A New Perspective

THE for Career Development,

Counseling, and Public Policy

PSYCHOLOGY
OF WORKING

DAVID L. BLUSTEIN
 Counseling and Psychotherapy
Investigating Practice from Scientific, Historical,
and Cultural Perspectives

A Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. Series

Series Editor, Bruce E. Wampold, University of Wisconsin

This innovative new series is devoted to grasping the vast complexities of the practice of
counseling and psychotherapy. As a set of healing practices delivered in a context
shaped by the health delivery systems and the attitudes and values of consumers, practi-
tioners, and researchers, counseling and psychotherapy must be examined critically. By
understanding the historical and cultural context of counseling and psychotherapy and
by examining the extant research, these critical inquiries seek a deeper, richer under-
standing of what is a remarkably effective endeavor.
Published
• Counseling and Therapy with Clients Who Abuse Alcohol or Other Drugs
Cynthia E. Glidden-Tracy
• The Great Psychotherapy Debate
Bruce Wampold
• The Psychology of Working: A New Perspective for Career Development, Counseling
and Public Policy
David L. Blustein
Forthcoming
• The Pharmacology and Treatment of Substance Abuse: Evidence and Outcomes
Based Perspectives
Lee Cohen, Frank Collins, Alice Young, Dennis McChargue
• In Our Client’s Shoes: Theory and Techniques of Therapeutic Assessment
Stephen Finn
• Making Treatment Count: Using Outcomes to Inform and Manage Therapy
Michael Lambert, Jeb Brown, Scott Miller, Bruce Wampold
• Assessment in Counseling Psychology
Karen Marsh
• IDM Supervision: An Integrated Developmental Model for Supervising Counselors
and Therapists, Third Edition
Cal Stoltenberg and Brian McNeill
• The Great Psychotherapy Debate, Revised Edition
Bruce Wampold
 David L. Blustein
Boston College

LAWRENCE ERLBAUM ASSOCIATES, PUBLISHERS

2006 Mahwah, New Jersey London
Copyright © 2006 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form,
by photostat, microform, retrieval system, or any other means, without
prior written permission of the publisher.
Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc., Publishers
10 Industrial Avenue
Mahwah, New Jersey 07430
www.erlbaum.com

Cover design by Kathryn Houghtaling Lacey

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Blustein, David Larry.
The psychology of working : a new perspective for career development,
counseling, and public policy / David L. Blustein.
p. cm. — (The LEA series in counseling and psychotherapy)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8058-4376-0 (cloth : alk. paper)
ISBN 0-8058-5879-2 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. Work—Psychological aspects. 2. Work—Social aspects. 3. Vocational
guidance. 4. Psychotherapy—Social aspects. 5. Social policy. I. Title.
II. Series.
BF481.B57 2006
158.7—dc22
2005054162
CIP
Books published by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates are printed on acid-free
paper, and their bindings are chosen for strength and durability.
Printed in the United States of America
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
 CONTENTS

Series Foreword vii

Foreword ix
Preface xi

1 Psychology and the Experience of Working: A Blurred Focus 1

That is Sharpening

2 The Changing Nature of Work in the 21st Century 27

3 Working as a Means of Survival and Power 67

4 Working as a Means of Social Connection 86

5 Working as a Means of Self-Determination 114

6 Social Barriers and Working: Exploring Race, Gender, Sexual 153

Orientation, Disability Status, and Social Class at Work

7 Implications of an Inclusive Psychology of Working 196

for Research and Theory

8 Implications of an Inclusive Psychology of Working 243

for Practice: Counseling and Psychotherapy

9 Toward an Inclusive Psychological Practice 275

10 Conclusion—The Future of the Psychology of Working 302

References 317
Acknowledgments 339
Author Index 345
Subject Index 355
v
 SERIES FOREWORD

