The Derveni Krater: Artistic

Internationalization in Fourth-century
B.C.E. Macedonian Metalwork
by

Alice Chapman

In the fourth century, the kingdom of Macedonia was rapidly

expanding as Philip II and later his son Alexander the Great used both
diplomacy and new military strategies to transform the Greek world
from a series of separate city-states into a single entity controlled by one
ruler. At this time, the unstable system of warring poleis attained a new
level of stability that increased the ease with which merchants and artists
could travel between commercial centers. During this period, artists
came into contact with a wide variety of styles and integrated different
facets of distinct artistic methods and forms into their artworks. The
previously dominant artistic power, the city of Athens, was in decline
after a debilitating loss in the Peloponnesian war left it impoverished
and socially unstable. The movement of social and political capital away
from Attica encouraged artists to seek commissions outside of mainland
Greece and may have promoted the transfer of entire workshops to
the newly wealthy lands of the Macedonian kings. It is in this period of
change that the Derveni Krater, a large bronze vessel, was created for
a member of the Macedonian elite. Although some scholars claim that
this vessel is Athenian1, a closer examination shows an amalgamation
of several distinct styles from different corners of the Greek world.
Thus the Derveni Krater grants the viewer a window into the growing
Macedonian empire and the cross-cultural exchange that was occurring
as different peoples came in contact with each other through the
development of an international trade market. Artists working for
Macedonian patrons were exposed to new motifs, techniques, and styles,
which were then integrated to form a new elite aesthetic. References
to Athenian culture were often used by artists, and may be seen in the
style of the figures on the body of the Derveni Krater, to emphasize
Macedonias connection to the intellectual and artistic values of the
Athenian elite. Other styles and symbols tie this piece to luxury objects
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of other cultures with which the Macedonians were coming into

contact including South Italy, Scythia, and Asia Minor. This Krater,
therefore, conveys power through a variety of different symbolic
and stylistic languages, which were made accessible by this culture of
internationalization created by Macedonian imperial ambitions. The
Derveni Krater synthesizes distinct cultural signs intended to emphasize
the power of the patron, and it is therefore logical to hypothesize that
this Krater was created within Macedonia itself. The national identity
of the workshop that created this piece, however, is not necessarily
ethnically Macedonian, and although the artists that created the Derveni
Krater were working in Macedonia, it is likely that their origins lie
elsewhere.
The Derveni Krater
The Derveni Krater is 90.5 cm in length including the handles,
and 51.5 cm at greatest diameter. It is a volute krater, a long bodied
vessel, which swells at the shoulder, with a long neck and rounded
handles that project above the rim. The entire body was hammered
in the repouss technique, in which supple bronze is hammered from
behind to create figures in varying levels of relief. The vase is divided
into six distinct registers. The largest, on the body of the vase, contains
the only figural decoration, which runs around its entire circumference.
This scene depicts a nude figure of Dionysus lounging with his hand
thrown over his head (see figure 1). He is reclining next to a panther,
which is seated docilely to his left. The god is much larger than the other
figures in the scene and easily dominates this side of the vessel. Seated
next to the male figure, on his right, is a draped female figure. Dionysus
has his right leg thrown over her lap, and she pulls on her veil with
her right hand. This gesture, the bridal gesture, identifies the female as
Ariadne, wife of Dionysus.2 She wears a flowing, clinging chiton, a type
of light garment, and an applied silver necklace, which is mirrored by
the other female figures on the vase. On her right are two female figures
facing away from each other, each holding the legs of a faun, which is
stretched tautly between them (see figure 2). These women are portrayed
with bare breasts and heads thrown back. These female figures, as well
as the others portrayed on the vessel are Maenads, the female followers
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of Dionysus, dancing and reveling in the ecstasy brought on by the

god of wine. Continuing around the vessel, another group of women
is encountered (see figure 3). One Maenad, completely nude to the
navel, is falling into the lap of a seated woman, who catches the falling
figure around the waist. The falling woman reaches a closed fist towards
another Maenad, who looks back towards her clenched hand (see figure
4). This Maenad faces a satyr who holds a walking stick and reaches
out in an attempt to touch her. He is nude except for a cape and is
portrayed with mostly human features except the tail, which secures his
identification as a satyr. Next to the satyr, a clothed adult male wearing
a single shoe and holding a sword walks down a rocky landscape (see
figure 5). The final figure is another Maenad, who holds a flailing child
over her left shoulder (see figure 6). These figures all inhabit a rocky
terrain with an applied silver ivy wreath above them in the background.
The scene has a sense of extreme movement and excitement. The
garments flow wildly and undulate as the figures move about in space.
The landscape and high relief give the figures a sense of gravity and
weightiness, which liken them to stone relief sculptures.

The other repouss registers of the vase portray animal friezes
and non-figural decorations. The rim of the Krater has an egg and dart
motif, which contains the inscription (see figure 7). Below this band, is
a palmette, wave, and circle pattern with inlaid silver details (see figure
8). The upper band, on the neck of the vessel, contains a variety of
carnivorous animals (see figure 9). Although this area was normally
reserved for non-figural decoration, some scholars suggest that the artist
was using this repouss animal frieze to hide the join between the mouth
and neck.3 The final frieze on the neck is an ivy wreath, inlaid in silver,
which is knotted in two places (see figure 10). This may be a reference to
the knot portrayed on the diadem of Macedonian priests that may also
have been worn by Macedonian kings.4 On the body of the vessel, below
the main frieze is another animal frieze showing pairs of carnivorous
animals attacking their prey, as well as a single fawn (see figure 11).

The handles and seated figures, placed as though they are sitting
on the shoulder of the vessel, were both made of solid cast bronze and
added onto the hammered body of the Krater. Each volute contains a
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The Derveni Krater

mask-like bearded male face (see figure 12). Although they look very
similar, each face has defining characteristics, which identify them as
specific individuals or deities. On the outer edges of the volutes are
images of snakes, each of which acts as a frame for the handle and their
tails project from each volute in tight spirals. The decoration of the
handles shows an elaborate floral and scroll motif. The seated figures
are two females, one on each side of the vase, paired with a male figure,
one sleeping and one languidly pulling at her garment, one male figure
seated on a cushion and extending an arm towards the sleeping female
and a satyr seated on a wineskin (see figure 13). In regard to their dress
and pose, these figures are very similar to the ones in the frieze depicted
on the body of the vessel. They are most certainly part of the same
mythological group as those figures within the main frieze. The two
females are, therefore, exhausted Maenads and the seated man the god
Dionysus.
The Derveni Krater was discovered in one of five un-plundered
fourth-century Macedonian burials in 1962, in a small grave site near the
city of Lete in ancient Macedonia. It was discovered along an ancient
road leading out of the town, which had a cemetery containing tumuli
and cist tombs that was in use from the Late Classical Greek to Early
Roman periods.5 Since these burials are not within the ancient cemetery,
but rather removed from it, Beryl Barr-Sharrar, infers that these burials
were hidden to protect against grave robbers and invading forces.6 The
Derveni Krater was found in Tomb B, a simple cist tomb with stucco
walls decorated with a floral motif. It was found with other grave goods
that included bronze and silver metal vessels, weaponry and armor, and
horse trappings. The presence of ashes in the Krater attests to its use as
a container in a cremation burial, much like those spoken about in the
Homeric epics.7 The ashes inside the container are a combination of
male and female remains. It is estimated that the male was older than the
female and was probably a cavalryman, since other items in the grave are
related to horseback riding.8 Furthermore, an inscription on the vessel
indicates that the man was a Thessalian with descendants from Larissa.
The inscription, written in a dialect, which is a variation on those found
in Thessaly, reads indicating
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that the vase belonged to a man named Astioun, son of Anaxagoros

