book, we place our primary emphasis on practice, introducing insights provided by theory as needed. Our goal is to present state-of-the-art credit risk solutions along with the perspectives of leading experts in the field who have successfully implemented them. The appendix lists the sources of hard copy and electronic information on credit risk available to the practitioner.

      REFERENCES

      Altman, E. I. 2007. Global Debt Markets in 2007: New Paradigm or the Great Credit Bubble?, Journal of Applied Corporate Finance 19, no. 3, Summer 2007.

      Altman, E. I., and S. Ramayanam. 2007. The High-Yield Bond Default and Return Report: Third-Quarter 2006 Review, NYU Salomon Center Special Report.

      Baskin, J. B., and P. J. Miranti, Jr. 1997. A History of Corporate Finance. New York: Cambridge University Press.

      Bryan, L. L. 1988. Breaking up the Bank: Rethinking an Industry Under Siege. Homewood, Ill.: Dow Jones-Irwin.

      ———. 1993. The Forces Reshaping Global Banking. McKinsey Quarterly 2:59–91.

      de Roover, R. 1963. The Rise and Decline of the Medici Bank. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.

      Guttmann, R. 1994. How Credit-Money Shapes the Economy: The United States in a Global System. Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe.

      Homer, S., and R. Sylla. 1996. A History of Interest Rates, 3d ed. New Brunswick, N. J.: Rutgers University Press.

      International Monetary Fund. 1997. World Economic Outlook: Interim Assessment. Washington, D.C.: International Monetary Fund.

      Myerberg, M. 1996. The Use of Securitization in International Markets. In A Primer on Securitization, edited by L. T. Kendall and M. T. Fishman. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.

      Sasson, J. M., ed. 1995. Civilizations of the Ancient Near East. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons.

      1. Hammurabi’s Code, circa 1800 BCE is said to include many sections relating to the regulation of credit in Babylon (see Homer and Sylla 1996). There is evidence that the Indus Valley Civilization, a riverine civilization possibly of greater antiquity than Babylonia, had trade contact with it through neighboring Melukha (see Sasson 1995). So it is possible that concerns about credit risk go even further back history than 1800 BCE.

      2. Sienna and Piacenza are credited with being the main banking centers of Europe, preceding Florence by as many as 75 years. The Bardi, the Peruzzi, and the Acciaiulli families dominated the banking scene between 1300 and 1345. All of them collapsed due to the overextension of credit, probably the first victims of cross-border lending. Their place was eventually taken over by the Medici, the Pazzi, and others, of which the Medici of Florence are the best remembered (see de Roover 1963).

      3. Municipal bond insurance and municipal bond banks have existed for many years, reducing credit risk through pooling and guarantees.

      CHAPTER 1

      Credit Risk

      The Great Challenge For The Global Economy

      Moderate leverage undoubtedly boosts the capital stock and the level of output . . . the greater the degree of leverage in any economy, the greater its vulnerability to unexpected shortfalls in demand and mistakes.

      —Alan Greenspan, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, 2002

      In recent decades, credit risk has become pervasive in the United States and throughout the world. The U.S. Treasury borrows to keep the federal government afloat, and local water districts borrow to construct new treatment plants. Corporations borrow to make acquisitions and to grow, small businesses borrow to expand their capacity, and millions of individuals use credit to buy homes, cars, boats, clothing, and food. The dramatic growth in U.S. borrowing by all segments of the society is illustrated in Figure 1.1, which suggests the scale of this credit explosion.

      FIGURE 1.1 Revolving Debt in the United States, 1968–2006

      Source: Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (2006).

      An element of credit risk exists whenever an individual takes a product or service without making immediate payment for it. Telephone companies and electric utilities accept credit risk from all their subscribers. Credit card issuers take this risk with all their cardholders, as do mortgage lenders with their borrowers. In the corporate sector, businesses in virtually every industry sell to customers on some kind of terms. Every time they do so, they accept credit risk. The credit risk assumed may be for a few hours or for a hundred years.