This innovative new series is devoted to grasping the vast complexities of

the practice of counseling and psychotherapy. As a set of healing practices
delivered in a context shaped by health delivery systems and the attitudes
and values of consumers, practitioners, and researchers, counseling and
psychotherapy must be examined critically. By understanding the historical
and cultural context of counseling and psychotherapy and by examining the
extant research, these critical inquiries seek a deeper, richer understanding
of what is a remarkably effective endeavor.
David L. Blustein, in The Psychology of Working: A New Perspective for Ca-
reer Development, Counseling, and Public Policy, has elevated work to a posi-
tion as a primary factor in the well-being of people. He shows how across
cultures the meaning derived from work plays a central role in the lives of in-
dividuals and how the world of work can either promote well being or lead to
distress, depending on the nature of the work and the interaction between the
individual and the work environment. The implications for public policy and
psychological intervention are immense. This book establishes the poverty of
models that assume a fixed environment and attempt to assist the individual
to locate within that environment. Instead, Blustein challenges the field to
consider the individual and the world of work as a system and expands the no-
tion of career psychology and vocational counseling.

—Bruce E. Wampold, PhD, ABPP, Series Editor

University of Wisconsin–Madison

vii
 FOREWORD

Most American adults spend a third to a half of their waking hours at work.
Yet work finds relatively little place in the ways that we think about our lives.
When it comes to psychological theory about the influences that shape our
personalities or contribute to our happiness or unhappiness, the primary fo-
cus tends to be on human beings as the product of their childhoods. Thou-
sands and thousands of pages have been published on the impact of early
childhood experiences. Far less has been written on how the context of work
shapes our lives. Yet, by the time most of us breathe our last, we will have
spent far more hours being workers than being children.
This is not to disparage the importance of childhood. The habits, percep-
tions, and inclinations that characterize our lives are clearly powerfully shaped
by the experiences of our early years. Moreover, those experiences have, we
might say, a double impact in that they skew the kinds of later experiences we
have, so that the later experiences are not random but are themselves a function
of what the earlier experiences were (Wachtel, 1987, 1997). It is also the case,
nonetheless, that the very meaning of being alive is that we live in response to
events. The psychological structures that evolve over the course of develop-
ment are not rigid structures that simply inhere in some “internal” realm. They
are structures of response, ways we learn to respond to and make sense of what
actually happens to us—and what actually happens matters!
One of the most important things that happens to most of us is that we get a
job. Although some people stay in one job for many years, some change jobs
frequently, and many spend at least a portion of their lives—often an especially
painful portion—looking for work, work tends to be a common denominator
for almost all of us. Yet we tend to view our time at work almost purely in func-
tional terms: Do we “have” a job? How much money do we make? Are we “get-
ting ahead?”
If we are to truly understand our lives, however, we need to understand
both the experience of working and the meaning of working in our lives. Ours
is a consumer society, and that fact has distorted our perception of work to an
ix
x / FOREWORD

extraordinary degree. We measure our success as a society in terms of what we

consume, and we give surprisingly little attention to how what we consume is
produced. Recently, the sheer depravity of the working conditions associated
with some of our “outsourced” production in Third World countries has led to
heightened awareness and protests. But the nature of work in our own society
is much less attended to. Domestically, we worry about the loss of jobs that the
“race to the bottom” of global capitalism has unleashed, but we are far less at-
tentive to the quality of work in our own society. By quality of work I mean
more than just decent pay or possibilities for advancement. I mean, rather,
that the daily experience of being at work is one of the most important con-
texts of our entire lives, and that a “good” job is not the same as a job that pays
enough to let us buy things.
So consumed are we with consumerism, as it were, that we fail to think very
deeply or thoughtfully about our role as the producers of all those things we
consume. Elsewhere I have referred to our work lives as “the consumer’s forty
hours in purgatory,” referring to the conditions we create for ourselves in the
pursuit of more “efficient” production, and pointed out that (with the excep-
tion of those who lose their jobs altogether in the search for the most goods at
the cheapest price), “The workers from whom we are always trying to extract
greater productivity are none other than ourselves” (Wachtel, 1983).
Work, as David Blustein incisively describes, is more than just a way to pro-
duce things, and it is more than just something we have to get done in order to
enjoy our “real” lives. Work is a very central part of our “real” lives, and if we do
not attend to it with sufficient respect—and even compassion—then we will
continue to create lives for ourselves that do not satisfy. The tensions we bring
home from a day in “purgatory” spill over into family life, friendship, and com-
munity, affecting those central contexts of our lives as well. Blustein helps us to
redirect our focus—to understand that work is a central part of how we give
meaning to our lives, a central feature of our identity, a central part of how we
are cruel or kind or are treated cruelly or kindly. Work is also a central way in
which race, class, gender, sexuality, and health or disability are played out in our
society and take on meanings that often become self-fulfilling prophecies. Of-
ten, these crucial dimensions and distinctions are obscured in our society’s dis-
course, and it is only those in the privileged classes who are viewed as pursuing
meaning or identity in work. For everyone else, the assumption is that TGIF
and a paycheck are all that matters. Blustein tells us—and shows us—that that
is not the case. He illuminates the role of work in every sector of the social sys-
tem, and he does so with psychological as well as social perspicuity. This is a ma-
jor contribution; I hope it gets the attention it deserves.
—Paul L. Wachtel, PhD
City College of CUNY
 PREFACE

