Doing Politics

Preface

‘Good morning, sir. How is East Devon today?’

This cheery greeting, delivered by one of the policemen watching over the entrance to the House of Commons on my last day in the place, after nearly twenty years, reminded me why I should never write any kind of memoir. He had got the wrong person. And the wrong constituency.

Apart from musing on how cushy it must be to represent somewhere like East Devon (and how unfair it was that Labour MPs got all the tough places), I felt a sense of profound political insignificance. I was the sort of person who had sat at the Cabinet table but not, alas, when the Cabinet was meeting. Consulting Alastair Campbell’s voluminous diary record of the New Labour years to see if I appeared on his radar, I found only this: ‘Got a message to Tony Wright to shut up.’

So when it was suggested to me by my old friend Sean Magee, now at Biteback Publishing, that I might write a book, I knew it could not be a memoir. He agreed that I might instead bring together some of the political writing I had done over the years, supplemented by a more personal opening chapter. This is what I have done.

In the opening section I have tried to give a sense of what life was like for someone born shortly after the end of the Second World War who became interested in politics from an early age and, in different ways over subsequent decades, took some small part in it. I hope it gives a flavour of the times, and what has changed. The rest of the book – a mixture of longer articles and shorter pieces – reflects some of the themes and issues I have been interested in over this long period, and which still seem to have some relevance today.

I am grateful to Sean for asking me to do this book and for making sure I did it, even when he would much rather have been at the races. It is dedicated to my father-in-law, Edmor Phillips, who died on general election day in 2010. He could rarely be prised away from his corner of west Wales, but was nevertheless a genuine citizen of the world. I hope he knew he was the audience for everything I said and wrote, and the person whose opinion and approval I most valued.

Tony Wright

January 2012

PART ONE

DOING POLITICS: THEN AND NOW

It was different then. The first general election of my lifetime was in February 1950, when I was nearly two. The great reforming post-war Labour government, led by the unassuming Clement Attlee, scraped a win but without a working majority. Another election soon followed in 1951, narrowly won by the Conservatives with more seats but fewer votes than Labour. A commentator on the 1950 election, writing in the Political Quarterly (which I now edit) declared: ‘It is good to record a record poll, and a hard, clean fight … The record poll of 84 per cent is a reflection of the high level of political interest and concern throughout the country. Correspondents from other lands have applauded it as another tribute to the political maturity of the British electorate.’

It is not just the turnout that now seems remarkable. In 1950 no less than 90 per cent of the total vote went to the Labour and Conservative parties between them, and this rose to a staggering 97 per cent the following year. In 2010, by contrast, the figure was only 65 per cent. Behind the 1950/51 voting figures were party memberships that ran into the millions, although the exact numbers are uncertain. What is certain is that politics was rooted in rival political traditions, each embedded in its own political culture.

My family were Labour. That was our tribe. It was also the dominant political tribe in our little Northamptonshire town, where most men worked in the shoe factories (many had the top of a finger missing, caused by the ‘clicking’ machines), and in the strange-speaking place a few miles away called Corby (known as ‘little Scotland’) where my father worked as a clerk in the steelworks. The surrounding Northamptonshire countryside was inhabited, in our eyes, by a different tribe of squires and foxhunters, demanding deference from the villagers, blue to our red. In our town, as in similar working-class communities, being Labour really was part of a dense culture of chapel and Sunday school, Co-op shop and working men’s club. These were the institutions, along with the football club, which framed my early life. Even today I have our ‘divi’ number at the Co-op (4735) engraved in my memory.

So I was Labour by cultural immersion, not intellectual conversion (which only came later, reading R. H. Tawney’s The Acquisitive Society while working on a kibbutz in Israel in 1967, just after the war). There was Us and Them, and Labour was the party of Us just as the Tories were the party of Them. We lived in our own house, just across the road from the council estate, which made us ‘upper’ working class, but such distinctions – though important in other ways – did not detract from the general sense of political Us-ness. Evidence of the recent war was all around in the remains of old army huts, the concrete floors of which provided our football pitches. My father had emerged from the war as an officer in the RAF, meeting and marrying my mother when he was stationed at the local air base, and as a Conservative. In the early days my mother would put up a Labour election poster in the window when my father had gone to work and take it down before he came home. He too, though, soon succumbed to the Us-ness of the community he had joined, and to the political assaults of my mother, and before long he was secretary both of the local Labour Party and of his trade union branch.

