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The Little Book of Politics
The Little Book of Politics
The Little Book of Politics
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The Little Book of Politics

By DK

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This ebook is the perfect introduction to politics and political thought throughout history.

From the origins of democracy to Machiavelli's cunning statecraft, and from Rousseau's "social contract" to the American Declaration of Independence, Marxist communism, the dawn of populism, and identity politics, The Little Book of Politics examines the philosophies behind the different political beliefs and methods of government used around the world over the course of human history.

Includes infographics and flowcharts that explain complex concepts in a simple but exciting way, The Little Book of Politics offers you a combination of clear text and hard-working infographics in a portable format that is perfect for reading on the go.
LanguageEnglish
PublisherDK
Release dateMay 12, 2020
ISBN9780744044317
The Little Book of Politics

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    The Little Book of Politics - DK

    Political theory can trace its beginnings to the civilizations of ancient China and Greece, where, from around 600 BCE, philosophers turned their attention to the way we organize societies. At first, these questions were considered part of moral philosophy or ethics. Philosophers examined how society should be structured not only to ensure the happiness and security of the people, but to enable people to live a good life.

    Ancient political thought

    By far the most influential of the Chinese philosophers to emerge was Confucius, who combined moral and political philosophy in his proposals for upholding traditional Chinese moral values in a state led by a virtuous ruler and advised by a class of administrators. In later, less peaceful, times, thinkers such as Han Fei Tzu and the military leader Sun Tzu applied the principles of warfare and discipline to ideas of foreign policy and domestic government. These more authoritarian political philosophies brought stability to the new Chinese Empire.

    Like China, ancient Greece was not a single nation, but a collection of separate city-states under various systems of government. Athens established a form of democracy under a constitution in 594 BCE, and the city became a place where philosophers could speculate on what constituted the ideal state and how it should be governed. Here, Plato advocated rule by an elite of philosopher kings, while his pupil Aristotle compared the various possible forms of government. Their theories would form the basis for Western political philosophy.

    The Indian subcontinent was also composed of various separate states at that time, but an innovative political theorist, Chanakya, helped transform it into a unified empire under the rule of his protégé, Chandragupta Maurya. Chanakya believed in a pragmatic but disciplined approach to political thinking, with the aim of securing economic and material security for the state rather than the moral welfare of the people.

    The rise of Rome

    Meanwhile, another power was rising in Europe. The Roman Republic had been founded in about 510 BCE, and established a form of representative democracy similar to that of Athens. However, in the 1st century BCE, civil conflict brought the Republic to an end, as Julius Caesar proclaimed himself dictator and then emperor. The new Roman Empire was to dominate most of Europe for the next 500 years, and Roman imperial culture—with its emphasis on prosperity and stability—largely replaced the values of scholarship and philosophy associated with the republics of Athens and Rome.

    Religious influence

    Simultaneously, a new religion was taking root within the empire: Christianity. For the next millennium, political thinking in Europe was led by the Church, and political theory during the Middle Ages was shaped by Christian theology. Early Christian thinkers such as Augustine of Hippo examined questions such as the distinction between divine and human law and the justification for war in terms of Christian doctrine.

    In the 7th century, Muhammad established Islam as a religion with an imperialist agenda, and it became a major political as well as religious power. Unlike Christianity, Islam was open to secular political thinking, encouraging wide scholarship and the study of non-Muslim thinkers, and scholars integrated the ideas of Plato and Aristotle into Islamic theology. Cities such as Baghdad became centers of learning, and scholars such as Ibn Khaldun emerged as political theorists.

    Difficult questions

    Classical texts that Islamic scholars had preserved and translated began to come to the notice of Christian scholars in the 12th century, and a new generation of Christian philosophers became acquainted with classical thinking. Thomas Aquinas tried to integrate the ideas of Aristotle into Christian theology, tackling subjects such as the divine right of kings and reviving debate about secular versus divine law. The authority of the Church in civil affairs was challenged as separate nation-states gained independence and their rulers came into conflict with the papacy.