In the Bible Cain slew Abel

and East of Eden he was cast
You’re born into this life paying
For the sins of somebody else’s past
Daddy worked his whole life for nothing but the pain
Now he walks these empty rooms looking for something to blame
You inherit the sins, you inherit the flames
—Bruce Springsteen, “Adam Raised a Cain” (1978/1998)

Too many people live in barren houses like those of the father of
Springsteen’s protagonist. My intent in this book is to examine the ways in
which those wandering in the empty rooms like the one described above can
find meaning and pleasure in their work. More broadly, I seek to construct a
new perspective for the psychological exploration of working that will give
voice to the protagonist in Springsteen’s lyrics, whose anguish speaks for so
many others who have not had an opportunity for a rewarding work life.

Current Views and Challenges

The study of work and working has not been neglected by psychologists. For
example, counseling psychologists have produced a very rich literature on se-
lected aspects of vocational behavior (e.g., career exploration, career plan-
ning, and career decision making; see, for example, Brown & Lent, 2005;
Walsh & Savickas, 2005). Industrial-organizational psychologists have pro-
duced an equally extensive literature on work-related behavior in modern or-
ganizations (e.g., Aamodt, 1991; Anderson, Ones, Sinangil, & Viswesveran,
2002; Hall, 1996; Landy, 1989).

xi
xii / PREF A CE

The primary issues that are explored by traditional counseling and organi-
zational psychologists (e.g., career decision making, career commitment,
turnover, congruence) tend to assume a level of choice or volition that is not
typical for most workers. For example, consider the following two examples of
people struggling with work-related issues:

IThe first case is an immigrant from South Asia who worked as an en-
gineer in her home country. Upon arriving to her new home in London,
England, she learns that she does not have the appropriate credentials to
continue in her chosen field. How does she face the task of moving into the
work force? How does her view of working and of life itself become trans-
formed as her hopes to work in a field that suits her interests are suddenly
dashed and she must look for whatever will help her to survive?
I The second example is an African American woman who owns a

printing shop in an urban community. Her business has helped her to make
a decent living and has given her a sense of autonomy that was not available
to her parents and grandparents. However, an office-supplies chain moves
into her area with a cheaper printing department, forcing her income to
drop precipitously. Her dreams for self-sufficiency and economic empow-
erment fade as she confronts the lower prices and greater efficiency of her
competition.

These two vignettes, when considered collectively, provide a vivid counter-

point to the prevailing view within vocational psychology and organizational
psychology that people exercise choices in selecting and implementing their
aspirations about the sort of work they will do. The need to work for survival,
regrettably, has been relatively neglected in contemporary discourse on work-
ing and careers. This book seeks to redress this gap (along with several others)
in the literature.
In addition, the study of working has been split off from other domains of
human experience, resulting in artificial schisms between the knowledge of
vocational and organizational psychologists, that of other behavioral and so-
cial scientists, and that of psychotherapists and career counselors. With the
publication of this book, I seek to bridge the critical gaps and outline the fea-
tures of a more overarching and, ultimately, more inclusive psychology of
working.
I seek to place working at the same level of attention for social and behav-
ioral scientists and psychotherapists as other major life concerns, like inti-
mate relationships, physical and mental health, and socioeconomic
inequities. I also seek to provide readers with an expanded conceptual frame-
 PREFACE / xi i i