      Meanwhile, the use of credit became a major factor of other countries as well. Europe has seen a significant increase in leverage by corporations and individuals, particularly in Britain where the patterns are similar to those in the United States. Emerging markets have also joined the bandwagon as both countries and their corporations and individuals have come to see credit as a powerful tool for economic progress. Meanwhile the capital markets have provided many more ways for these institutions and individuals to borrow.

      CHANGING ATTITUDES TOWARD CREDIT

      The credit explosion has been accompanied—and accelerated—by a dramatic shift in public attitudes. When Shakespeare’s Polonius advised his son, Neither a borrower nor a lender be, he was voicing the wisdom of his time. He reasoned that loan oft loses both itself and friend, and borrowing dulls the edge of husbandry. Such advice—whatever its merits were in the Elizabethan age—has been drowned out by the contrary opinion. And Polonius may have been wrong about friends, too. Banks continue to court borrowers who caused them to lose money in the past! And if borrowing dulls the edge of husbandry, no one seems to mind. Any shame that once attached to the use of credit has vanished.

      Even the words we use to describe credit reflect a major shift in attitude. The word debtor still carries connotations of misery and shame—an echo of Dickensian debtors’ prisons. The word borrower, likewise, may still call to mind a pathetic figure going hat in hand to a powerful and possibly scornful banker. But today, we no longer need to see ourselves as debtors or borrowers. We can think of ourselves as people using leverage—a word with entirely different connotations. Leverage suggests that we are clever enough and skillful enough to employ a tool that multiplies our power. And using leverage leaves the rest of our identity intact—we do not become leveragors in the same way that we become debtors. Using leverage is something to boast about, not something to conceal. Today many people see credit as an entitlement.

      From many directions, in fact, Americans are bombarded with invitations to increase their borrowing. Automobile manufacturers attract buyers with low rates on auto loans and offer leases with easy terms to customers who cannot afford a down payment. Retailers entice consumers to open charge accounts by offering discounts on their first purchases. Credit card issuers cram Americans’ mailboxes with competing offers. Even credit-impaired individuals—those who once sought the protection of the bankruptcy court—are soon viewed as good credit risks because they are now debt free (Philadelphia Inquirer 1996, D-1). Indeed, if there is still shame in any type of consumer transaction, it currently attaches to cash. Many may have seen recent commercials from Visa regarding the use of cash by a customer as slowing down the progress of purchasing in a busy market circumstance. The merchant who insists that you pay for a purchase in cash may well be impugning your integrity.

      This shift in attitude is just as visible in the commercial sphere. CEOs and CFOs are paid handsomely to find other people’s money for their companies to leverage. The stock market, which shows little taste for underleveraged companies, exerts steady pressure on public companies to put an appropriate level of debt on their balance sheets. Meanwhile, pension funds and insurance companies are the major investors in hedge funds and private equity firms who vie with one another to lend money to finance leveraged buyouts.

      High-yield (or junk) bonds have existed for decades, but they were once symptomatic of fallen angels—formerly prosperous companies whose fortunes had declined. Today, however, issuing junk bonds is seen as a perfectly respectable strategy for companies lacking access to lower-cost forms of credit.

      Even bankruptcy—at least the Chapter 11 variety—has lost much of its sting. Once avoided as a shameful and potentially career-ending debacle, bankruptcy is now widely accepted as a reasonable strategic option. Many companies have sought Chapter 11 bankruptcy as a way to obtain financing for growth, to extricate themselves from burdensome contractual obligations, or to avoid making payments that they deemed inconvenient to suppliers, employees, or others. Meanwhile, individuals who choose personal bankruptcy know that their credit can be resurrected in a mere 10 years—or as little as three to five years if they have completed a repayment plan under a Chapter 13 filing (U.S. Courts, Bankruptcy Basics). Meanwhile in the United Kingdom, the Enterprise Bill 2002 enables a first-time bankruptcy to be discharged after only one year.

      The spectacle of Orange County’s financial woes suggests that attitudes toward bankruptcy have changed in the public sphere, too. Neither the county’s population nor its leaders showed much embarrassment or sense of urgency when it defaulted on its obligations in 1994 because of losses exceeding $1.6 billion that it had suffered in derivative investments. Apart from front-page stories like this, credit quality, as assessed by the rating agencies, has followed a downward trend in the public finance market. At the same time, state and local government entities have accessed the public debt market in growing numbers over the past 35 years. Seventeen states had a triple-A credit rating in 1970. Just nine states could lay claim to this distinction in 2006 (Moody’s and S&P reports). The causes for the erosion of municipal credit quality—taxpayer revolts, mismanagement, and, in the cities, declining tax revenues and inflexible labor costs—may be endemic to the municipal arena, but the decline is in keeping with trends visible in the corporate market, too.

