A Synopsis of Social Marketing

by Lynn MacFadyen, Martine Stead and Gerard Hastings (1999)

Introduction
The term social marketing was first coined by Kotler and Zaltman in 1971 to refer to
the application of marketing to the solution of social and health problems. Marketing
has been remarkably successful in encouraging people to buy products such as Coca
Cola and Nike trainers, so, the argument runs, it can also encourage people to adopt
behaviours that will enhance their own - and their fellow citizens’ - lives.

Many social and health problems have behavioural causes: the spread of AIDS, traffic
accidents and unwanted pregnancies are all the result of everyday, voluntary human
activity. The most dramatic example of this is tobacco use, which kills one in two
smokers (Peto 1994) - an estimated 6 million people in the UK alone since the health
consequences were first established in the early 1950’s. Social marketing provides a
mechanism for tackling such problems by encouraging people to adopt healthier
lifestyles.

However, health problems have a social, as well as an individual, dimension. This

phenomenon is most clearly demonstrated by the epidemiological data which shows
that poverty is one of the most consistent and basic predictors of ill-health in the UK
(Smith 1997, Jarvis 1994, Marsh & MacKay, 1994), Europe (Whitehead &
Diderichsen 1997), the USA (McCord & Freeman 1990, Pappas et al 1993) and the
southern hemisphere (WHO 1995). The lack of opportunity, choice and empowerment
it generates prevents people from adopting healthy lifestyles. Social marketing also
has a great deal to offer here by influencing the behaviour, not just of the individual
citizen, but also of policy makers and influential interest groups. Social marketers
might target the media, organisations and policy and law makers.

Social marketing, like generic marketing, is not a theory in itself. Rather, it is a

framework or structure that draws from many other bodies of knowledge such as
psychology, sociology, anthropology and communications theory to understand how
to influence people’s behaviour (Kotler and Zaltman, 1971). Like generic marketing,
social marketing offers a logical planning process involving consumer oriented
research, marketing analysis, market segmentation, objective setting and the
identification of strategies and tactics. It is based on the voluntary exchange of costs
and benefits between two or more parties (Kotler and Zaltman, 1971). However,
social marketing is more difficult than generic marketing. It involves changing
intractable behaviours, in complex economic, social and political climates with often
very limited resources (Lefebvre and Flora, 1988). Furthermore, while, for generic
marketing the ultimate goal is to meet shareholder objectives, for the social marketer
the bottom line is to meet society’s desire to improve its citizens’ quality of life. This
is a much more ambitious - and more blurred - bottom line.

The Development of Social Marketing

Social marketing evolved in parallel with commercial marketing. During the late
1950s and early 1960s, marketing academics considered the potential and limitations
of applying marketing to new arenas such as the political or social. For example, in
1951, Wiebe asked the question, "Can brotherhood be sold like soap?", and suggested
that the more a social change campaign mimicked that of a commercial marketing
campaign, the greater the likelihood of its success.

To many, however, the idea of expanding the application of marketing to social

causes was abhorrent. Luck (1974) objected on the grounds that replacing a tangible
product with an idea or bundle of values threatened the economic exchange concept.
Others feared the power of the marketing, misconceiving its potential for social
control and propaganda (Laczniack et al 1979). Despite these concerns, the marketing
concept was redefined to include the marketing of ideas and the consideration of its
ethical implications.

The expansion of the marketing concept combined with a shift in public health policy
towards disease prevention began to pave the way for the development of social
marketing. During the 1960s, commercial marketing technologies began to be applied
to health education campaigns in developing countries (Ling et al 1992, Manoff
1985). In 1971, Kotler and Zaltman published their seminal article in the Journal of
Marketing ‘Social marketing: an approach to planned social change’. This was the
first time the term "social marketing" had been used and is often heralded as its birth.
They defined social marketing as "the design, implementation and control of
programs calculated to influence the acceptability of social ideas and involving
considerations of product planning, pricing, communication, distribution and
marketing research." (p5).