work within which to think about working in human development and human
experience. Furthermore, I seek to construct a coherent metaperspective
about working that will enrich the discourse across the broad spectrum of
psychology’s concerns and agendas.
I hope that this book will stimulate the development of richly explanatory
theoretical statements in the years to come. I also hope that the body of
knowledge emerging from the psychology of working will inform clinical prac-
tice and public policy about the full range of working experiences in contem-
porary life. I would like readers to emerge from this book with a more refined
understanding of how work functions in our lives. Ideally, the psychology-of-
working perspective will provide a foundation upon which therapists and
counselors can develop greater sensitivity and skill about the complexities of
work-related issues that arise in counseling individuals, groups, and families.
I also hope that the psychology-of-working perspective will generate new
knowledge leading to greater engagement in public policy about education,
training, labor policy, and employment issues. Using a more expansive lens
with which to explore the nature of working, I believe that social and behav-
ioral scientists as well as counselors can develop more compelling arguments
for the creation of equitable policies about education, training, unemploy-
ment, family/work policies, occupational health, and other related issues.

My Personal Journey
Into the Psychology of Working

The actual process of writing this book was a labor of love, but was not without
its struggles. My reasons for writing the book have remained constant across
the 4-year span from its inception to its completion. As a counseling psycholo-
gist with a passionate interest in career development, I have experienced con-
siderable conflict in my own work, which historically has focused on the
traditional themes of career decision making, exploration, and identity devel-
opment. I have felt very privileged to contribute to the literature and provide
direct services to clients who were confronting career decision-making and
other work-related struggles. In addition, the research, practice, and teaching
were all quite rewarding and in turn rewarded me with a steady and upwardly
mobile career.
Something, however, was not right in my work. Naturally, I realized that
the career development enterprise (entailing vocational assessment, career
counseling, career development courses, and structured career exploration
activities) was quite effective and well established. My thinking about careers
xiv / PREF A CE

and working was transformed gradually and profoundly as I spoke with inner
city youth with few opportunities for education and training, and interviewed
research participants working in car washes and supermarkets with no pros-
pects for advancement. My thinking also was transformed by my experiences
as a therapist, working with clients whose work-related struggles often were
quite pronounced, but who had little idea that these concerns had a legitimate
place in their treatment. Furthermore, my evolving concern with the full
scope of working in psychology has been inspired by social justice movements
within the social and behavioral sciences and within the broader body politic.
In short, I realized that the field of career development and related discourse
on work in psychology needed more than minor tinkering around the edges. I
have become convinced that the study of work and careers in psychology
needs a reasoned critique and a new perspective. (I want to underscore that
the critique detailed in this book includes my own work and my earlier as-
sumptions about work and careers.) This book, therefore, represents my at-
tempt at both the critique and the construction of an intellectual framework
for a cogent, inclusive, and ultimately more comprehensive psychology of
working.

The Mission and Audience

My intention with the publication of this book is to integrate our thinking

about working into the broader fabric of psychological theory and practice.
Moreover, I believe that it is critical for behavioral and social scientists and
practitioners to confront the vast inequities in life circumstances that are typi-
cally most evident in education and work. Thus, this book seeks to develop a
language and a way of thinking about working that will more closely resemble
the reality of our lives.
Another critical point that inspired this book is the fact that working is
changing rapidly for many, if not all, citizens of the Western world (e.g., Ar-
thur & Rousseau, 1996; Wilson, 1996). I review the more important features
of these changes in an attempt to develop a conceptual infrastructure for un-
derstanding how these changes affect and are affected by the ever-expanding
array of roles and responsibilities emerging in the 21st century.
The audience for the book includes many potential readers encompassing
the interested layperson, counselors and other therapists, scholars from career
development and organizational behavior, and policy analysts who are con-
cerned with work and access to opportunity. I am speaking to all who seek to in-
tervene in the lives of others—the counselors and counseling psychologists who
 PREFACE / xv

have historically provided direct services to clients who present with work-re-
lated issues, but also psychotherapists, social workers, and psychiatrists. In gen-
eral, I believe that all clinicians will find the material presented in this book to
be central in developing an inclusive and more effective mode of psychological
treatment. I also am confident that organizational consultants and manage-
ment specialists will find this book useful. Additionally, I am speaking to social
and behavioral scientists and readers interested in public policy who think
about work, education, social justice, and human development.