from Larissa.9

An examination of the technical aspects of the Derveni
Krater must take into consideration the ore that was used as well as the
different processes that were used in the creation of this vessel. The
examination of the ore can determine the origin of the metal while the
examination of the metallurgical processes can determine the type of
workshop the Derveni Krater was created in. The technical complexity
of this piece indicates that a highly sophisticated metal workshop was
responsible for its creation. First the alloy will be examined. Tests
performed to determine the ore content of the vessel show that the
gold coloring is not the result of gold plating, but instead due to the
use of a high tin content in the copper alloy.10 The vessel contains
14.8% tin and 85.03% copper.11 Because the addition of tin makes the
bronze alloy harder, and therefore more difficult to hammer, it was
clearly an aesthetic choice made to mimic the appearance of gold.12 The
addition of so much tin made it necessary to keep the vessel hot at all
times while it was being hammered in order to keep the metal supple,
greatly increasing the difficulty with which it was created.13 Similar tests
revealed that the copper was probably mined in Cyprus because of a
low impurity amount in the alloy.14 Since there were many sources of
copper ore in the ancient world, the choice to import copper from
Cyprus indicates that this metal was specifically desired for its color and
aesthetic properties. Other metal vessels within the tomb are attributed
by Barr-Sharrar to different regions including Macedonia, Cyprus, and
Athens, clearly indicating a trade relationship between Macedonia and
these other centers at that time.15
The inclusion of so many different metalworking techniques
also greatly increased the difficulty with which this vessel was created.
The repouss technique may have been adapted from a cold hammering
technique known as the matrix technique, in which artists worked with
cold bronze hammered from the inside against a mold.16 Artists working
in the repouss technique were able to create figures in extremely high
relief.17 The Derveni Krater has relief that is so high in places that cast
additions were required to maintain the integrity of the piece.18
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In addition to the repouss technique, the body was also inlaid

with silver and bronze additions including the silver necklaces of the
Meanads and the wreath which encircles the top of the main frieze
on the body of the vessel. The inlay technique involved the cutting of
grooves in the bronze vessel into which small strips of silver or copper
are placed and then hammered.19 Finally, the artist added cast handles
and figures seated on the shoulder of the vase. X-ray examinations
confirmed that these figures were solidly cast and not hollow.20
The mixture of techniques indicates a highly skilled and
sophisticated workshop comfortable with complex metallurgical
processes. The use of multiple techniques on the same vessel implies
this workshop contained artists who were comfortable working in all
facets of bronze creation. Further, the mixing of casting and repouss
techniques indicates that different artists were working on the same
vessel simultaneously since it is unlikely that a single artist would have
been able to execute such a large project with so many different facets
singlehandedly.
Iconography of the Derveni Krater

The iconography of the vessel may also provide key information
about the creation of the vessel and its purpose. Although the
iconography of the vessel fits neatly within the canon of Dionysian
mythology, it is unknown whether the artist intended to represent a
single coherent scene of revelry or a narrative of Dionysian mythology.
T.H Carpenter suggests that these scenes depict a cycle of the life
of Dionysus, and he assigns each Maenad a specific role in this
mythological history.21 For example, the Maenad holding the baby
over her shoulder may be the gods nursemaid who, in a fit of insanity,
hurled her children into the sea.22Although it is tempting to connect
these scenes in a narrative fashion, the proliferation of images of
Dionysus and his retinue in Greek sculpture and vase painting make it
more likely that these images were chosen as the representation of a
theme, rather than a particular narrative program. As early as the archaic
period, groups of Maenads participating in Dionysian cult rituals were
represented in vase painting. This interest continues for example in
fifth-century vases throughout the Greek world, which represent scenes
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of Maenadic revelry similar to the scenes on the Derveni Krater (see

figure 14). 23Artists working in the fourth century would have been
very familiar with these motifs and would have been able to represent
them without a specific reference point in vase painting, sculpture, or
mythology.
In contrast to the clearly identifiable satyrs and Maenads, the
identity of the man approaching the scene from a rocky landscape
remains unknown. He is identified variously by scholars as Pentheus,
Lykourgos, or Astioun, the man whose remains are within the
Krater.24 According to Greek burial custom, idealized portraits of the
deceased were often included in funeral monuments with indications
of their occupation.25 It is within the canon of Greek imagery to
include a portrait of the deceased in his burial krater and therefore
the identification of Astion cannot be immediately eliminated. The
placement of the figure however, deviates greatly from a traditional
portrait of a deceased man, who was normally shown removed from
the action of the scene (see figure 15). In the South Italian tradition,
funerary vases often placed a portrait of the deceased, among his
attributes, in a separate architectural space with other mythological
figures surrounding but removed from him. The placement of the figure
in the landscape setting, to the side of the composition as a seeming
onlooker to the main action, makes it unlikely that this is a portrait of
the recently deceased patron of the vessel. It is more likely that this
is a representation of a mythological figure who fits in the canon of
Dionysian mythology. Both Lykourgos and Pentheus, mythological
kings who were punished by Dionysus for their impiety, would be
appropriate in this scene. Pentheus, as a king of Boeotia, provides a
further connection to northern Greece and therefore is a more likely
inclusion in this scene. The single sandal and the landscape in which he
is walking, also support his identification as Pentheus, since Pentheus
was convinced to dress as a woman in order to sneak up on his relatives
in the woods who were consumed by Dionysian madness. Furthermore,
Macedonian elite culture had a specific connection to this story, as the
playwright Euripides composed his famous Bacchae while residing in the
Macedonian court.26
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The choice of Dionysian subject matter for the main register
of this vase is not unusual. The cult of Dionysus incorporated many
aspects of death and the symposium, and it was one of the few mystery
cults which contained ideas about the afterlife.27. The afterlife, as cult
followers believed it, would resemble a symposium, and the tombs of
cult members often included drinking vessels, couches, and other
implements related to feasting.28 Furthermore, the mythology of
Dionysus, unlike that of the other Gods, who were born immortal,
contained the story of his death and rebirth, linking him directly to this
idea of a life after death. Often funerary wares show scenes from the
life of Dionysus or Dionysian revelry to make a connection between the
earthly symposium and life after death. The symposium was a ritual integral
to the Greeks ideas about death. For example, the Perideipnon, a banquet
which ended the mourning period, completed a series of rituals to send
the soul to the afterlife.29
Date of the Krater

Traditionally, the Derveni Krater has been dated between 330
and 320 B.C.E.30 Scholars have assigned this date based on other goods
within the grave, which share stylistic and iconographic similarities with
other vessels known to have been produced at this time, and a coin
of Philip II found within the vessel itself, which is dated to the third
quarter of the fourth century.31 Beryl Barr-Sharrar, however, contests
this date and claims that the vessel was created much earlier, around
370 B.C.E.32 She notes that the chitonoi of the Maenads are belted above
the waist, a classical feature that would gradually change towards the
end of the period.33 Barr-Sharar agrees that the burial must have taken
place towards the end of the fourth century; however, she argues that
the Krater was a luxury object that may have been in a family for several
generations before its actual burial.34 Furthermore, she argues that
the Krater was not a product of a Macedonian workshop, but instead
an item specifically commissioned for a Macedonian patron made in
Athens. She makes this claim based on her assumption that the main
frieze of the vessel was copied from a monument in the Athenian agora,
an assumption that seems to be corroborated by the proliferation of
Maenads in similar, if not identical possess that circulated after the
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classical period.35 This monument does not survive.