      Attitudes towards the use of credit and the importance of maintaining a reputation as a conservative and careful borrower have changed. For example, California, our largest state, and the world’s sixth largest economy, is a particularly interesting case. Triple-A rated in the early 1990s, the state’s GOs (general obligations) began a drop in the mid-1990s to AA and then into freefall in 2001–2003 to reach Baa before a more recent uptick to A1. Similar attitudes in the corporate sector are evident such as when U.S. Air went bankrupt simply to renegotiate long-term leverage uses of aircraft.

      MORE NATIONS BORROW

      The appetite for borrowing is truly global in scope. Sovereign obligors have come to the international financial markets in ever-greater numbers. Figure 1.2 shows the growth in rated sovereign borrowers in the period 1975–2006.

      FIGURE 1.2 Sovereigns Rated by Standard & Poor’s, 1975–2006

      Source: Standard & Poor’s The Future of Credit Ratings (2006).

      What is particularly interesting in this table is the growth in the number of countries that now are rated by the global rating agencies. This is a clear indication of the importance of access to the capital markets by countries all over the world. As Figure 1.3, Figure 1.4, and Figure 1.5 show, developed countries have increasingly relied on public and private debt.

      FIGURE 1.3 Public Debt in Developed Economies

      Source: Organisation for the Economic Co-operation and Development (2006).

      FIGURE 1.4 Credit Growth (private domestic credit)

      Source: Bank for International Settlements, Annual Report 2007.

      FIGURE 1.5 Credit growth in Europe (private domestic credit)

      Source: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (2006).

      A new trend in many other developed and developing countries is privatization. Traditionally, infrastructure projects such as roads or bridges were financed by the government. This is changing rapidly. In the United Kingdom, for example, under the Private Finance Initiative, major projects, and even defense-related activities, are being shifted to private sector operators under long-term contracts remunerated by service charges. This trend has accelerated into the European Union, Australia, and in the United States.

      Deregulated domestic financial institutions and corporations in emerging markets have been able to tap into foreign capital to finance domestic growth.

      In emerging economies, the growth in borrowing is not limited to corporations and governments. Consumers in many regions are quickly learning how to pay with plastic. In developing countries from Argentina to Thailand, credit card debt is rapidly expanding.

      MORE LEVERAGE, MORE OPPORTUNITY, AND MORE RISK

      Without question, the availability—and acceptability—of credit facilitates modern life and fuels the economy. Credit enables individuals of even modest means to buy homes, cars and consumer goods, and this, in turn, creates employment and increases economic opportunity. Credit enables businesses to grow and prosper. Governmental agencies all over the world use credit to build infrastructure that they cannot fund from annual budgets. In the United States, the municipal bond market is huge, allowing states, cities, towns, and their agencies the meet the public’s needs for schools, hospital, and roads.

      Hermando de Soto in his book The Mystery of Capital has argued that the ability to leverage for both individuals and commercial enterprises is the most important factor in understanding why some economies are developed and others are not. In the United States, we have taken this leveraging concept to new levels and Europe is not far behind. The economies in the United States and in Europe have become both large and diversified. This means that leverage is needed to marshal the investment required to operate the economy and to develop new products and services. The diversification of the economies—which is a huge change from what existed 100 or even 50 years earlier—makes the economies much more stable and therefore much less risky from a systemic basis. So it should be no surprise that the credit markets in the developed world have grown to massive proportions and that countries in the developing world are looking for ways to emulate it.