The Knowledge Base and Structure of the Book

A major source of knowledge for the psychology of working is grounded in ex-

isting research and theory by psychologists; however, I also include relevant
input from sociologists, anthropologists, and economists. In addition, I be-
lieve the voices of workers, speaking on behalf of their own experience, can
teach us a great deal. Accordingly, I rely on published case material, qualita-
tive vignettes, and narratives from other books and journal articles, as well as
on poems, fiction, memoirs and song lyrics, as a means of obtaining a deeper
connection to the experience of working in the human condition (e.g., Bowe,
Bowe, & Streeter, 2000; Thomas, 1999). Finally, I intersperse some counsel-
ing cases representing amalgams of themes and issues presented by former
clients to illustrate some of the issues. Such material conveys the emotional
richness that work evokes, and informs the development of new ideas that can
be explored further in subsequent research.
I realize that my approach is novel, representing a synthesis of intellectual
currents that falls outside of the purview of the traditional social and behavioral
sciences. The need to include a broad spectrum of views and voices is critical if
we are to develop a meaningful body of knowledge that is useful in shaping
counseling practice and public policy. Indeed, the stakes have never been
higher. We are entering a period of great uncertainty in which the lives of all
workers, not just the unskilled, are facing substantive changes. To create knowl-
edge without a close connection to the internal constructions and emotional ex-
periences of people grappling with work would yield only part of the picture. As
such, I have sought to connect to readers both intellectually and emotionally in
order to create a fully engaging and compelling perspective of the psychology of
working. Naturally, my social science training suggests the need for caution, but
I hope that the synthesis of these elements leads to a transformed discourse
about working that is multidisciplinary, affirming of diversity, and informative
in developing maximally effective practices and policies.
xvi / PREF A CE

In order to achieve these objectives, I begin the book with an overview of

the general terrain of work within psychological research, theory, and prac-
tice. I then explore how the world of work is shifting across the globe, with im-
plications for all workers and individuals who seek work. I devote space in the
early part of the book to detailing how work fulfills various core human needs,
including the need for survival, relational connection, and self-determina-
tion. The impact of social barriers in our ability to fulfill these needs is then as-
sessed, followed by an analysis of the theoretical and research implications of
the psychology of working. I close the book with a detailed exploration of the
clinical implications of the psychology of working followed by an assessment
of how this new perspective can inform public policy.
In sum, I hope that the new ideas in this book create an enthusiastic and
passionate dedication to exploring the full gamut of working experiences.
Ideally, readers will come away from this book with a broader vision, one
that affirms working as a central ingredient in life. By advancing a new per-
spective, I clearly have created a challenging agenda. However, as the open-
ing vignette of this preface suggests, the pain and anguish of people without
means to a dignified working life is palpable. To ignore it risks further
marginalization of people without much hope. By opening readers’ eyes and
hearts to a fuller scope of working, I hope to stimulate a movement to re-
shape psychology’s approach to working. The expanded focus I propose
here is not without its challenges; but, in my view, the only hope for psychol-
ogy to reach its potential in our society is for it to include an engaged and
thoughtful discourse about working. This book is a first step; I hope that
readers will join me as we move forward to create a fully inclusive psychol-
ogy of working.

Acknowledgments

I have been influenced by many colleagues, friends, artists, writers, poets, mu-
sicians, and family members in overt and more covert ways as I developed the
ideas that are presented in this book. To list all of the influences would be
nearly impossible as many of these influences have become so embedded into
my thinking and value system that the etiology of the influence is now hard to
discern. Throughout the book, I have sought to reference ideas that are de-
rived from my colleagues and peers. However, I take full responsibility for the
content, positions, and arguments detailed in this book.
This caveat notwithstanding, I would like to acknowledge a number of peo-
ple who have helped to shape the ideas presented herein or who have inspired
 PREFACE / xv i i