Despite Barr-Sharars argument for the placement of the Krater
in the early fourth century, the degree of nudity of the figures and their
similarity to the sculptures attributed to Scopas implies a later dating.
The figures of the Maenads are in a state of undress rarely seen in
earlier examples and seem to mimic the Maenads of Scopas more closely
than their high classical counterparts (see figure 16). The high-belted
chiton of the Maenad at Dresden similarly reveals the body, but is still
conservative compared to the almost completely exposed Maenads on
the Derveni Krater. The Maenad in Dresden has been dated on stylistic
grounds variously between 360 and 320 B.C and may be a forerunner to
the types of Maenads seen in the later Krater.36
If the vessel were created at a later date, the anomalies,
which indicate an earlier dating, must then be addressed. The classical
iconography may reflect the preference of the patron, not the vessels
date. Indeed, within the canon of Macedonian art it is not unusual to
find an emphasis on conservative classical forms.37 The figures on the
metal vessels found in Philip IIs tomb at Vergina share a similar affinity
with classical models and are dated to the 330s B.C (see figure 17). 38 As
Manolis Andronicos describes them, the figural decorations on metal
vessels found at the tombs at Vergina do not submit to the plasticity
of form of later Hellenistic works and instead maintain the solidity of
the Parthenon marbles.39 The use of this high classical modeling of
form makes a connection between these metal vessels and the forms
on the Parthenon in Athens. The dating of the metal vessel at Vergina
is substantiated by David Gill, who describes inscriptions on the metal
vessels, which indicate a weighing system that was in use during the
creation of the tombs and which was not implemented in Macedonia
until the reign of Alexander the Great.40 These inscriptions indicate
that these vessels were created during the Hellenistic era and that their
reliance on classical forms was a matter of choice by the artist.
The stylistic evidence from other Macedonian art objects, as
well as the physical evidence from the tomb supports the dating of this
vessel to the late fourth century, and this date has been accepted by most
scholars. The solidity of the figures on the Derveni Krater is in this case
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The Derveni Krater

mixed with extreme movement and emotion.

Origin of the Krater

The remainder of this paper will examine the iconography,
style, and technique of the Derveni Krater in an attempt to understand
the different cultural influences that were present in its creation. First,
Athenian and Macedonian influences will be addressed, specifically in
reference to the subject and style of the figural frieze. Then, the vessels
shape, technique, and layout will be examined in connection with other
Greek and non-Greek centers. Specifically, I will explore the influence
of South Italy, Asia Minor, and the Scythian tribes to the north on the
Derveni Krater. For the purposes of this paper, I will define a local
workshop as one that is located within the Macedonian empire, as it
was defined before its expansion under Philip II. By this definition,
the nationality of the artists working within the workshop would not
necessarily be Macedonian but rather could be a group of artisans
working in Macedonia for Macedonian patrons
Athenian Origin
Although the style of the figures on the vessel is Athenian,
other cultural features make it unlikely that this piece was produced
in Athens. Before discussing the style of the figures on the Derveni
Krater, it is important to define style as it will be discussed in the
following examples. For the purposes of this paper, I will use James
Elkins definition of style which suggests that this terms use should be
restricted to similarities in quality not iconography.41 The figures on the
Derveni Krater share the solidity of form and emphasis on the body
that can also be observed in the pedimental sculptures on the Parthenon.
For example, the figure of the lounging Dionysus is extremely similar
in style to the figure of the lounging Dionysus on the Krater. In this
case, the similar accentuation of the body, the delicacy of line and the
softness of the form indicate that these two artists were working in a
similar stylistic tradition (see figure 18). These stylistic similarities can
also be seen in a comparison of the rendering of drapery between the
Maenads on the Krater and the Three Goddesses on the Parthenon. The
clinging translucence of the fabric accentuates the form of the body and
adds a sense of sensuousness to the figures.
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11

Despite these stylistic similarities, the economy of Athens in

the late fourth century and an examination of the surviving ceramic
production reduce the likelihood that the Derveni Krater was created in
Athens. Like many areas in the Mediterranean, archaeological evidence
of casts and foundries confirm the presence of metal workshops within
Athens city walls.42 Because there are no surviving metal vessels from
the fourth century found within the city, scholars must turn to the
ceramic tradition to uncover trends in artistic production at this time.
Unlike bronze objects which were often melted down for their ores,
ceramics can often be recovered from areas where bronzes are not.
The durability of ceramics makes them a useful tool in determining
the possible trend of bronze production in a certain area. After the
Peloponnesian wars, and as the economy of Athens started to stumble,
a migration of artists away from the city and into other artistic centers
began to occur. The war may have given metics, resident aliens, and
slaves the opportunity to escape the war torn city and move to more
prosperous areas to continue their craft.43 As the economy continued
to falter, the market for expensive ceramics in Athens decreased and
instead there was a demand for cheaper, mass-produced wares which
valued utility over aesthetics.44
A trend away from the solid forms and delicate lines of high
classical Athenian ceramic production can be seen in an examination of
late fourth century Athenian wares Kerch Style and Ornate style, two
styles which dominated Athenian ceramic production from 370 until 320
when the creation of vessel in Athens almost completely ceased.45 The
Kerch style is marked by an increased interest in three dimensionality
and polychromic landscapes and although certain liveliness is seen in the
work of the Marsyas Painter, the delicacy of line and solidity of figures
seen in earlier vase paintings is missing (see figure 19).46 The ornate style
has similarly moved away from the delicacy of line, instead favoring an
interest in the portrayal of pattern (see figure 20).47 The rapidity of line
in both styles suggests a movement away from the carefully rendered
figures of earlier periods and a tendency towards a style which could
be reproduced quickly. This is even more evident in the work of the
Straggly Painter which reduces the form to a series quickly rendered
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lines in an almost sloppy rendition of a female face.48