    People were also beginning to question the authority of their monarchs. In England, King John was forced by his barons to concede some of his powers. In Italy, dynastic tyrants were replaced by republics such as Florence, where the Renaissance began. It was in Florence that Niccolò Machiavelli, a potent symbol of Renaissance thought, shocked the world by producing a political philosophy that was entirely pragmatic in its morality.

    IN CONTEXT

    IDEOLOGY

    Confucianism

    FOCUS

    Paternalist

    BEFORE

    1045 BCE Under the Zhou dynasty of China, political decisions are justified by the Mandate of Heaven.

    8th century BCE The Spring and Autumn period begins, and the Hundred Schools of Thought emerge.

    AFTER

    5th century BCE Mozi proposes an alternative to the potential nepotism and cronyism of Confucianism.

    4th century BCE The philosopher Mencius popularizes Confucian ideas.

    3rd century BCE The more authoritarian principles of Legalism come to dominate the system of government.

    Kong Fuzi (Master Kong), who later became known in the West by the Latinized name of Confucius, lived during a turning point in China’s political history. He lived at the end of China’s Spring and Autumn period—around 300 years of prosperity and stability during which there was a flowering of art; literature; and, in particular, philosophy. This gave rise to the so-called Hundred Schools of Thought, in which a wide range of ideas was freely discussed. In the process, a new class of thinkers and scholars emerged, most of them based in the courts of noble families as valued advisors.

    The influence of these scholars’ new ideas inspired a shake-up of the structure of Chinese society. The scholars were appointed on merit rather than due to family connections, and this new meritocratic class of scholars was a challenge to the hereditary rulers, who had previously governed with what they believed was a mandate from Heaven. This caused a series of conflicts as various rulers vied for control over China. During this era, which became known as the Warring States period, it became increasingly clear that a strong system of government was necessary.

    The superior man

    Like most educated, middle-class young men, Confucius pursued a career as an administrator, and it was in this role that he developed his ideas about the organization of government. Seeing firsthand the relationships between the ruler and his ministers and subjects and keenly aware of the fragility of the political situation of the time, he set about formulating a framework that would enable rulers to govern justly based on his own system of moral philosophy.

    Confucius believed that a wise and just sovereign had a benign effect on the character of his subjects.

    Confucius’s moral standpoint was firmly rooted in Chinese convention and had at its heart the traditional virtues of loyalty, duty, and respect. These values were personified in the junzi: the gentleman or superior man, whose virtue would act as an example to others. Every member of society would be encouraged to aspire to the junzi’s virtues. In Confucius’s view, human nature is not perfect, but it is capable of being changed by the example of sincere virtue. Similarly, society can be transformed by the example of fair and benevolent government.

    The notion of reciprocity—the idea that just and generous treatment will be met with a just and generous response—underpins Confucius’s moral philosophy, and it is also a cornerstone of his political thinking. For a society to be good, its ruler must be the embodiment of the virtues he wishes to see in his subjects; in turn, the people will be inspired through loyalty and respect to emulate those virtues. In the collection of his teachings and sayings known as the Analects, Confucius advises, If your desire is for good, the people will be good. The moral character of the ruler is the wind; the moral character of those beneath him is the grass. When the wind blows, the grass bends. In order for this idea to work effectively, however, a new structure for society had to be established, creating a hierarchy that took account of the new meritocratic administrative class while respecting the traditional rule of the noble families. In his proposal for how this might be achieved, Confucius again relied a great deal on traditional values, modeling society on relationships within the family. For Confucius, the benevolence of the sovereign and the loyalty of his subject mirror the loving father and obedient son relationship (a relationship considered by the Chinese to be of the utmost importance).

    Confucius considers that there are five constant relationships: sovereign/subject, father/son, husband/wife, elder brother/younger brother, and friend/friend. In these relationships, he emphasizes not only the rank of each person according to generation, age, and gender, but the fact that there are duties on both sides and that the responsibility of the superior to the inferior in any relationship is just as important as that of the junior to the senior. Extending these relationships to the wider society, their reciprocal rights and responsibilities give society its cohesion, creating an atmosphere of loyalty and respect from each social stratum toward the next.