me to think broadly, outside of the purview of our professional and intellec-

tual training. As I propose in this book, relational influences are closely em-
bedded with our work lives; as such, the people who I am acknowledging here
have often influenced both my sense of feeling supported as well as the
development of my thinking.
My graduate school professors from Teachers College, Columbia Univer-
sity, were critical in helping me to understand the role of work within psychol-
ogy. In this context, I have appreciated the spirited input of Jean Pierre
Jordaan, Peter Cairo, Patricia Raskin, and Roger Myers. My dear friends
from the University at Albany, State University of New York, will no doubt
see their influences in my work. I have appreciated the mentorship and col-
leagueship of Monte Bruch, Doug Strohmer, Mike Ellis, Marilyn Stern, Don
Blocher, Sheldon Grand, and Micki Friedlander, who provided me with the
rigorous way of thinking that characterizes the best of our field. I particularly
owe a debt to Susan Phillips and Richard Haase, two beloved colleagues who
strongly believed in my ability to write, think, and, ultimately, create new
ideas. Their influence is evident throughout these pages.
In my current home at Boston College, I have many colleagues who con-
tinue to nourish my intellectual development. I would like to acknowledge
Mary Brabeck, Jim Mahalik, and Maureen Kenny for making a compelling
case for me to join the faculty at Boston College. Furthermore, the input from
Janet Helms, Mary Walsh, Guerda Nicolas, Lisa Goodman, Belle Liang,
Etiony Aldarondo, Sandy Morse, Bob Romano, and Liz Sparks has been very
important in helping me to shape the social justice, multicultural, feminist,
and public policy agenda in my work. I also have been supported by the out-
standing professionals who administer the Lynch School of Education; in this
context, I would like to acknowledge the assistance of Joseph O’Keefe, S. J.,
Brinton Lykes, Dennis Shirley, and Mary Ellen Fulton, who provided me with
the resources and support to work on this book over the past few years. Fur-
thermore, I am grateful to the administrative staff of my department at
Boston College who helped to manage my often over-committed life with
grace and humor. Without the help of Dottie Cochran, Marguerite Tierney,
and Diane Beaulieu, the book would have taken considerably longer.
From the broader world of vocational psychology, many colleagues have en-
tertained my ideas and provided critically needed feedback. I especially owe a
debt to Mary Sue Richardson, whose 1993 article in the Journal of Counseling
Psychology on the role of work as a focal point for counseling psychology helped
to inspire many of the ideas outlined in this book. I also am grateful to Mark
Savickas, whose friendship has now moved into its third decade. We have both
come a long way from our hesitant forays at American Psychological Associa-
xviii / PREF A CE

tion conventions in the mid 1980s. Mark’s intellectual breadth and depth of
knowledge in vocational psychology is impressive and has been instrumental in
helping to shape my thinking. The input of Hanoch Flum can also been dis-
cerned in these pages. His friendship and his colleagueship are very special and
have helped to give me the confidence to tackle this project. I also would like to
thank the broader world of the Society for Vocational Psychology, which has
provided a wonderfully supportive network of friends and colleagues. The fol-
lowing individuals were particularly influential in this venture: Nadya Fouad,
Ruth Fassinger, Bruce Walsh, Tom Krieshok, Ellen McWhirter, Saba Rasheed
Ali, Scott Solberg, Kimberly Howard, Graham Stead, Michael Brown, Mary
Heppner, Joaquim Armando Ferreira, Eduardo Santos, Jane Swanson, Lisa
Flores, Daryl Luzzo, Mark Pope, Nancy Betz, Gail Hackett, Cindy Juntunen,
Dan Mahoney, and Donna Schultheiss.
My students have also helped to shape my thinking. In particular, I would
like to acknowledge Justin Perry, David DeWine, Alexandra Kenna, Matt
Diemer, Anna Chaves McDonald, Julia DeVoy, Ravi Gatha, Bianca
Schaefer, Michelle Friedman, Tim Ketterson, Shanna Dullen, and Kerri
Murphy for their intellectual input and logistical support in developing the
ideas presented in this book. I also appreciate the valuable assistance of Katie
Benoit, Stephanie Glassburn, Nadia Gill, Yanhong Li, Anthony Issaco, Susan
Taylor, and Marie Land, who deserve special thanks for the onerous job of ob-
taining the permissions and in searching for references needed for this book. I
particularly appreciate the long-standing contributions of Alexandra Kenna,
who worked so hard on the seemingly endless references and citations.
The staff of Lawrence Erlbaum Associates has been truly supportive
throughout this project. Beginning with the encouragement of Susan Milmoe
and continuing with Steve Rutter, I have felt empowered to pursue my vision
with this book. Moreover, both Susan and Steve helped to edit the text and
provided valuable input throughout the writing of the manuscript. In addi-
tion, Bruce Wampold was critical in helping me to think about this project; I
am very humbled by his gracious support of this work and his role in helping
me to realize that LEA would be the ideal publisher for this book. I appreciate
the support of Nichole Buchmann and Providence Rao, who have helped to
steer the manuscript through the production process. The text has been care-
fully copyedited by Debbie Ruel, who has helped to improve the quality of the
presentation considerably. In addition, I thank Paul Wachtel for sharing his
insights and observations in the essay he prepared for the Foreword of this
book. I also appreciate the input of Bruce Wampold and Lenore Harmon,
who read the entire manuscript and provided thoughtful and helpful advice.
Additional feedback was provided by Hanoch Flum, Donna Schultheiss, and
 PREFACE / xi x