Since artists from mainland Greece and elsewhere began
working in Macedonia as early as the sixth century, it is often difficult
distinguish between artwork imported to Macedonia and ones created
there.49Athenian influence on Macedonian wares was intimately tied into
ideas of aristocracy and intellectual culture, and the figural motif on the
body of the vase is clearly indebted to Athenian prototypes in style. As
artists were drawn to the Macedonian court by its wealth, they brought
with them styles and artworks that were transferred into the canon of
the Macedonian aristocracy. Macedonians used Attic forms to connect
themselves to the cultural heritage of Athens and therefore gain respect
and legitimacy, and the art found in Macedonian tombs strongly reflects
this desire.50
Macedonian Origin
The lack of particular features of Macedonian art which can
be defined as specifically local and adoption of Greek models leads
some scholars to believe that there is no true Macedonian Style.51 The
Macedonian artistic tradition is almost entirely composed of a series of
imported styles, which appealed to a Macedonian aesthetic. Artworks
considered to be Macedonian are therefore considered Macedonian
more because of their subject matter and find context than because of
stylistic features that may associate them with a specifically Macedonian
workshop.52 If one considers the lack of specifically identifying features
that indicate a Macedonian workshop, it is difficult to claim that the
Derveni Krater was made by a workshop containing only Macedonian
artists. It does seem however, in light of the highly developed style of
the metal vessels found at Vergina that sophisticated metalsmiths were
working in Macedonia. The box containing the ashes said to belong to
Philip II uses a specifically Macedonian symbol, the sixteen-pointed
Macedonian sunburst, to link it to the Macedonian royal house (see
figure 21). There is however, nothing to imply that this piece was made
by local craftsmen; in fact Andronikos specifically assigns this work to
artists from the Greek mainland.53 Evidence that the tomb may have
been created in haste, something Andronicos uses to add credence to his
hypothesis that the tomb was made for King Philip II after his untimely
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13

assassination in 336, may lead to the conclusion that local artists were
available to create these objects but does not necessarily imply that
these artists were of Macedonian descent.54 In fact, it is most likely that
these artists were not of Macedonian descent, but rather outside artists
who travelled to Macedonia and made a home among the Macedonian
court elite, where they would be ensured of wealthy patrons and grand
commissions.
Like the works from Vergina, it is likely that the Derveni Krater
was made in a local workshop, but not necessarily by Macedonian
craftsmen, since they were moving away from the traditional
Macedonian reliance on Classical Athenian prototypes. Considering
the other influences on the Krater discussed later in this paper, the
placement of the workshop which created the Krater within Macedonia
seems feasible, as working in Macedonia would expose the artists to a
wide variety of international influences that were being introduced to
Macedonia as it expanded into the surrounding Greek and non-Greek
territories. To understand further influences on the Derveni Krater, the
vessels shape must next be examined.
South Italian Influence
The shape of the vessel implies a different influence from the
Greek colonies on South Italy. Although the krater shape originated in
Athens in the seventh century,55 it became popular throughout Greece,
and the shape was adopted by many groups, including the colonies
on South Italy, where it was modified from its original function, as a
container in which water and wine were mixed during the symposium,56
to serve as a funerary vessel. Although kraters originally had wide necks
and mouths,57 certain changes were made to the profile of the volute
krater by South Italian artists, like the lengthening of the foot and neck
to allow artists to decorate broader areas on the vase.58 The handles
were also adapted to include faces in the roundels of the volutes, which
traditionally portrayed four heads of the Gorgon, perhaps an apotropaic
feature, which may have originated from buttons or horse trappings.59
Sculptured figures were also added to the shoulder of the vase. Archaic
bronze figurines have been found in South Italy, which scholars believe
to have been seated on the shoulders of larger vessels (see figure 22).60
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More typically, as in later Apulian examples, animals, most often the

heads of swans, are seen in this position.61
The shape of the Derveni Krater is very similar to the ceramic
vases seen in Apulia. Both the use of masks on the volutes and the
placement of figures on the shoulder conform to the traditional
South Italian aesthetic. Unlike Athens, which exported a wide variety
of products throughout the Greek world, scholars believe that the
South Italian market remained closed, producing vases only for local
consumers, who soon began to demand specific kinds of vessels.62 This
closed market implies that artists familiar with these design features
most likely learned them in South Italian workshops. Despite scholars
assertion that South Italian pottery was not circulating in the fourth
century, the Kraters affinity with South Italian prototypes likely suggests
that the artist responsible for its creation was intimately familiar with
South Italian workmanship. In a culture of internationalization, it is
possible that South Italian artists traveled to Macedonian centers to seek
commissions and that South Italian workshops could have transported
this aesthetic to the Macedonian marketplace.
Like Macedonia, South Italy was prospering in the fourth
century and wealthy poleis like Tarentum, in Apulia, would have had
both the resources and the market for an object like the Derveni Krater.
Easy access to mineral resources allowed it to develop a sophisticated
metalworking tradition. The two areas also had a similar reverence for
the cult of Dionysus and buried their dead with luxury objects in tomb
structures. More concretely, there is recorded evidence of political
contact between the Macedonian monarchy and the city of Tarentum.
In 338 B.C, when it was attacked by the Lucians and Messapians,
Tarentum appealed to Philip II for help.63 Philip responded to its request
by dispatching his brother in law, Alexander of Molossian, to South
Italy. Alexander, like his nephew, Alexander the Great, had imperial
ambitions and tried to consolidate South Italy under his rule.64 Tarentum
quickly withdrew its support of this invader and, after his death in
331, remained autonomous until being conquered by the Romans.
The political connection between Tarentum and Macedonia is also
implied by coins found in tombs, which confirm Macedonian presence
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in South Italy. Coins produced during the reign of Philip II, known as
Philippeoi, which show the head of Apollo on one side and a twohorse chariot on the other are known to have circulated widely in South
Italy.65
In addition to political and social connections between South
Italy and Macedonia, there was also an artistic connection between the
two states. The artist Lysippus both worked for the Macedonian court
and was commissioned to create cult statues in South Italy.66 He was
also said to have worked specifically in the city of Tarentum, where he
created a colossal bronze cult statue of Zeus, as described by Pliny the
Elder (NH.34.XVIII).67
The shape of the Derveni Krater strongly suggests that the
artist was influenced by South Italian examples, the knowledge of
which may have been brought from South Italy to Macedonia by artists
who moved to the north during the fourth century. The manner of
decoration on the body of the vessel, however, is not South Italian in
technique. It more closely resembles the metalwork of the Scythian
tribes, a northern migratory group with a long standing tradition of
decorative metal work.
Scythian Influence

To the north of Macedonia, in the areas occupied by nomadic
tribes known as the Scythians, a sophisticated metalworking tradition
flourished that produced elaborate repouss decoration in a style similar
to that found on the Derveni Krater. In the fifth and fourth centuries
B.C.E., the Scythians built elaborate burial mounds filled with offerings
to the newly deceased, which included human sacrifices, animals, and
many luxury objects made of gold. Herodotus tells us that they used
only gold, not silver or brass, although objects of other metals have
been found in Scythian graves.68 Scythian artists often adopted motifs
and shapes from two dimensional ceramic decoration and incorporated
it into their three dimensional repouss designs. Some shapes and
motifs so closely mimic Greek prototypes that Ellis Minns asserts that
many Scythian metal works must have been imported.69 Other scholars
attribute the elaborate grave goods to Scythian workshops with masters
working in a Mix-Hellenic manner, which was a combination of
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The Derveni Krater