      The credit markets clearly have grown. We are more leveraged than we used to be. Credit facilities are on offer everywhere. Whether you are a treasurer looking to finance a new business, a local government wishing to build a new school or an individual hoping to buy a new home, you have many options available to you. Many more options than you would have had just a few years ago. Many observers of this phenomenon see big risks inherent in this situation. Warnings of upcoming doom are familiar topics in our newspapers and the subject for more than a few books. But most of the doomsayer’s just point to the fact that the credit markets have grown dramatically and that consumers, corporations, and governments are all more dependent on leverage. We would not question the facts. We are more leveraged. Whether an inherent problem, or the natural outgrowth of our capitalist economic system, it poses an interesting question. One thing for sure is that we need excellent credit management skills to help us operate in this environment.

      To understand whether this increase is leverage is bad or good requires an analysis about how it has come about. Credit can grow rapidly for three reasons:

      1. Financial deepening. This occurs when credit is extended to those who were not eligible before, or when those who are eligible use the credit markets more extensively to invest in inventory or capital equipment. Examples of the former would be the extension of the mortgage markets, credit cards, and auto finance to many people who probably were ineligible in the past. Another example would be in small business credit, or when borrowers in less developed economies gain access to the global capital markets. At the grass roots level, microfinance in emerging markets is yet another example of financial deepening. Most of the aggregates we see in the expansion of credit levels are the result of financial deepening and are a good thing for the most part.

      2. Normal structural upturns. More growth in the global economy means more credit gets expended. We have experienced an unprecedented growth period over the past few decades, so it is natural that credit would have grown along with it. There is also a multiplier effect, because of financial deepening credit actually grows faster than GDP, normally by a factor of 1.75 times according to research done by S&P.

      3. Excessive structural movements. This is where the credit expansion becomes a credit boom that is potentially destabilizing. Asset prices get magnified—stock prices shoot up, real estate prices boom, and banks are tempted to lend more against inflated asset values. This is what often is referred to as a bubble. Much of the popular press today would argue that this is exactly the situation currently faced by the United States and most of the global economy.

      What we know for sure is that credit has been expanding at a rapid pace. We can also observe that this expansion is happening at a time when credit management tools have improved and information sources are significantly better than they were just a few years ago. Attitudes toward debt, amongst both borrowers and lenders have changed, also probably for the better as many of the players are approaching the markets with a much higher level of sophistication. The main lenders are much more skillful than they were when we wrote the first edition of Managing Credit Risk.

      In the early months of 2007 it appeared that the credit markets were in some sort of new paradigm driven by the improvement of credit management tools coupled with a stable economic situation. At the end of 2007 we appear to be on the edge of a precipice, a few additional missteps away from a major global recession created by a crisis in the credit markets. How this will play out is hard to say with any certainty. However, what is certain is that the higher levels of leverage do make individual players and the economy as a whole, more vulnerable to some kind of systemic back up. It may be that the high levels of diversification, the fact that there are many more risk takers in the markets, and everyone has more information, may make this current credit downturn more limited in the end. But we can now see very clearly that we have not seen the last of credit cycles.

      Before we leave the discussion of more debt and more risk, there is one additional risk that has arisen from the new credit markets. Credit has always been a personal idea. At the core of most good credit guidelines is the idea that the lender needed to know the borrower. Banks only lent to their good customers. Customers they nurtured over long periods of time. From this came a familiarity and trust between lender and borrower. When things changed and the borrower needed some adjustments to their credit line, or more money, or more time—the adjustment often took place with a minimum of stress. All of this was not good, of course. Relationship banking brought a lot of damage to the banking systems in many countries. But it did provide stability and a clear path for individuals and corporations when they faced some problem. They called their banker and had a discussion. Today it is not so simple. Few banks hang on to the loan that they make. When problems arise it is not so easy to make adjustments. If major problems occur things could get even more difficult. Who do you turn to then?

      THE GOLDEN AGE OF BANKING

      The decade of 2000 was beginning to look more and more like a golden age in global banking until the recently escalating subprime crisis. Even the low profit and relatively higher risk banking markets of Japan and Germany have rebounded from low payments earlier in the decade. We believe that structural improvements—resulting from global consolidation, improved risk management, tightening of costs, and lighter regulation—position the industry well to ride out a number of future risk scenarios such as a sharp rise in long-term interest rates or external systemic shocks.