There was one occasion, before his re-education was complete, when he made the mistake of referring to Churchill as ‘the greatest living Englishman’. This set my mother off – did he not know that Churchill had set the troops on the striking miners at Tonypandy? – and my father was banished to the shed until he recanted such political heresy. It is not surprising, then, that I grew up thinking that politics was something that mattered in a rather profound way – that it defined who we were, where we had come from and what future we might have. It was not expressed like this, of course, but this is what I took it to mean. My understanding was not very sophisticated at this stage, but it was fundamental.

It meant that politics was part of my life from a very early age, in a way that seems odd now but was entirely natural then. Politics (Labour) and football (Wolverhampton Wanderers) became my twin enthusiasms. (I had no idea where Wolverhampton was, just that they were the team of the moment.) On one side, my heroes were our Labour leaders Bevan and Gaitskell; on the other, Peter Broadbent, the dazzling inside left of that great Wolves side of the 1950s (whose skills I tried to emulate). I was decked out, interchangeably, in Labour red and the old gold and black of Wolves. As soon as I was old enough, I got a job delivering newspapers before school, which allowed me both to scrutinise the opinion polls to see how the political battle was going and to examine the football forecasts so that I could fill in my fixed-odds pools coupon. The result of both activities was that I regularly missed the school bus.

On election days in the 1950s my job was to run from the polling station at my primary school to the Co-op Hall at the top of the road with the lists of polling numbers, which were then marked off by the party workers on the electoral registers pinned to large trestle tables. This showed who had voted and who had not, so that the latter could be ‘knocked up’. Many Conservatives had cars, while most Labour voters didn’t, so a good ruse was to get our elderly supporters to ask for lifts to the polling station from the Conservatives. I remember my grandfather, retired from managing the Co-op grocery shop, winking at me on one occasion as he alighted from a large Conservative car to cast his Labour vote. What puzzled me at the time about these general elections was that our town voted solidly Labour but the Conservatives always won. This seemed very unfair.

At the 1959 general election, a headline in the local newspaper reported that an open-air election meeting in our town addressed by the Conservative candidate had been interrupted by an eleven-year-old boy who had asked questions about the H-bomb and old-age pensions. What it did not report was that I then arranged with my friends to drive this Conservative candidate out of town on our bikes, planting fireworks in the back of his Land Rover that exploded as he furiously drove away with us in hot pursuit. We had expelled the class enemy from our territory. At least that was how I saw it; I suspect my friends thought it was just a bit of fun.

In 1958, during the run-up to the general election of the following year, the local Labour Party hired a coach to take members to a big rally in the De Montfort Hall in Leicester, some twenty miles away, where both Hugh Gaitskell and Nye Bevan were to speak. This was the period when the Labour Party was divided into Bevanites and Gaitskel-lites – the fundamentalists and the revisionists – but I did not know this at the time. We were just Labour, loyal to our leaders, untroubled by faraway schisms and united in our opposition to the Conservative enemy; though for some reason my mother was particularly taken with the fact that Hugh Gaitskell was an accomplished dancer. What we did not know, of course, was that within the next few years both Bevan and Gaitskell would be dead, our leaders taken from us before their victories could be won. For years afterwards I kept the copy of the Daily Mirror that announced Gaitskell’s death in the cupboard beside my bed, along with my prized collection of football programmes (and, shamefully, birds’ eggs).