Scythian and Greek techniques and motifs.70 Mikhail Treister asserts

that the founders of these workshops were most likely from Greece;
however, they may have been operational for many generations,
eventually incorporating local craftsmen and techniques.71
An examination of the Chertomlyk Vase provides an interesting
comparison to the Derveni Krater, as both were metal funerary vessels
created in a similar technique and are contemporary (see figure 23). The
Chertomlyk vase, a silver vessel about two feet, four inches high, was
found in the eighteenth century at an excavation of the Chertomlyk
burial mound, a site located in the Dnieper Basin in modern day
Ukraine.72 The body of the vessel has three spouts with strainers,
implying that the vessel was intended for a liquid which contained
dregs.73 The vessel is divided into three registers. The lowest and largest
register of the vessel is decorated with animals, birds, winged horses,
lions and non-figural motifs including palmettes and scrolling vines. The
register above this large panel, on the shoulder of the vase shows scenes
of men wearing pants and tunics breaking horses (see figure 24). Unlike
the scene below, this scene is composed entirely of cast additions and
does not contain repouss decoration. The topmost scene shows griffins
attacking stags.
This vessel, dated between 330-300 B.C,74 has multiple features
which connect it with the vessels of mainland Greece. For example, the
motif of griffins attacking stags is used throughout Greece but most
likely originated in the east. This type of scene is also portrayed on the
Derveni Krater, although the predatory animals are more varied and
spread across two separate registers. Similarly, the shape of the vessel
is derived from the ceramic Greek Amphora. Despite these Greek
features, other elements specifically connect the vase with Scythian
culture. The men in the middle register are able to be identified as nonGreek by their clothing, pants and hats and their occupation, breaking
horses. Although Minns asserts that this vessel was most likely created
in mainland Greece, a Mix-Hellenic workshop in the north seems
a more likely origin for the vessel, since repouss decoration is used
so widely in Scythia and the subject of men breaking horses so clearly
refers to a Scythian activity.75 Scythians revered their horses, and as
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Herodotus recounts in his history, one Scythian king was buried with
up to 50 horses.76 Like the Derveni Krater, this vessel seems to be an
amalgamation of different traditions both from mainland Greece and
local cultures. The amphora shape of the Chertomlyk Vase is undeniably
Greek in origin but the motifs and sophisticated repouss metalwork are
more reminiscent of a northern tradition.
There is also direct evidence of Scythian art in the Macedonian
mainland. A bowcase or gorytos found in the tombs at Vergina
demonstrates that the Macedonian elite admired the Scythian aesthetic
(see figure 25). This repouss silver vessel, completely gilded on the
outside, contains two registers of figural relief bordered by animals
and decorative patterning. The two figural bands show scenes of
women and children fleeing a sanctuary, which has been infiltrated by
soldiers, a scene which may be interpreted as the fall of Troy but which
Andronikos thinks has a different meaning.77 Bowcases with this exact
form and similar compositions have been found in tombs throughout
Scythian lands, including the Chertomlyk burial mound (see figure
26). Although the gorytos is a form unique to Scythian lands, Michle
Daumas insists that all of these objects were made by Greek craftsmen
because they integrated Greek mythology into their figural registers.78
Mikhail Treister instead argues that the each gorytos was made in Scythia
to portray a Scythian myth.79 Treister posits that each gorytos was made
using separate smaller plates with groups of three or four figures, which
were chosen by the patron and combined by the artist.80 This implies
that the creation of the gorytos was industrialized in a specific way to
suit the needs of the Scythian artist and patron and that the figures
portrayed on each individual piece were stock figures, recombined for
a specific visual effect, not necessarily to portray a certain myth. Since
there is no evidence of the gorytos form outside of Scythia, this gorytos
is most likely the product of a Scythian workshop, and, as Andronikos
posits, it may be a gift of a Scythian king to the Macedonian royal
family.81
The discovery of the gorytos at Vergina suggests that the
Macedonian aristocracy would have had access to Scythian artistic forms
by the 330s B.C.E. The armies of Philip faced the Scythians in 339, and
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20,000 young Scythian men were taken to Macedonia as slaves.82 With

such a large population of young Scythians brought to Macedonia, it
is likely that artists were included among the prisoners of war. These
artists would have brought their artistic skill set into the Macedonia.
Even before this battle, Philip had many encounters with the Scythian
tribes, forming alliances with them that would allow him to maintain
control of his northern frontier while campaigning elsewhere.83 The
Macedonian aristocracy, being aware of the elaborate burial traditions
of the Scythian kings, may well have been attracted to the appearance
of their metal vessels as symbols of power and wealth. The Derveni
Krater reproduced the elaborate repouss decoration of the Scythian
tribes, connecting it with the burial tradition of the Scythian kings and
increasing the prestige of the man buried within it.
Thus far, mainly technical and stylistic aspects of the Derveni
Krater have been examined to determine sources of possible influence.
Other iconographical clues may also indicate the presence of different
groups within the Macedonian marketplace. Influences from the east,
especially areas of Asia Minor and western Persia, areas with which
Philip and Alexander came into contact during the expansion of the
Macedonian empire, can be seen in the iconography of the main figural
scene on the Derveni Krater.
Eastern Influence

Sardis, once the capitol of the Lydian kingdom, became a
completely Greek city under the control of Lysimachus in 334.84 Before
this absorption into the Greek orbit, a slow process of Hellenization
in the east brought together different cultures and created a mixture of
local and international style. It is also known that artists and artworks
were imported to Sardis from the Greek mainland as well as from the
Scythians and other northern tribes, making Sardis, as well as other cities
in Asia Minor, international commercial centers with a variety of foreign
influences that combined to form a strong local aesthetic.85 Although
literary sources testify to a monumental bronze tradition in Sardis,
which lasted from the sixth century B.C.E. until the second century
A.D, only fragmentary remains of this industry have been attested
archaeologically.86 Archaeological evidence of a local school of Sardian
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bronze-work has been uncovered in the form of unfinished pieces and a