    Justifying hereditary rule

    At the top of Confucius’s hierarchy was the sovereign, who would unquestionably have inherited this status, and in this respect Confucius shows the conservative nature of his political thinking. Just as the family provided a model for the relationships within society, the traditional respect shown to parents (especially fathers) extended also to ancestors, and this justified the hereditary principle. Just as a father was considered the head of the family, the state should naturally be ruled over by a paterfamilias figure—the sovereign.

    Nevertheless, the sovereign’s position was not unassailable in Confucius’s thinking, and an unjust or unwise ruler deserved to be opposed or even removed. However, it was in the next layer of society that Confucius was at his most innovative, advocating a class of scholars to act as ministers, advisors, and administrators to the ruler. Their position between the sovereign and his subjects was crucial, because they had a duty of loyalty both to their ruler and the people. They carried a high degree of responsibility, so it was essential that they be recruited from the most able and educated candidates and that anybody serving in public office should be of the highest moral character— a junzi. These ministers were to be appointed by the sovereign in Confucius’s system, so much depended upon the sovereign’s own good character. Confucius said, The administration of government lies in getting proper men. Such men are to be gotten by means of the ruler’s own character. That character is to be cultivated by his treading in the ways of duty. And the treading of those ways of duty is to be cultivated by the cherishing of benevolence.

    The role of these public servants was mainly advisory, and ministers were not only expected to be well-versed in the administration and structure of Chinese society, but also to have a thorough knowledge of history, politics, and diplomacy. This was necessary to advise the ruler on matters such as alliances and wars with neighboring states. However, this new class of civil servants also served an equally important function in preventing the ruler from becoming despotic, because they showed loyalty to their superior, but also benevolence to their inferiors. Like their ruler, they, too, had to lead by example, inspiring both the sovereign and his subjects by their virtue.

    Good government consists in the ruler being a ruler, the minister being a minister, the father being a father, and the son being a son.

    Confucius

    The importance of ritual

    Many parts of Confucius’s writings read like a handbook of etiquette and protocol, detailing the proper conduct for the junzi in various situations, but he also stressed that this should not merely be empty show. The rituals he outlined were not mere social niceties, but served a much deeper purpose, and it was important that the participants behaved with sincerity for the rituals to have any meaning. Public servants not only had to fulfill their duties virtuously, they also had to be seen to be acting virtuously. For this reason, Confucius laid great emphasis on ceremonies and rituals. These also worked to underline the positions of the various members within a society, and Confucius’s approval of this illustrates his tendency to conservatism.

    The ceremonies and rituals allowed people to manifest their devotion to those above them in the hierarchy and their consideration toward those below them. According to Confucius, these rituals were to permeate the whole of society, from formal royal and state ceremonies right down to everyday social interactions, with participants meticulously observing their respective roles. Only when virtue was sincerely and honestly manifested in this way could the idea of leading by example succeed. For this reason, Confucius held sincerity and honesty to be the most important of virtues, second only to loyalty.

    Many of these rituals and ceremonies had their basis in religious rites, but this aspect was not important to Confucius. His moral philosophy was not founded on religion, and the political system he derived from it simply acknowledged that there was a place for religion in society. In fact, he seldom referred to the gods in his writings except in terms of a hope that society could be organized and governed in accordance with the Mandate of Heaven, which would help unify the states vying for power. Although he firmly believed in rule by a hereditary sovereign, he did not feel the need to justify it as a divine right.

    This implicit dismissal of the divine right, combined with a class system based on merit rather than inheritance, showed Confucius at his most radical. While he advocated a hierarchy reinforced by strict rules of etiquette and protocol so that everybody was very aware of their place in society, this did not mean there should be no social mobility. Those with ability (and good character) could rise through the ranks to the highest levels of government, whatever their family background, and those in positions of power could be removed from office if they failed to show the necessary qualities, no matter how noble the family they were born into. This principle extended even to the sovereign himself. Confucius saw the assassination of a despotic ruler as the necessary removal of a tyrant rather than the murder of a legitimate ruler. He argued that the flexibility of this hierarchy engendered more real respect for it, and that this in turn engendered political consent—a necessary basis for strong and stable government.

