I STILL Find That Offensive!'

Preface to the new edition

S

INCE

‘I Find That Offensive!’ was published, awareness of the campus free-speech wars has gone mainstream. Newspapers regularly feature the latest daft ban or lurid cultural appropriation story. Meanwhile ‘Generation Snowflake’, a term that I Find This Offensive! is credited with popularising in the UK (according to Wikipedia,¹ so it must be true) is also routinely deployed as a derogatory slap-down of any hint of thin-skinned offence-taking. The term has entered the Collins and Oxford dictionaries. The Sun newspaper even has a snowflake hotline. The government has also intervened, supposedly on the side of free expression. In spring 2018, the government-backed campus free-speech summit² brought in tough new guidance that will discipline institutions if they allow ‘valid debates to be shut down’. The new HE regulator, the Office for Students, has also been given powers to fine institutions for not upholding principles of free speech. So is all well? Are we witnessing a more liberal attitude to free expression?

Sadly not. Too often, as I warn in the book, campus free-speech controversies in particular are reduced to the extreme outliers, egregious examples easy to parody, but often missing the deeper problems. If we just focus on lurid (but true) tales of ludicrous trigger warnings or balaclava-wearing protesters closing down debates,³ we avoid tackling more profound cultural trends that normalise such censoriousness. What is more, the government’s vow to stamp out the ‘chilling’ trend of blocking speakers from campuses might be well-meaning but risks tangling speech up in another layer of officially sanctioned regulation. It also adds fuel to a worrying new tendency: to deny that there is a free-speech crisis at all, simply writing off concerns as an exaggerated tabloid/Tory conspiracy, or the hubris of a bunch of grouchy baby boomers moaning about the new generation.

One of those who claims that campus censorship is exaggerated is Adam Tickell, vice-chancellor of the University of Sussex. He writes: ‘Look closer and you will see that the evidence for [campus censorship] is vanishingly small.’⁴ But it is Tickell who should take a closer look. A student society debate on free speech was recently banned at his own university.⁵ One of his own colleagues, Dr Kathleen Stock, has been erroneously defamed as ‘transphobic’ merely for writing an article for The Economist entitled ‘Changing the concept of woman will cause unintended harms’, discussing female interests in the transgender debate.⁶ Denouncing her, the Sussex Students’ Union Executive said, ‘We will not tolerate hate on our campus.’⁷ Goldsmiths College has opened a speech-chilling ‘hate crime reporting centre’.⁸ King’s College now deploy sinister-sounding safe space monitors to take ‘immediate appropriate action’ if speech codes are breached.⁹ Many universities demand pre-vetting of speeches for external college speakers.¹⁰ This insidious, often bureaucratic, chipping away at the freedom to discuss openly may not hit the headlines, but takes its toll, creating a climate inhospitable to debate.

One new twist in the free-speech wars is language manipulation. A whole new lexicon of words and phrases, such as ‘fake news’, ‘post-truth’, ‘virtue signalling’ has sprung up to dismiss others’ opinions as not worth engaging with. Literary critic Houman Barekat explains that the term ‘gaslighting’ – accusing someone who challenges your viewpoint of a malicious assault on your right to be believed – is ‘a lazy but effective way of shutting down dissent and disagreement’. It is, he says, ‘a psychologised, left-leaning upgrade on the familiar Donald Trump refrain of Fake News!’¹¹ Accusing a questioner of gaslighting delegitimises the question.

Linguistic discrediting has become especially pronounced in the wake of anti-establishment democratic decisions such as Brexit and the election of Donald Trump. Millions of voters have been demonised as deplorables, low-information xenophobes, ‘gammons’,¹² populists etc. Populism itself has moved from being a political science category to the insult de nos jours, given an entirely negative meaning. But if you can’t vote freely – without being classified as beyond the pale – what hope for speaking freely? Once such pathologised monikers are applied, it becomes all too easy to disregard anything said by those so labelled. This has contributed to a febrile culture war, with serious implications for engaging civilly with those we disagree with.

I am aware that there is an irony in these language wars. Labelling someone a snowflake can also be another way of silencing people. In a Guardian article entitled ‘Poor little snowflake – the defining insult of 2016’, the author noted that ‘the term snowflake has been thrown around with abandon in the wake of Brexit and the US election, usually to express generic disdain for young people’.¹³ Snowflakery is undoubtedly used as a dismissive insult, a way of lampooning the most outlandish aspects of the easily offended culture without actually engaging with it. But this is not a mea culpa. The Collins Dictionary definition, ‘young adults … viewed as being less resilient and more prone to taking offence than previous generations’, still applies. It rather makes my point that in one survey, 74 per cent of respondents aged 16–24 complained that merely being called ‘snowflakes’ could have a negative effect on their mental health.¹⁴

More positively, it’s refreshing that some are rebelling against the caricature. Time and again, when speaking at schools and universities about ‘I Find That Offensive!’, I’ve heard students from all political persuasions talk of their frustration at their own generation’s retreat into the conformity of divisive identity bubbles. While I dreaded that my book might be seen as a middle-aged woman bemoaning ‘the youth of today’, it has been gratifying that the most enthusiastic response has come from under-25s, keen to break from endless restrictions on speaking and thinking freely. Most hostility has come from my own peers.