large bronze foundry known as the House of Bronzes.87 This implies
a lively metalworking tradition in Sardis, even though the physical
manifestation of that tradition has mostly been lost over time. Because
the archaeological record of metal vessels is so fragmentary, we must
instead look to the sculptural tradition to find instances of this mixing
of cultures in ancient Asia Minor. Early relief sculpture at Sardis is made
with Graeco-Persian iconography, which represents local rituals like
funeral banquets and funeral processions with strong Greek influence.88
This mixture is reflected in a relief excavated in Sardis, which shows a
man reclining on a couch taking a meal with his wife seated on a throne
at his feet (see figure 27). This theme, known as the Totenmahl, or funeral
banquet, was a favorite of the Persian Empire.89 The figures, however,
have distinctive Greek attributes, especially the three quarters view of
the female figure which, as Nancy Ramage points out, closely mimics
representations in Greek funerary monuments.90
By the time Alexander the Great conquered Sardis, Greek
influences begin to appear in Persian art.91 Totenmahl reliefs still played
a large part in the visual culture of the Asia Minor. First appearing in
the late 6th century, 92 traditional Totenmahl scenes portray the couple
surrounded by vessels, which indicate a banquet, perhaps a funerary
meal since these reliefs are often associated with burial ritual. The
layout of Macedonian tombs reflects the funerary banquet portrayed on
Totenmahl reliefs, with klinai, couches on which the males reclined, and
diphroi, thrones on which the females sat upright, although no feasting
appears to have taken place within the burial chambers.93 In Macedonia
and Asia Minor, Totenmahl reliefs were a demonstration of wealth and
show the elite status of the deceased.94 Although Totenmahl reliefs did
make their way to Attica and Boeotia in the second half of the fourth
century, the emphasis there was on a humble familial setting.95 The poor
quality and limited number of these reliefs leads Johanna Fabricuis to
posit that they were made for members of the lower classes, who were
most probably foreigners.96 The persistence of this motif outside of
Attica in more elite settings, especially in Asia Minor and Macedonia
speaks to its importance as a symbol of power.
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Although the Totenmahl reliefs are rare in Attic grave stele,

the style of the figures on these grave markers is very similar to those
seen in Athens in the fourth century. For example the Gravestone of
Thraseas and Euandria from the Kerameikos cemetery completed in 350
has the same solidity of form as the Totenmahl relief from Sardis (see
figure 28). Although the influence of high classical sculptures like the
Parthenon pediment is more obvious in Athenian grave stele due to its
state of preservation, if the drapery in the two examples is compared,
the falling of folds similarly emphasizes the body and the delicacy of
line creates a sensitivity to form. The figures are also pushed up to the
front of the composition against and stage-like background. The stele
from Sardis has taken a Persian iconography which indicates wealth and
status, and transformed it using an Athenian style.
Although not a funerary banquet, the main scene on the
Derveni Krater resembles a Totenmahl relief in composition, with
Dionysus lounging on a couch with Ariadne seated at his feet. The artist
who created the krater was clearly aware of this long standing symbol of
power and took it a step further, integrating the gods into this funerary
ritual, emphasizing both the patrons piety and wealth. The Macedonian
aristocracy inherited this immense wealth and attempted to emulate
the splendor of this conquered land by incorporating symbols of the
Persian elite into its own canon. Although the figures of Dionysus and
Ariadne are in an Attic style, like most elements of the Derveni Krater,
the Totenmahl relief is combined with references to Classical Greek art
forms to create an amalgamation of styles inherited from different parts
of the Mediterranean world.
Conclusion

The Derveni Krater reflects a culture of internationalization
that characterized the initial stages of the formation of the Macedonian
empire. As different artists flocked to the cities of Macedonia, they were
exposed to a wide variety of new artworks and artists, which influenced
their future artistic production. As artists settled in Macedonia and
set up workshops, wealthy patrons were attracted to symbols of
power and prestige from different cultures around the Greek world,
which were then reproduced for the Macedonian elite. Although the
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precise workshop that made the Derveni Krater is unknown, it is most

likely that it was created in Macedonia, the location of this merging
of cultures and the home of patrons made wealthy by the spoils
of Alexander and Philip IIs imperial ambitions. The artist clearly
understood the styles and influences of several different cultures, and
it can be inferred, then, that this artist was in a workshop which had
been working in Macedonia for some time. A workshop which was not
new to Macedonia would be able to integrate more seamlessly the needs
of a Macedonian patron into the stylistic trends of late fourth-century
Macedonia, as well as learn the different forms and techniques required
to create this elaborate vessel. Due to the elaborate repouss decoration,
it is perhaps most likely that this workshop had origins in the north,
where elaborate metalwork had been created for centuries to honor the
king.
The Derveni Krater, as the creation of a northern craftsman
residing in Macedonia, is a product of an international market that was
able to integrate different symbols of elite power from diverse cultures
to create a luxury object for an aristocratic class able to interpret royal
symbols throughout the Macedonian empire. As a funerary object, this
Krater was intended to emphasize the elite status of the man buried
within it. Artists working on the Derveni Krater adopted symbols of
power from different cultures to create an overarching statement about
the power of the conquering Macedonian empire and more specifically
the aristocratic values of this patron. By integrating repouss decoration
from the burial chambers of the Scythian kings, the volute krater shape
from the tombs of the South Italian elite, and the Totenmahl relief from
the funerary stele of the aristocracy of Asia Minor, the artist endows the
patron with the power of all these cultures.
1 Beryl Barr Sharrar, The Derveni Krater: A Masterpiece of Classical Greek Metalwork (Princeton:
The American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 2008) 7.
2 Barr-Sharrar, 119.
3 Varoufakis, 81.
4 Andronikos Manolis, Vergina: The Royal Tombs and the Ancient City (Athens: Ekdotike Athenon S.A. 1984), 175. For different interpretations of the meaning of the Diadem see Lehmann

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The So-Called Tomb of Philip II: A Different Interpretation, American Journal of Archaeology,
Vol. 84, No. 4, (1980) and The So-Called Tomb of Philip II: An Addendum American Journal
of Archaeology, Vol. 86, No. 3 (1982) FredricksMeyer Again the So-Called Tomb of Philip II
American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 85, No. 3, (1981) and Once More the Diadem and Barrel
Vault at Vergina, American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 87, N0. 1 (1983).
5 Ch. Picard, E. A. Gardner, F. N. Pryce, W. Cooksey, A. M. Woodward, S. Casson, F. B.
Welch, Marcus N. Tod Macedonia, The Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 23, British
School at Athens (1918/1919) 1-103. http://www.jstor.org/stable/30096852, 15.
6 Barr-Sharar, 10.
7 Barr-Sharrar, 28.
8 Barr-Sharrar, 27.
9 Barr-Sharrar, 43.
10 George J. Varoufakis, Metallurgical Investigation of the Bronze Crater of Derveni, Aspects of Early Metallurgy, ed. W.A. Oddy (London: British Museum, 1980) 72.
11 Barr-Sharrar, 21.
12 Varoufakis, 73.
13 Varoufakis, 73.
14 Varoufakis, 72.
15 Barr-Sharrar. 22-26.
16 Dorothy Kent Hill, Ancient Metal Reliefs, Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of
Classical Studies at Athens , Vol. 12, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 1943) 97-114, http://www.jstor.org/
stable/146867, 98.
17 Hill, 101.
18 Barr-Sharrar, 34.
19 Herbert Maryon, Metalworking in the Ancient World, American Journal of Archaeology ,
Vol. 53, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 1949) 93-125, http://www.jstor.org/stable/500498, 118.
20 Varoufakis, 81.
21 T.H. Carpenter, Images and Beliefs: Thoughts on the Derveni Krater, Periplous: Papers
on Classical Art and Archaeology presented to Sir John Boardman, ed. G.R. Tstetskladze, A.J.N. Prag,
A.M. Snodgrass (London: Thames and Hudson, 2000) 57.
22 Carpenter, 57.
23 Thomas H. Carpenter, Dionysian Imagery in 5th Century Athens (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1997) 53.
24 Barr-Sharrar, 149-154.
25 Donna C. Kurtz and John Boardman, Greek Burial Customs (Ithica, NY: Cornell University
Press, 1971) 213.