      While the banking industry has made great adjustments from the 1990s, credit risk is still a serious challenge today, but for other reasons. Major lending institutions such as commercial banks and insurance companies are no longer the dominant source of credit to the global economy. They still have a critical part to play, particularly in the creation of credit instruments but they no longer dominate the field by holding on to the credit instruments. This means that there is a disconnect between the creator of the debt from the holder of the debt from the debtor. This disconnect is a growing concern to regulators and major participants in the credit markets as it may produce much more volatility when the credit cycle becomes more challenging.

      Despite the significant improvements made by banking institutions over the past decade, the events of the not-too-distant past have demonstrated that the judgment of bankers is far from infallible. American banks have made serious errors in lending from time to time. While several factors converged to produce the recent bank crises, an inadequate credit policy and/or process was surely one of the most important. In lending to Latin American countries in the 1970s and to commercial real estate developers in the 1980s, banks based their decisions on their traditional credit methodology: They evaluated individual risks, and they focused on lending to customers with whom they had longstanding business relationships. These techniques failed them badly. In Latin America, as in the commercial real estate market, banks got into trouble because they selected the wrong sector, not because they chose the wrong individual risks. Some of the problems may be blamed on poor bank management, but even good management by itself does not make credit risk go away.

      The collapse in the Asian economies (Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia, and South Korea) was reminiscent of the way Latin American borrowing grew in the early 1980s, the causes of the financial crises in these two instances were different. In the Latin American case, according to Jack Guenther, formerly senior vice president of, Country Risk at Citibank, many of the difficulties experienced by those countries were due to external shocks, such as sharp declines in world commodity prices and high interest rates following the restrictive monetary policy pursued by the United States to control inflation at home. With the Asian economies, the problems were caused, on the one hand, by an asset bubble in real estate, and, on the other, by excessive investment in productive capacity and decline in export growth. Moreover, the collapse itself was accelerated by pessimistic sentiments in the financial markets and the flight of short-term foreign capital. The Asian countries with one or two exceptions (e.g. Philippines) have by and large rebounded from this crisis.

      CREDIT RISK PRICING IS NOW MARKET-DRIVEN

      When the first edition of Managing Credit Risk was published in 1998, it was easy to make the case that credit risk was underpriced. There was clear evidence that U.S. banks had systematically underpriced credit risk to their commercial customers. And the pricing policies of these banks looked sensible in comparison to what was happening elsewhere in the world. It seemed like a great time to be a borrower from one of these institutions. The reasons for inadequate pricing were varied: Banks in many countries viewed themselves as a type of utility—their job was to funnel the nation’s savings into economic development, not necessarily to make money on the process. Many banks treated commercial loans as a loss leader that induced customers to purchase other, more lucrative products from them. Exacerbating the problem was that these institutions lacked good default and recovery data regarding their own lending experience. In the absence of knowledge and information, they did what they could.

      Ten years later the situation could’nt be more different at the major global lending institutions. Much more data is available and the major banking regulators have created a risk-based capital system that makes it very clear to banks what the capital consequences are when making a loan to their customers. All evidence would suggest that the markets are much more sophisticated than they were a decade earlier. It also seems that there is more systemic risk to worry about. So what happened to credit spreads in this new world of finance? They collapsed. Spreads became tighter than ever and reached a low in the summer of 2007. So was credit risk underpriced then? Maybe it was, but perhaps not.

      It can be said that there is a whole new paradigm at work here. Ten years ago the banking systems were the primary sources of long-term credit provision. That is no longer the case, no matter which market you look at. So we have new lenders, with new economic models to work from and even quite different motivations. In some respects, credit risk should be similar to any other commodity service. Pricing of any commodity is a function of three things:

      1. The cost of providing the service.

      2. Expected and unexpected losses associated with the provision of the service.

      3. An acceptable return on the capital required.

      So what is the new paradigm? Whereas credit spreads used to be set by bankers based on a mixture of cost analysis, customer relationships, and some good old-fashioned country windage, they are now set by the market. By June 2007, we had gone through a long period of low defaults, some distinct changes in the flow of funds, and huge surpluses of liquidity from traditional and nontraditional sources. There were many new savers (such as the Chinese who are believed to hold almost a trillion dollars of U.S. Government obligations) and new managers of the savings. Cash, which used to sit in a bank deposit, is today in a mutual fund or in a hedge fund. Credit risk had essentially followed the money. The new players have a completely different cost base (mostly lower), smaller capital requirements (if any) and a limited and largely more positive experience to price from. So it was not surprising that credit spreads in mid-2007 would be dramatically lower than they had been in some time. Indeed, in some markets, for example, in the U.S. high-yield bond market, spreads were the lowest ever. However, new information regarding the riskiness of the market began to become apparent to all participants in the summer and fall of 2007. The market processed this new information and spreads rocketed predictably. By the fall of 2007, many market players were no longer interested or willing to participate in the market and market spreads increased from record lows to above average in just five months! This repricing of credit risk, while painful to many, was cheered by those who felt that despite the new paradigm of market structures, the basic risk assessment of credit was out of line in June 2007. The message was quite clear. The new market paradigm is that credit spreads are now a function of market supply and demand pressures as well as fundamental default and loss expectations. They incorporate information on credit as well as the fears and expectations of the participants. As a result, we can expect market pricing for credit risk to be highly volatile going forward.

      Market participants are now much more sophisticated when it comes to pricing credit risk. In recent times, many lenders could see that the market was underpricing credit. Their response was to continue to originate credit but not to hold it. That wasn’t illegal or improper, it was just smart business.

      CREDIT MANAGEMENT IS IMPORTANT TO THE GLOBAL ECONOMY

      Every major economy and most developing countries have experienced credit problems in their banking systems, which have had a negative effect on economic growth and financial market stability. Previously, we referred to the U.S. problems of the past 30 years that arose from real estate lending and other problems. European banks have experienced banking crises comparable to those in the United States. Major banks in France, Spain, and the United Kingdom have come close to failure in recent years. The German banking system is in a turmoil served up by systemic credit failures. Elsewhere the story is not much better. Problems in the Japanese banking system dominated the financial press for nearly a decade and set off a long period of deflation and recession for the Japanese economy. Table 1.1 shows the profitability of major banks in the industrialized nations of the world for the period 2002–2004.

      TABLE 1.1 Profitability of Major Banks, 2002–2004

      Source: Bank for International Settlements, Annual Report 2007, and Fitch Ratings.

      Serious problems in the economies of Thailand, Korea, Malaysia, and Indonesia were a direct result of problems in their credit markets. So it is no wonder that the central bankers of these countries have come together to set rules designed to insure that good credit practices and adequate capitalization is a feature of the banking systems.

      NEW TRANSACTIONS, NEW RISKS

      The emergence of new kinds of financial transactions has also created greater awareness of credit risk. Financial derivatives such as interest-rate or currency swaps represent the unbundling of market risk and credit risk. An interest rate swap, for example, is typically a transaction between the following two parties: (1) a highly rated issuer that prefers floating rate obligations but can raise fixed rate debt at a relatively low rate; and (2) a lower-rated issuer that prefers fixed rate obligations but can raise only floating rate funds. Thus, a major share of the more innovative swap deals actually turns on credit risk, and it is by accepting credit risk that swap sellers derive a great proportion of their revenues.

      Derivatives expand the concept of credit risk to include counterparty risk. Suppose, for example, that automaker A agrees to swap currencies with bank B at some future time. On the basis of this agreement, automaker A then signs a contract to purchase parts from offshore supplier C. If bank B subsequently fails to uphold its end of the currency swap bargain, offshore supplier C may suffer the consequences of settlement delays or worse, even though it had no direct relationship with bank B. If automaker A is able to stop its payment to the bank in time, then its principal would not be at risk. Nevertheless, this company would have to absorb any losses due to an adverse market move. In this way, counterparty risk adds a new dimension to credit risk. Companies now have exposure to third parties with whom they may never have entered into formal credit relationships. As society becomes increasingly interdependent, counterparty risk expands exponentially.

      This is not to say that total financial risk in the economy has increased simply because there are derivative transactions; after all, derivative transactions are a zero-sum game. But derivatives entail additional financial contracting and, therefore, additional exposure to be monitored and managed by the contracting parties. Adequate standards for disclosure regarding creditworthiness have become increasingly important, and investments

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