This is how it should be. I wasn’t actually critiquing today’s youth so much as that new class of educational and social policy ‘experts’, whose resilience-draining ideology is doing such a tragic disservice to younger generations. This trend is intensifying. Just look at the so-called epidemic of youth mental ill-health, which all too often leads to an infantilised view of young adults. It is no coincidence that Sam Gyimah, Minister for Higher Education, cited the student mental health crisis as a reason for university authorities to act in loco parentis.¹⁵ Even NUS head of policy and campaigns David Malcolm spotted the danger of expanding the duty of care far beyond the academic aspects of university life. He noted that it could lead to a return to ‘the paternalism of the 1950s and 1960s’ and warned against invoking ‘the spirit of an age when students were very much treated like … children’ with its ‘curfews and prohibitions on overnight guests’.¹⁶

Ironically, one reason students are viewed (indeed view themselves) as psychologically vulnerable and in need of third-party intervention is NUS-led campaigns that emphasise the so-called anxiety-inducing perils of modern campus life and promote a model of fragile undergraduates in need of support (see pp. 137–8). So it’s no surprise when their adult autonomy is challenged by politicians. And despite those same politicians talking the free-speech talk, they fail to grasp that the roots of censoriousness lie in over-coddling, as my book argues. The tendency for young people to view themselves as uniquely in need of protection from psychological harm – including ideas that unsettle – partly explains why they seem prone to regard unfettered speech as an existential threat.

This institutional tendency to medicalise young people’s experience continues to have a counter-productive effect, intensifying a sense that students are unable to cope. Minding Our Future, a recent report by Universities UK, reveals that the number of students dropping out with mental health problems has more than trebled in recent years.¹⁷ Even political challenges are categorised as therapeutic problems. In July 2017, one survey asked 4,000 16–30-year-olds about their anxieties; one of the most commonly cited (42 per cent) was leaving the European Union.¹⁸ The Mental Health Foundation even has a ‘Coping with post Brexit anxiety’ page on its website.¹⁹ Yet a common reaction to my book has been for professional youth spokespeople and their cheerleaders to repackage such psychologising of political disputes as proof of how politically sensitive and caring today’s young are.²⁰

Natasha Devon, formerly the government’s mental health tsar, commends the ‘bravery required to call out attitudes one finds distasteful’, stating that ‘it doesn’t threaten free speech – it broadens debate’.²¹ But no amount of flattery can disguise the fact that the recent history of calling out distasteful attitudes (by branding opponents as misogynist, transphobes, racists) is actually closing down debate and betraying real justice; for minorities, for the young, for all of us.

Worryingly, this call-out culture has now turned its sights on delegitimising the very fight for free speech and demonising its advocates. It is now commonplace for radicals, such as Owen Jones, to dismiss those fighting censorious trends as ‘rightwing, well-heeled, white, straight male … bigots who clothe themselves in the garb of free speech [but] have no real interest in it. They just want the right to hate without challenge.’²² Quite an accusation! However, it fits a broader pattern of impugning the motives of free-speech activists.

As a result, Guardian columnist Nesrine Malik can claim that ‘freedom of speech is no longer a value. It has become a loophole exploited with impunity by trolls, racists and ethnic cleansing advocates.’²³ Those who cannot so easily be dismissed as bigots – anti-racist or civil libertarian liberals, perhaps – are dismissed as the useful idiots ‘free-speech grifters’ who rail against ‘PC culture as the main threat to the freedom of expression’ and are therefore condemned for unwittingly playing the right’s game. A similar point is made in the publicity for Yasmin Alibhai-Brown’s new book In Defence of Political Correctness. She worries that ‘intolerance is justified through [the] invocation of liberty’, describing a dystopian world in which ‘anti-political correctness has gone mad’. These commentators are so appalled by dodgy right-wingers’ association with free speech, by the likes of outrage-monger Milo Yiannopoulos or shock-jock Katie Hopkins styling themselves as free-speech martyrs, that they are prepared to throw the baby out with the bathwater to avoid contamination by association.²⁴ Once liberal principles can be ditched as tainted by dint of being espoused by those you despise, a cowardly retreat from defending free-speech wars’ casualties ensues. Two tales illustrate the real cost of this prevarication.

A tale of two women

Tale 1: The wrong sort of minority

On 6 May 2018, a sunny Bank Holiday Sunday, wellknown drag queen Vanity von Glow performed at a London demonstration labelled ‘Day of Freedom’. Within hours, Vanity (real name Thom Glow), found herself at the centre of a Twitter storm that seemed designed to destroy her career. A lifelong Labour supporter, Vanity was damned for sharing a platform with other speakers dubbed ‘far-right’ by various media commentators²⁵ (although some would dispute this, and one commentator notes how the label is used too promiscuously these days, often as a way of undermining free speech activism).²⁶ It was guilt by association.

It’s true that the ‘Day for Freedom’ was dominated by figures from the right (the rally was called following a