In practice, social marketing was being explored by a number of people at the same
time, including Paul Bloom, Karen Fox, Dick Manoff, and Bill Novelli. Early
examples of social marketing emerged during the 1960s as part of international
development efforts in third world and developing countries (Manoff 1985, Walsh et
al 1993). For example, family planning programs in Sri Lanka moved away from
clinical approaches and examined the distribution of contraceptives through
pharmacists and small shops (Population Services International 1977). They began to
experiment with marketing techniques such as audience segmentation and mass
communication. Similarly, oral rehydration projects in Africa began to take a more
consumer oriented approach to programme development. Important initiatives in the
developed world included the Stanford Heart Disease Prevention Program, the
National High Blood Pressure Prevention Program, and the Pawtucket Heart Health
Program (Farquar et al 1985, National Heart, Lung and Blood Institute 1973,
Lefebvre 1987). While many of these early programs were primarily exercises in
social communications, they were important for the inception of social marketing.

By the 1980s, academics were no longer asking if marketing should be applied to

social issues, but rather how should this be done? During this period, practitioners
shared their experiences and made suggestions for the development of social
marketing theory and practice (Ling et al 1992). Fox and Kotler (1980) described the
evolution of social advertising into social communications. Bloom (1980) explored
the evaluation of social marketing projects and found that many studies were poorly
designed and conducted. In 1981, Bloom and Novelli reviewed the first ten years of
social marketing and advocated more research to dispel criticism that social marketing
lacked rigour or theory. They identified a need for research to examine audience
segmentation, choosing media channels and designing appeals, implementing long
term positioning strategies, and organisational and management issues (Bloom and
Novelli, 1981).

Lefebvre and Flora (1988) and Hastings and Haywood (1991, 1994) then gave social
marketing widespread exposure in the public health field, generating lively debates
about its applicability and contribution. While social marketing was being practised in
many countries by this time, the publication of these papers was followed by a
widespread growth in its popularity (Lefebvre, 1996). Centres of expertise began to
emerge, most notably at the College of Public Health at the University of South
Florida, the Centre for Social Marketing at Strathclyde University in Scotland, and at
Carleton University in Ottawa, Canada.

Defining Social Marketing

A social marketing campaign or programme contains the following elements: a
consumer orientation (Lefebvre and Flora 1988, Lefebvre 1992b, Andreasen 1995),
an exchange (Lefebvre and Flora 1988, Lefebvre 1996, Leathar and Hastings 1987,
Smith 1997) and a long-term planning outlook (Andreasen 1995).

(i) A Consumer Orientation

Consumer orientation is probably the key element of all forms of marketing,
distinguishing it from selling - and product - and expert-driven approaches (Kotler et
al 1996). In social marketing, the consumer is assumed to be an active participant in
the change process. The social marketer seeks to build a relationship with target
consumers over time and their input is sought at all stages in the development of a
programme through formative, process and evaluative research.

In short, the consumer centred approach of social marketing asks not "what is wrong
with these people, why won’t they understand?", but, "what is wrong with us? What
don’t we understand about our target audience?"

(ii) An Exchange
Social marketing not only shares generic marketing’s underlying philosophy of
consumer orientation, but it also its key mechanism, exchange (Kotler and Zaltman
1971). While marketing principles can be applied to a new and diverse range of issues
- services, education, high technology, political parties, social change - each with their
own definitions and theories, the basic principle of exchange is at the core of each
(Bagozzi 1975). Kotler and Zaltman (1971) argue that: "marketing does not occur
unless there are two or more parties, each with something to exchange, and both able
to carry out communications and distribution" (p4).