    Actors performing a Confucian ritual in Shandong Province, China, convey the importance of restraint and respect to modern visitors unversed in their highly formalized tradition.

    The Chinese emperor presides over the civil service examinations in this Song dynasty painting. The exams were introduced during Confucius’s lifetime and were based on his ideas.

    Crime and punishment

    The principles of Confucius’s moral philosophy also extended into the fields of law and punishment. Previously, the legal system had been based on the codes of conduct prescribed by religion, but he advocated a more humanistic approach to replace the divinely ordained laws. As with his social structure, he proposed a system based on reciprocity: if you are treated with respect, you will act with respect. His version of the Golden Rule (do as you would be done by) was in the negative—what you do not desire for yourself, do not do to others—moving the emphasis from specific crimes to avoidance of bad behavior. Once again, this could best be achieved by example because, in his words, When you meet someone better than yourself, turn your thoughts to becoming his equal. When you meet someone not as good as you are, look within and examine your own self.

    Rather than imposing rigid laws and stern punishments, Confucius felt that the best way to deal with crime lay in instilling a sense of shame for bad behavior. Although people may avoid committing crime if guided by laws and subdued by punishment, they do not learn a real sense of right and wrong, while if they are guided by example and subdued by respect, they develop a sense of shame for any misdemeanors and learn to become truly good.

    He who governs by means of his virtue is … like the Pole Star: it remains in its place while all the lesser stars do homage to it.

    Confucius

    Unpopular ideas

    Confucius’s moral and political philosophy combined ideas about the innate goodness and sociability of human nature with the rigid, formal structure of traditional Chinese society. Unsurprisingly, given his position as a court administrator, he found an important place for the new meritocratic class of scholars. However, his ideas were met with suspicion and were not adopted during his lifetime. Members of the royal and noble ruling families were unhappy with his implied dismissal of their divine right to rule and felt threatened by the power he proposed for their ministers and advisors. The administrators might have enjoyed more control to rein in potentially despotic rulers, but they doubted the idea that the people could be governed by example and were unwilling to give up their right to exercise power through laws and punishment.

    Later political and philosophical thinkers also had their criticisms of Confucianism. Mozi, a Chinese philosopher born shortly after Confucius’s death, agreed with his more modern ideas of meritocracy and leading by example but felt that his emphasis on family relationships would lead to nepotism and cronyism. Around the same time, military thinkers such as Sun Tzu had little time for the moral philosophy underlying Confucius’s political theory and instead took a more practical approach to matters of government, advocating an authoritarian and even ruthless system to ensure the defense of the state. Nevertheless, elements of Confucianism were gradually incorporated into Chinese society in the two centuries following his death. Championed by Mencius (372–289 BCE), they gained some popularity in the 4th century BCE.

    The state philosophy

    Confucianism may have been adequate to govern in peacetime, but it was felt by many not to be robust enough for the ensuing Warring States period and the struggle to form a unified Chinese Empire. During this period, a pragmatic and authoritarian system of government known as Legalism supplanted Confucius’s ideas and continued as the emperor asserted his authority over the new empire. By the 2nd century BCE, however, peace had returned to China, and Confucianism was adopted as the official philosophy of the state under the Han dynasty. It continued to dominate the structure of Chinese society from then on, particularly in the practice of recruiting the most able scholars to the administrative class. The civil service exams introduced in 605 CE were based on classic Confucian texts, and this practice continued into the 20th century and the formation of the Chinese Republic.

    Confucianism has not entirely disappeared under China’s communist regime, and it had a subtle influence on the structure of society right up to the Cultural Revolution. Today, elements of Confucian thinking, such as those that deal with societal relationships and the notion of filial loyalty, are still deeply ingrained in the Chinese way of life. Confucian ideas are once again being taken seriously as the country shifts from Maoist communism to a Chinese version of a mixed economy.