Camille DeBelle, who each reviewed a few chapters in their respective areas
of expertise. The collective infusion of ideas from the LEA editorial team and
the aforementioned colleagues has been critically important in refining my
writing and in clarifying the logic and coherence of my positions. I very much
appreciate the time, energy, and intellectual rigor that each of these talented
individuals devoted to this project.
Given the unique approach that I employed in developing the knowledge
base for the psychology of working, I have had a wonderful opportunity to ex-
plore contributions from a wide array of writers, novelists, poets, playwrights,
songwriters, and other artists who have shared their insights about working.
The excerpts that I have included here represent the tip of the iceberg of the
material that I read in preparing this book. I would like to acknowledge the
debt that we all owe to the various artists and musicians who have given voice
to the experiences of working. I particularly thank the individuals who
granted permission for me to reprint their work in this book.
Finally, I would like to thank the people in my life who have loved and sup-
ported me so that I could put my ideas into words in this book. I would like to ac-
knowledge the support of my brother, Richard, whose own journey in his work
life has demonstrated a deep sense of resilience in the face of considerable ob-
stacles. I thank Babo Kamel, who stood by me as I worked on this book, and also
helped to edit the text. I would also like to thank Sally Weylman, whose own
commitment to work and relationships has been an inspiration to me and to all
those who know her. In addition, I thank my daughters, Larissa and Michelle.
They were always patient with me as I struggled to get one last sentence down
before our next engagement. Last, but not least, I dedicate this book to my par-
ents: Harry and Janet Blustein. My parents taught me about work, the dignity of
work, and the importance of relationships as a means of coping with and relish-
ing both the struggles and joys of work. My parents toiled hard and long to
make their living in this world; often they came home from work exhausted and
worn out. Yet, they were never too tired to parent, to love, and to laugh. Their
presence is on each page of this book.

—David L. Blustein
 Psychology and the Experience of Working:
A Blurred Focus That is Sharpening

Work influences us throughout our lives as few activities do. No other

choice we make—with the possible exception of our spouse—influ-
ences each of us, our families, our children, our values, or our status
as much as our choice of a job or occupation. Throughout our lives,
but especially from our late teens and early 20s to our 60s, we spend
more time engaged in work activities than any other single pursuit (ex-
cept for sleep, which does not seem to be a pursuit or activity).
—Hulin (2002, p. 8)

We take the position that career choice will be salient only for individu-
als who believe that their choices are or can be effective (thus self-es-
teem, locus of control, and attributional concepts are all important),
who live in an environment in which their choices truly can be effec-
tive, and who are free from survival needs for food, shelter, and safety
(Maslow, 1970).
—Harmon and Farmer (1983, p. 64)

Entering the new century of psychology’s contributions to the social sci-

ences and to human welfare, we are in a unique position to reappraise our
relationship to the study of working. As reflected by the quotes that begin
this chapter, the relationship between working and psychology has been
complex and somewhat ambivalent within the first century of psychological
discourse. In this chapter, I explore the strengths and limitations of existing
formulations of working, vocational behavior, and career development. In
reviewing the diverse streams of ideas generated from existing psychologi-
cal discourse, I initiate a critique of traditional perspectives on working,
which are often discussed under the rubric of vocational psychology and or-
ganizational development. The chapter concludes with a call for a new psy-
1
2 / CH A PT ER 1

chology of working, encompassing a fuller array of relevant issues facing

individuals in the 21st century.