Allowed to go, I had a chance to see my political heroes in the flesh. Coaches disgorged party members from all over the East Midlands and the hall was packed. In my memory there were thousands there, and I had a perch high up on the front row of the balcony. Since I was only ten, much of it went over my head, except for the exciting atmosphere and one line from Bevan which stayed with me. ‘Those Tories,’ he said, in that captivating Welsh lilt, ‘they might be trusted to look after animals but they should not be trusted to look after the country.’ I thought this was very good. What was even better was that afterwards – because my father was a party secretary – we were allowed to go backstage to meet the great men. I wish I could record a memorable exchange, but I was probably too star-struck to do anything but look gormless.

The only politician I had encountered in person until then was our own MP, G. R. (Dick) Mitchison, who would sometimes come to social events or political meetings in the Co-op Hall. He was a kindly man with a disarming stutter, but also rather grand. Not only was he a QC but also the owner of a castle in Scotland, which I then assumed was entirely natural for a Member of Parliament, even a Labour one. Even more exotic, though, was his wife, Naomi, who combined being a famous writer with the honorary chieftainship of a tribe in Africa. To the ladies of the Co-operative Women’s Guild she must have seemed like a visitor from another planet, but valiant efforts at communication were made on both sides. The Mitchisons were liked and respected, and when my parents were invited to their daughter’s wedding in the crypt chapel at the House of Commons I was included too, my first step inside the place.

Our next MP, after Mitchison retired, was another grand figure, Sir Geoffrey de Freitas. A former Wing Commander, who had also been a High Commissioner, he sported a magnificent moustache and a dashing demeanour. By this time I was in the sixth form at grammar school and chairman of the Young Socialists in Kettering. In this capacity, one day in 1966 I received a letter from Sir Geoffrey at the House of Commons, enclosing a ticket for the forthcoming final of the World Cup. The letter invited me either to attend the final myself or to raffle the ticket for branch funds. A nanosecond of reflection persuaded me that the latter course of action would be far too complicated and divisive and that I had a clear duty to go myself. So, courtesy of our MP, I watched England win the World Cup from a seat not far from the Royal Box. Still a schoolboy, I sensed that the rest of life might be something of an anti-climax after this.

By now I really was a political obsessive. I filled the letters page of the Kettering Evening Telegraph with a running commentary on the political issues of the day, drawing responses from people who had no idea they were arguing with a mere schoolboy. My teachers at the grammar school, a mixture of the mad and the inspirational, must have found me very irritating. Certainly my English teacher did, who reported in my last term: ‘When he sets his mind to it, he can produce most competent work; when he allows his political prejudices to influence his literary criticism, his work is usually irrelevant and tedious.’ A great inspiration to me was our History teacher, Mr Cowell, known to us for some reason as Tarzan, who managed to weave irreverent references to contemporary politicians like Harold Macmillan and Selwyn Lloyd (whom he called ‘Selluloid’) into accounts of the Great Reform Act and changes to the Corn Laws. On my last day at school the deputy head, Mr Wood, who taught Latin and was normally a master to be feared, summoned me to his room. I expected the worst. He took down from his shelves the two volumes of The History of British Socialism by Max Beer and said that he would like me to have them. I cherish those books, along with the memory of the teacher who gave them to me.

The only other books in our house were on biblical prophecy. My father spent much of the Second World War in the Middle East and had immersed himself in the Bible and its prophecies. Even the Jehovah’s Witnesses learned to avoid our house, as my father was always ready to break off from his gardening to instruct them in their prophetic errors. So I had to find reading material elsewhere, which I did first in our little local library and then in the cornucopia of Kettering Public Library. This magnificent civic building, with an art gallery attached, became an integral part of my life. It was where I went every afternoon after school before I caught the bus home, and also where I found a Saturday job. My preference for the library over the school rugby team incurred (not for the first time) headmasterly wrath: I was stripped of the prefect’s stripes on the wrists of my blazer, leaving only the faded rings where they had been. But the library provided history, politics and literature in glorious abundance, whereas rugby only gave me cuts and bruises. Many years later when I wrote a book on R. H. Tawney, I dedicated it to Kettering Public Library. It would have seemed unthinkable to me then that libraries, a core part of the civic infrastructure, would one day be in peril.