    Religious functions were absorbed into Confucianism when it became the official philosophy of China. Confucian temples such as this one in Nanjing sprang up throughout the country.

    Confucius

    Despite his importance in Chinese history, little is known of Confucius’s life. He is traditionally believed to have been born in 551 BCE, in Qufu in the state of Lu, China. His name was originally Kong Qiu (he earned the honorific title Kong Fuzi much later), and his family was both respected and comfortably well off. Nevertheless, as a young man, he worked as a servant after his father died in order to support his family and studied in his spare time to join the civil service. He became an administrator in the Zhou court, where he developed his ideas of how a state should be governed. But his advice was ignored, and he resigned from the position. He spent the rest of his life traveling throughout the Chinese Empire, teaching his philosophy and theories of government. He eventually returned to Qufu, where he died in 479 BCE.

    Key works

    Analects

    Doctrine of the Mean

    The Great Learning

    (All were assembled during the 12th century by Chinese scholars.)

    IN CONTEXT

    IDEOLOGY

    Realism

    FOCUS

    Diplomacy and war

    BEFORE

    8th century BCE A golden age of Chinese philosophy begins, which produces the so-called Hundred Schools of Thought.

    6th century BCE Confucius proposes a framework for civil society based on traditional values.

    AFTER

    4th century BCE Chanakya’s advice to Chandragupta Maurya helps establish the Mauryan Empire in India.

    1532 Niccolò Machiavelli’s The Prince is published 5 years after his death.

    1937 Mao Zedong writes On Guerrilla Warfare.

    In the late 6th century BCE, China was reaching the end of an era of peaceful prosperity—the so-called Spring and Autumn period—in which philosophers had flourished. Much of the thinking had focused on moral philosophy or ethics, and the political philosophy that followed from this concentrated on the morally correct way that the state should organize its internal affairs. The culmination of this came with Confucius’s integration of traditional virtues into a hierarchy led by a sovereign and administered by a bureaucracy of scholars.

    Toward the end of the Spring and Autumn period, however, the political stability of the various states of China became fragile, and tensions between them increased as the population grew. Rulers of the states not only had to manage their internal affairs, but also defend themselves against attack from neighboring states.

    Military strategy

    In this atmosphere, military advisors became as important as the civil bureaucrats, and military strategy began to inform political thinking. The most influential work on the subject was The Art of War, believed to have been written by Sun Tzu, a general in the army of the king of Wu. The opening passage reads, The art of war is of vital importance to the state. It is a matter of life and death, a road either to safety or to ruin. Hence it is a subject of inquiry which can on no account be neglected. This marked a distinct break from the political philosophy of the time, and Sun Tzu’s work was perhaps the first explicit statement that war and military intelligence are critical elements of the business of the state.

    The Art of War deals with the practicalities of protecting and maintaining the prosperity of the state. Where previous thinkers had concentrated on the structure of civil society, this treatise focuses on international politics, discussing public administration only in connection with the business of planning and waging wars or the economics of maintaining military and intelligence services.

    Sun Tzu’s detailed description of the art of war has been seen as providing a framework for political organization of any sort. He gives a list of the principles of war that are to be considered when planning a campaign. In addition to practical matters such as weather and terrain, the list includes the moral influence of the ruler, the ability and qualities of the general, and the organization and discipline of the men. Implicit in these principles of war is a hierarchical structure with a sovereign at its head taking advice from and giving commands to his generals, who lead and organize their troops.

    For Sun Tzu, the role of the sovereign is to provide moral leadership. The people must be convinced that their cause is just before they will give their support, and a ruler should lead by example; this was an idea that Sun Tzu shared with Confucius. Like the bureaucrat of civil society, the general acts as both advisor to the ruler and administrator of his commands.

    Unsurprisingly, Sun Tzu places great emphasis on the qualities of

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