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26 William Ridgeway, Euripides in Macedon, The Classical Quarterly , Vol. 20, No. 1 (Jan.,
1926) 1-19, http://www.jstor.org/stable/636237, 8.
27 The cult of Orpheus is another example of a Greek cult which believed in the afterlife.
28 Angeliki, Kottaridi, The Royal Banquet: A Capitol Institution, in Heracles to Alexander the
Great Treasures from the Royal Capitol of Macedon: A Hellenic Kingdon in the Age if Democracy (Oxford: Ashmolean Museum, 2001) 167.
29 Kurtz 146.
30 Kaite Ninou, Treasures of Ancient Macedonia (Athens: The Archaeological Museum of Thessalonike, 1979).
31 Carpenter, 52.
32 Barr-Sharrar, 8.
33 Barr-Sharrar, 44.
34 Barr-Sharrar, 45.
35 Barr-Sharrar, 7.
36 Andrew Stewart, Skopas of Paros (Park Ridge, NJ: Noyes Press, 1977) 92.
37 Stella G. Miller Collett. Macedonia and Athens: A Gold Link? in The Art of the Greek
Goldsmith, ed. Dyfri Williams (London: British Museum Press. 1998) 24.
38 Andronikos 156-7.
39 Andronikos, 156-7.
40 David W.J. Gill, Inscribed Silver Plate from Tomb II at Vergina: Chronological
ImplicationsHesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Vol. 77,
No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 2008) pp. 335-358, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40205751, 344.
41 James Elkins. Style. In Grove Art Online. Oxford Art Online, http://www.oxfordartonline.
com/subscriber/article/grove/art/T082129.
42 Carol C. Mattusch, Bronze and Ironworking in the Area of the Athenian Agora, Hesperia:
The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Vol. 46, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec., 1977)
340-379. http://www.jstor.org/stable/148033, 341.
43 Brian R. MacDonald, The Emigration of Potters from Athens in the Late 5th Century
B.C. and its Effect on the Attic Pottery Industry, American Journal of Archaeology, Vol.85. No.
2 (April, 1981) 159-168, http://www.jstor.org/stable/505035. 167.
44 Macdonald, 167.
45 Kenneth Lapatin, Kerch-style Vases: The Finale The Colors of Clay: Special Techniques in
Athenian Vases, ed. Beth Cohen (Los Angeles: The Paul J. Getty Museum, 2006) 319.
46 Ibiid, 320.
47 John Boardman, Athenian Red Figure Vases: The Classical Period (London: Thames and Hudson, 1989) 145.

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48 MacDonald, 134.
49 Collett, 24.
50 Borza, 131.
51 Katerina Rhomiopoulou, An Outline of Macedonian History and Art, in The Search of
Alexander: An Exhibition (Washington D.C.: Washington National Gallery of Art, 1980) 23.
52 Rhomiopoulou, 23-24.
53 Andronicos, 156.
54 Andronicos, 229.
55 Barr-Sharrar, 48.
56 Joseph Noble, The Making of a Greek Vase, The Greek Vase, ed. Stephen L. Hyatt (
Latham, NY: Husdon-Mohawk Association of Colleges & Universities, 1981) 3.
57 Noble, 3.
58 Barr-Sharrar, 66.
59 A.D. Trendall, Red Figure Vases of South Italy and Sicily: A Handbook (London: Thames and
Hudson, 1989) 9.
60 Claude Rolly, Les Vases De Bronze De LArchasme Rcent en Grande- Grce, (Naples: Publications Du Centre Jean Brard, 1982) 106.
61 Trendall, 9.
62 T.H. Carptenter, The Native Market for Red- Figured Vases in Apulia, Memoirs of the
American Academy in Rome, Vol. 48, (2003) 1-24. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4238802, 20.
63 Pierre Wuilleumier, Tarente: Des Origines a la Conqute Romaine (Paris: Bibliothque des coles
Francaises dAthnes et de Rome, 1939) 81.
64 Wuilleumier, 137.
65 N.G.L. Hammond, Philip of Macedon (London: Gerald Duckworth and Co., 1994) 114.
66 German Hafner, Art of Rome, Etruria and Magna Graecia (New York: Harry N. Abrams Inc,
1969) 110.
67 Ernst Langlotz, The Art of Magna Graecia: Greek Art in Southern Italy and Sicily, trans. Audrey
Hicks (London, Thames and Hudson, 1965) 293.
68 Herodotus, Book 4 Chapter 71.
69 Ellis Minns, Sythians and Greeks: A Survey of Ancient History and Archaeology on the North Coast
of the Euxine from the Danube to the Caucasus (New York: Biblo and Tannen, 1965) 287.
70 Mikhail Treister Masters and Workshops of the Jewelry and Toreutics from FourthCentury Scythian Burial-Mounds Scythians and Greeks: Cultural Interaction in Scythia, Athens and
the Early Roman Empire, ed. David Braund (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 2005) p. 56.
71 Treister, 56.

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72 Boris Piotrovsky Excavations and Discoveries in Scythian Lands The Metropolitan Museum
of Art Bulletin, New Series, Vol. 32, No. 5, From The Lands of the Scythians: Ancient Treasures from
the Museums of the USSR 3000 BC 100BC, (1973-4), http://www.jstor.org/stable/3269232,
27.
73 Minns, 288.
74 A. Yu. Alekseyev, Scythian Kings and Royal Burial-Mounds of the Fifth and Fourth
Centuries BC Scythians and Greeks: Cultural Interaction in Scythia, Athens and the Early Roman
Empire, ed. David Braund (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 2005) 46.
75 Minns, 289.
76 Herodotus, Book 4 Chapter 72.
77 Andronicos, 181. Although he claims that this scene does not depict the fall of Troy, due to
the absence of several key characters, he does not make a clear argument for another possible
subject. At the end of the section, Andronicos suggests it may also be the fall of Thebes but
again finds no support for this argument.
78 Michle Daumas, Lor et le pouvoir: armement scythe et mythes grecs, (Nanterre: Presses universitaires de Paris ouest, 2009).
79 Mikhail Treister, Hammering Techniques in Greek and Roman Jewelry and Toreutics, ed. James
Hargrave (Leiden: Brill, 2001) 140.
80 Treister, 137.
81 Andronikos, 184.
82 J.R. Ellis, Philip II and Macedonian Imperialism, (London: Thames and Hudson, 1976) 186.
83 Ellis, 183.
84 John Griffiths Pedley, Sardis in the Age of Croesus, (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,
1968) 10.
85 Jane C. Waldbaum, Metalwork from Sardis: The Finds through 1978 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press, 1983) 8.
86 Ibid 10-11.
87 Jane C. Waldbaum Metalwork and Metallurgy at Sardis Sardis: Twenty Seven Years of Discovery, ed. Eleanor Guralnick (Chicago: Chicago Society of the Archaeological Institute of
America, 1987) 40.
88 Elspeth Dunsinberre, Aspects of Empire in Achaemenid Sardis, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003) 86.89 Nancy H. Ramage, The Arts at Sardis Sardis: Twenty Seven Years
of Discovery, ed. Eleanor Guralnick (Chicago: Chicago Society of the Archaeological Institute
of America, 1987) 30.
90 Ramage, 30.
91 Ramage, 31.
92 Maria Stamatopoulou Totenmahl Reliefs of the 4th-2nd Centuries BC and the Archaeol-