Exchange is defined as an exchange of resources or values between two or more

parties with the expectation of some benefits. The motivation to become involved in
an exchange is to satisfy needs (Houston and Gassenheimer, 1987). Exchange is
easily understood as the exchange of goods for money, but can also be conceived in a
variety of other ways: further education in return for fees; a vote in return for lower
taxes; or immunisation in return for the peace of mind that one’s child is protected
from rubella.
Exchange in social marketing puts a key emphasis on voluntary behaviour. To
facilitate voluntary exchanges social marketers have to offer people something that
they really want. For example, suppose that during the development of a programme
to reduce teenage prevalence of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) by encouraging
condom use, research with the target finds that they are more concerned with
pregnancy than STDs. The social marketer should consider highlighting the
contraceptive benefits of condoms, rather than, or at least as well as, the disease
prevention ones. In this way consumer research can identify the benefits which are
associated with a particular behaviour change, thereby facilitating the voluntary
exchange process.

(iii) Long-term Planning Approach

Like generic marketing, social marketing should have a long term outlook based on
continuing programmes rather than one-off campaigns. It should be strategic rather
than tactical. This is why the marketing planning function has been a consistent theme
in social marketing definitions, from Kotler in 1971 to Andreasen in 1996.

The social marketing planning process is the same as in generic marketing. It starts
and finishes with research, and research is conducted throughout to inform the
development of the strategy. A situational analysis of the internal and external
environment and of the consumer is conducted first. This assists in the segmentation
of the market and the targeting strategy. Further research is needed to define the
problem, to set objectives for the programme and to inform the formulation of the
marketing strategy. The elements of the social marketing mix are then developed and
pre-tested, before being implemented. Finally , the relative success of the plan is
monitored and the outcome evaluated.

(iv) Moving Beyond the Individual Consumer

Social marketing seeks to influence the behaviour not only of individuals but also of
groups, organisations and societies (eg. Hastings et al 1994c, Lawther & Lowry 1995,
Lawther et al 1997, Murray & Douglas 1988). Levy and Zaltman (1975) suggest a
sixfold classification of the types of change sought in social marketing, incorporating
two dimensions of time (short term and long term) and three dimensions of level in
society (micro, group, macro). In this way social marketing can influence not just
individual consumers, but also the environment in which they operate (see Figure 1).

Figure 1: Types of social change, by time and level of society

Micro level Group level
Macro level
(individual (group or
(society)
consumer) organisation)
Short term Behaviour Change in norms Policy change
change change Administrative
change
EXAMPLE: Removal of Banning of all
Attendance at tobacco forms of
stop- advertising from tobacco
smoking clinic outside a school marketing
Long term Lifestyle Organisational 'Socio-cultural
change change change evolution'
EXAMPLE: Deter retailers Eradication of
 Smoking from selling all tobacco-
cessation cigarettes to related disease
minors
(Adapted from: Levy & Zaltman 1975)

Group and macro level change are important because they also impact on health and
lifestyle decisions. For example, people’s choices about taking up exercise may be
limited by their income, local service provision or social mores. Macro-level factors
can also have a more direct impact on health: for example, the presence of fluoride in
the water (whether natural or artificial) can improve dental health, especially among
children. This example demonstrates that there are many measures that can be taken
to improve people’s health without the individual citizen having to do anything at all.
Better roads, reduced industrial pollution and improved safety standards on cars are
similar examples.

Departures from Commercial Marketing

There are some important differences between social and commercial marketing.
Specifically, in social marketing:
• the products tend to be more complex.
• demand is more varied.
• target groups are more challenging to reach.
• consumer involvement is more intense.
• the competition is more subtle and varied.

(i) The Products are More Complex

The marketing product has traditionally been conceived of as something tangible - a
physical good which can be exchanged with the target market for a price and which
can be manipulated in terms of characteristics such as packaging, name, physical
attributes, positioning and so on. As marketing has extended its scope beyond
physical goods, marketers have had to grapple with formulating product strategy for
less tangible entities such as services (see Chapter 29 in this volume for a discussion
of the characteristics of services; Woodruffe 1995). In social marketing, the product is
extended even further from the tangible to encompass ideas, and behaviour change.
Figure 2 illustrates the different types of social marketing product.