Like all of my school friends, I was the first in my family to go to university. I wanted, inevitably, to study politics. The headmaster had decided that I should go to Oxford to study PPE (Politics, Philosophy and Economics). This I duly did, but I stayed only for one term, which caused distress for my proud parents and invoked yet more headmasterly wrath. I enjoyed the delights of Oxford (and went back later to do a doctorate), but at that time the first year of PPE had no politics in it and that was what I wanted to do. So I arranged a transfer to the London School of Economics for the following year, and spent the intervening months (after a winter as a daffodil inspector in Jersey, patrolling the fields and inspecting the hold of ships in search of the dreaded eelworm) wandering around Europe and North Africa with my thumb extended, as many of my generation did in the 1960s.

While living in a cave on the side of the rock of Gibraltar, I read in a newspaper that Spanish students were protesting against Franco’s Fascism under the slogan ‘Franco no, democracia si!’. I decided, as an act of solidarity, that I would attach a piece of cardboard with this slogan on it to my rucksack before travelling back up through Spain. When I presented myself at the Spanish border post, I soon realised that this had not been a good idea. I was taken by the guards into a side room, and they began to question me about where I had come from and what I was doing. Every time I said the word ‘Gibraltar’ they would spit on the floor in unison. When they asked where I was a student and I gave them the name of the LSE a book was consulted, producing much excitable chatter. I was then removed to a holding room in the town police station. After a while, realising that matters were now getting serious, I went up to the desk and demanded (just like in the films) that I should be allowed to see the British consul. In response a policeman hit me, sending me reeling back into my seat.

Eventually I was marched out to a bus, put on the front seat, with a row of policemen on the back row holding rifles, and driven to the Gibraltar border. There I was kicked off the bus and handed my passport, which had been stamped to say that I was henceforth prohibited from entering Spain. It was a forlorn ending to my anti-Fascist crusade. It also left me with the problem of how to get to France and home without going through Spain, which was only solved by signing up for the Swedish Merchant Navy. It was hardly Homage to Catalonia, but it was a sharp lesson for a youthful socialist that liberal democracy should not be taken for granted.

Arriving at the LSE in 1967 after a spell of portering at the old Middlesex Hospital, I soon found myself at the epicentre of the student revolution. The place was in constant turmoil. During one student occupation a porter died. Daily mass meetings brought student leaders from all over the world to the university in revolutionary solidarity. It was impossible not to feel in some way part of what was happening. I duly wrote a long (and now embarrassing) article for my local paper at home, explaining that it was all about participatory democracy and the breaking of oppressive bureaucratic structures. This was the spirit and meaning of 1968.

Yet in truth I had a far more ambivalent attitude to what I was witnessing, though this did not stop me getting involved in various kinds of mischief, helped by the convenient proximity of the LSE to inviting targets. I organised a group from our hall of residence to occupy Rhodesia House in the Strand every Thursday. We would walk in, sit down and wait for the police to carry us out into the street (where, on one occasion, I was interviewed by a young BBC television reporter called Martin Bell). There were endless demonstrations and at one of these, again in the Strand, I was arrested and carted off to the cells at Bow Street police station. I was charged with obstructing the police, which I knew I had not. Alarmed to discover that the charge (and sentence) was potentially very serious, I resolved to plead not guilty, and spent many hours in the Law Library at the LSE working on a defence. When the case was heard at Bow Street Magistrates’ Court, I was shocked – in my innocence – when a police inspector gave a version of events that was entirely fictitious. He knew it was – and knew that I knew it was, as I put to him in questioning – but he also knew that a court would accept his version rather than mine. In the event, the wily stipendiary magistrate said that he had no alternative but to find me guilty, but had decided to fine me the princely sum of ten shillings. He inquired – with a twinkle in his eye – if I would like time to pay. It felt like a magnificent vindication.