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ogy of Feasting in a Funerary Context Cultural Messages in the Graeco-Roman World, ed. Oliver
Hekster and Stephan T.A.M. Mols (Babesch: Annual Papers on Mediterranean Archaeology,
Supplement 14, 2010) 11.
93 Stamatopoulou, 17.
94 Sisse Stine Hansen, Hellenistic Totenmahl Reliefs from the Halicarnassus Peninsula
Halicarnassian Studies V, ed. Poul Pedersen, (Odense M: University Press of Southern Denmark, 2008) 119.
95 Stamatopoulou, 13.
96 Johanna Fabricius, Die Hellenistischen Totenmahlreliefs: Grabreprsentation und Wertvorstellungen in
ostgriechischen Stdten (Mnchen: Verlag Dr. Friedrich Pfeil, 1999) 27-30.

Figures

Figure 1: Interior wall of Derveni Tomb B showing Floral Motif

Beryl Barr-Sharrar, The Derveni Krater: Masterpiece of Classical Greek Metalwork. Princeton:
The American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 2008. fig. 16, p. 21

Figure 2:
Diagram of
Tomb B
Barr-Sharrar,
fig. 14 p. 19

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Figure 3:Derveni Krater, main

frieze showing the God Dionysus with Panther and his wife
Ariadne
Barr-Sharrar, plate 5

Figure 4: Derveni Krater, Maenads tearing apart a faun

Barr-Sharrar, plate 8

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The Derveni Krater

Figure 5: Derveni Krater, one Maenad falling into the lap of another
Barr-Sharrar, plate 6

Figure 6: Derveni Krater, Maenad and Satyr

Barr-Sharrar, Plate 7

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Figure 7: Derveni Krater, man

in a rocky landscape
Barr-Sharrar, plate 10

Figure 8: Derveni Krater, Maenad with child

Barr-Sharrar, plate 9

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The Derveni Krater

Figure 9: Derveni Krater, egg and dart motif showing inscription

Barr-Sharrar, f. 49, 44.

Figure 10: Derveni Krater, palmette, wave and circle pattern

Barr-Sharrar, plate 11

Figure 11: Derveni Krater, lion and boar from animal frieze on the neck
Barr-Sharrrar, plate 11-12

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Figure 12: Derveni Krater, Ivy wreath with knot

Barr-Sharrar, Plate 19

Figure 13: Derveni Krater, griffin from animal frieze below main
frieze on body
Barr-Sharrar, plate 11

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The Derveni Krater

Figure 14: Derveni Krater, volute masks

Barr-Sharrar, plates, 11-12

Figure 15: Derveni

Krater, handles
Barr-Sharrar, plate 12

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Figure 16: Derveni Krater, seated figures
Barr-Sharrar, plate 11-12

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The Derveni Krater

Figure 17: Attic Red

Figure Pyxis Lid
painted by the Meidias
Painter, from Eretria,
410-400B.C.
Barr-Sharrar, fig. 110, p. 125

Figure 18: Volute Krater by the Painter of Copenhagen: youth with a horse
A.D. Trendall, Red Figure Vases of South Italy
and Sicily: A Handbook, London: Thames and
Hudson, 1989. fig. 188

Figure 19: Roman copy of

Greek marble original, Scopas, Maenad, 350-325

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Figure 20: Heads of Herakles and a Silen found at the Tomb of

Philip at Vergina
Manolis Andronicos, Vergina: The Royal Tombs and the Ancient City, Athens: Ekdotike Athenon S.A., 1984. figure 116, 120, p. 152, 155

Figure 21: Lounging Figure of Dionysus, Parthenon, East

Pediment, Athens, 432 B.C.
British Museum, London

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The Derveni Krater

Figure 22: Three Goddesses, Parthenon, East Pediments,

Athens, 432 B.C. British Museum, London

Figure 23: Pelike by the Marsyas Painter Showing Peleus and Thetis,
Kerch Style, Found in Rhodes, 360-350 B.C.
British Museum, London

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Figure 24: Hydria by the Meidias Painter Showing the Dioscouroi and
the Heros of Athens, in the Ornate Style, late 5th Century Athens
British Museum, London

Figure 25: Lekythos by the Straggly

Painter, Showing a Female, Athens 400
B.C.
Ure Museum, University of Reading

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The Derveni Krater

Figure 26: Gold Larnax containing the ashes of Philip II, Tomb
of Philip, Vergina
Andronicos, fig 136, p. 169

Figure 27: Apulian Volute Drater by the

Darius Painter showing the funeral of
Patroclus
Trendall, fig. 204

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Figure 28: Seated figure attached

to a Metal Krater
Claude Rolly, Les Vases De Bronze De
LArchasme Rcent en Grande- Grce,
Naples: Publications Du Centre Jean
Brard, 1982, pl. 37 fig. 174-175

Figure 29: Chertomlyk Vase,

Silver; cast, embossed, chased,
engraved and gilded. H. 70 cm,
Scythian Culture. 4th century
BC Chertomlyk Barrow, Dnieper
Area, near Nikopol Russia (now
Ukraine)
The State Hermitage Museum,
St. Petersburg

Figure 30: Scene

of Men Breaking
Horses from
the Chertomlyk
Vase, silver; cast,
embossed, chased,
engraved and
gilded. H. 70 cm,
Scythian Culture.

The State Hermitage

Museum, St. Petersburg

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The Derveni Krater

Figure 31: Scene of Griffins attacking Stags from the

Chertomlyk Vase, silver; cast, embossed, chased, engraved
and gilded. H. 70 cm, Scythian Culture.
The State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg

Figure32: Gorytos from the tombs at Vergina

Color Plate 28, The Search of Alexander: An Exhibition (Washington

D.C.: Washington National Gallery of Art, 1980)

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Figure 33: Gorytos from the Chertomlyk Burial Mound

Overlay for a Goryt (Case for a Bow and Arrows) Gold;
stamped. 46.8x27.3 cm, Scythian culture. 4th century BC,
Chertomlyk Barrow, Dnieper Area, near Nikopol Russia
(now Ukraine)
The State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg

Figure 34: Funerary Relief

from Sardis showing a typical
Totenmahl scene
Plate XIV (b) Nancy H. Ramage, A
Lydian Funerary Banquet, Anatolian
Studies , Vol. 29, (1979), pp. 91-95
http://www.jstor.org/stable/3642732

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Figure 36: Funerary Stele of

Thrasea and Euandria, Marble,
Kerameikos cemetery, Athens,
375-350 B.C.
Pergamon Museum, Berlin

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