Figure 2: The social marketing product

This complexity makes social marketing products difficult to conceptualise. As a
consequence, social marketers have a bigger task in defining exactly what their
product is and the benefits associated with its use.

(ii) Varied Demand

Marketing cannot create needs but commercial marketers do manage to harness needs
previously unknown for new product categories such as CDs, catalytic converters and
"new" washing powders. Social marketers must not only uncover new demand, but in
addition must frequently deal with negative demand when the target group is apathetic
about or strongly resistant to a proposed behaviour change. Young recreational drug
users, for instance, may see no problems with their current behaviour (Andreasen
1997). In these situations, social marketers must challenge entrenched attitudes and
beliefs. Demarketing approaches may help here (Lawther et al 1997, Hastings et al
1998).

Rangun et al (1996) suggest a typology of the benefits associated with a behaviour

change. The benefits may be: tangible, intangible, relevant to the individual or
relevant to society. Demand is easier to generate where the benefits are both tangible
and personally relevant. In those situations where the product benefits are intangible
and relevant to society rather than the individual (as with CFCs in aerosols), social
marketers must work much harder to generate a need for the product. This, they
argue, is the hardest type of behaviour change, as the benefits are difficult to
personalise and quantify.

(iii) Challenging Target Groups

Social marketers must often target groups who commercial marketers tend to ignore:
the least accessible, hardest to reach and least likely to change their behaviour. For
example, health agencies charged with improving population health status must, if
they are to avoid widening health inequalities further in the general population
(Whitehead 1992, Smith 1997), target their efforts at those groups with the poorest
health and the most needs (Hastings et al 1998b). Far from being the most profitable
market segments, these groups often constitute the least attractive ones: hardest to
reach, most resistant to changing health behaviour, most lacking in the psychological,
social and practical resources necessary to make the change, most unresponsive to
interventions to influence their behaviour and so on. This poses considerable
challenges for segmentation and targeting.

(iv) Greater Consumer Involvement

Marketing traditionally divides products into high and low involvement categories,
with the former comprising purchases for items such as cars or mortgages which are
"expensive, bought infrequently, risky and highly self-expressive" (Kotler 1994) and
the latter comprising items such as confectionery or cigarettes which are much more
habitual. High involvement products typically command careful consideration by the
consumer (‘central processing’) and demand detailed factual information from the
marketer. Low involvement products are consumed much more passively, with very
limited (or no) search and evaluation (‘peripheral processing’), and simple advertising
emphasising "visual symbols and imagery" (ibid) is called for.
Both the categorisation scheme - high and low - and its marketing implications need
to be extended in social marketing. Social marketing frequently deals with products
with which the consumer is very highly involved (complex lifestyle changes such as
changing one’s diet fall into this category). While high involvement can result in a
motivated and attentive consumer, higher involvement may be associated with
feelings of anxiety, guilt and denial which inhibit attempts to change. At the other
extreme, social marketers might seek to stimulate change where there is very low or
no involvement - for example, persuading Scots to save water.

(v) More Varied Competition

Social marketers, like their commercial counterparts, must be aware of their
competition (Andreasen 1995). The most obvious source of competition in social
marketing is the consumer’s tendency to continue in his or her current behavioural
patterns, especially when addiction is involved. Inertia is a very powerful competitor.

Other sources of competition involve alternative behaviours. For example, time spent
donating blood is time which the consumer could spend doing other more enjoyable,
more convenient and more personally beneficial activities.

Competitive organisations include other health promoters, educators or government

organisations trying to use similar methods to reach their target audiences. For
example, the typical doctor’s surgery in the UK displays such a plethora of leaflets
and posters that any one message or idea stands little chance of being noticed. Social
marketers must then be innovative and careful not to overwhelm their target audience.

Finally, one of the most serious forms of competition comes from commercial
marketing itself where this markets unhealthful or unsocial behaviours. The most
obvious examples are the tobacco and alcohol industries.

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