I had no qualms about this kind of activity – occupying Rhodesia House to support the fight against minority rule, opposing the Vietnam War in Grosvenor Square, invading the pitch at Twickenham to disrupt the Springbok tour in the name of anti-apartheid – but I did have a growing feeling of unease about student militancy itself. I wanted to be part of a university, not to destroy it. The idea that university authorities were agents of oppression seemed to me to be ludicrous and self-indulgent. Besides, I was Labour, by background and identity, and I had nothing in common with those self-styled revolutionaries of assorted sectarian affiliations who thought that social democracy was an enemy that had to be attacked. They thought that its defeat would open the door for the triumph of the revolutionary left, whereas it seemed obvious to me that it would instead clear the path for the advance of the political right (as it did).

If I was troubled by such political illiteracy (and by actual illiteracy – throughout the ‘troubles’ at LSE the wall of the Old Theatre had ‘Anarchism’ sprayed on it, but misspelt), I was even more disturbed by the sheer intolerance and illiberalism of some of the student Trots. Opposing views were shouted down and their proponents intimidated. This was not my idea of how a university, or politics, should function. One occasion in particular sticks in my mind. Michael Oakeshott, the distinguished conservative philosopher, was delivering a lecture on Roman political thought when a group of Trotskyite thugs burst into the room, roughed him up and poured a jug of water over his head. It was all over in seconds. The elderly philosopher simply shook himself down, said nothing about the incident (which doubtless just confirmed his general view of the world) and calmly continued his description of the Roman understanding of potestas and auctoritas as forms of rule.

I was learning that there were different kinds of socialism (and politics) and that some I wanted nothing to do with. At this time Marxism was the dominant discourse of the social sciences, stripping away the liberal veneer of bourgeois societies to reveal the class power beneath. Politics was a function of economics. It seemed to me that, despite the analytical value of this approach, it carried with it a devaluation and misunderstanding of politics that was wrong and even dangerous. I was being taught at this time by Ralph Miliband (father of David and Ed), who was the leading political theorist of British Marxism. Handing back an essay I had done on Lenin’s State and Revolution, he said: ‘The trouble with you, Wright, is that you are basically a liberal.’ I did not regard it as a ‘trouble’ to be associated with a kind of politics that wanted to combine liberty and equality, and refused to make politics only a derivative of something else. Nor did I regard it as accidental that Marxists managed to get so much analysis right, and so much politics wrong.

After the LSE I had a year in the United States, courtesy of a scholarship to Harvard. From the moment I arrived (on the new QE2, glimpsing the Manhattan skyline at dawn) it was exhilarating. All the academic giants were at Harvard – figures like Daniel Bell and John Rawls – and I was able to attend classes with all of them, while my personal tutor was Seymour Martin Lipset, the renowned political sociologist whose book, Political Man, was already a classic. In one lecture series, where there was always standing room only, the rival political theorists Robert Nozick (on the right) and Michael Walzer (on the left) conducted a running debate on the relationship between liberty and equality. This was heady stuff, and a kind of teaching I had never experienced before.

There was also the headiness of America itself. At Christmas some of us drove non-stop, three days and nights, from snowbound Boston to sun-drenched California. There were regular bus trips down to Washington for Vietnam demonstrations outside Congress. Greyhound buses provided a means of exploring every corner of this extraordinary country. Above all, there was the atmosphere of civic energy and democratic optimism of a kind that I had never encountered before and which I decided was a well from which I would periodically need to drink thereafter. Yet I came to feel something else too, a sense that here was a country that was simply too vast and various for the kind of political movement I was attracted to; and it was this that finally reconciled me to the prospect of returning to a Britain that might be less exciting, but was somehow more manageable.

At this stage I was not certain what I would do when I returned home. It would be something to do with politics, but whether this would be of an academic or more worldly kind I was not sure (a dilemma I never really resolved). I remember telling an American girlfriend, as we sat in a fish restaurant on Boston harbour, that I thought I would probably become a Labour MP, but this was a notion rather than a plan. I already had a place waiting for me at Oxford to do a doctorate; however, this was the default option rather than a settled intention. I tried to become a journalist, writing from America to the BBC, The Guardian and The Times, inviting them to take me on – an invitation which they lost no time in declining.

So it was Oxford, and the academy. More precisely, it was a thesis on the political thought of G. D. H. Cole, the scourge of Fabian centralism and an apostle of a