Defining the Scope of the Psychology of Working

The psychology-of-working perspective that I advance here is constructed

with a deep appreciation of the rich contributions from various sources in the
social and behavioral sciences. My position is that working is central to under-
standing human behavior and the context that frames life experience. In this
section, I present many of the intellectual currents that have contributed to
my position, culminating in a definition of the meaning and scope of the psy-
chology of working.
In my opinion, the psychological study of working has enormous potential
to inform public policy on labor issues, educational reform as well as counsel-
ing practice. In this book, I seek to create the scaffolding for subsequent in-
vestigations of working. Prior to delineating my definition of the psychology
of working, I first describe some historical contributions from outside of psy-
chology that have influenced my formulations.
In the 19th century, Marx (1867) articulated a view of work as a means of
self-definition; however, he also critiqued the way in which most workers
were exploited, underscoring the divisive disconnection between modes of
production and consequent feelings of alienation that characterized the in-
dustrial era (and still, unfortunately, is evident in contemporary times). Freud
(1930) observed that working helped to provide a sense of regularity to life
and a connection to the broader social and cultural community. For both
Marx and Freud, working was not a means of achieving personal satisfaction
or feelings of achievement. To the contrary, their respective positions were
manifestations of the modal experience of 19th-century workers, whose la-
bors were physically arduous and whose connection to the means of produc-
tion and results of labor were often distant, at best.
Within philosophy, Heideigger (1962) viewed work as a means by which
human beings engage in projects, which furnish people with a means of con-
necting to their world and to establishing continuity in their existence. Gini
and Sullivan (1989) also based their definition on a broad philosophical
framework by noting that “work is the means by which we become and com-
plete ourselves as persons; we create ourselves in our work” (p. 3). The philo-
sophical positions of Heideigger and Gini and Sullivan, taken together,
underscore a sense of self-determination that work entails, which has clearly
influenced contemporary psychological considerations of careers and organi-
 PSYCHOLOGY AND WORKING / 3

zational behavior. An economic definition of work can be culled from a land-

mark report by a special task force to the Secretary of Health, Education, and
Welfare in the United States (1973) in which work was defined as activities
that result in valuable services and products for others.
From a psychological perspective, O’Brien (1986) defined work as “the ex-
penditure of effort in the performance of a task” (p. 1); this view captures a
rather common view of work that has characterized significant scholarship
and research, particularly within organizational psychology. Wilson’s (1996)
sociological definition limits the notion of work to labor that is exerted within
the formal economy, which would be characterized by regular schedules and
commitments.
When considering these perspectives in tandem, a number of common
elements emerge, which have contributed to my multidimensional view of
working. My definition of working seeks to embrace the wide scope of work-
related activities, with a focus on the psychological meaning that we attach to
working:

1. Working functions to provide people with a way to establish an identity

and a sense of coherence in their social interactions. In other words,
work furnishes at least part of our external identity in the world.
2. Working has very personal meaning that is influenced to a great extent
by individual constructions and by socially mediated interactions with
others. Working also has unique meaning that is derived from and em-
bedded within specific cultural contexts, which shape and are shaped by
individual experiences of working.
3. Working involves effort, activity, and human energy in given tasks that
contribute to the overall social and economic welfare of a given culture.
This includes paid employment as well as work that one does in caring
for others within one’s family and community.
4. Working has been one of the constants in our lives; the experience of
working unifies human beings across time frames and cultures.

In this book, I focus on the psychological experience of working, embed-

ded within an explicitly contextual framework. My thinking, which is consis-
tent to a great extent with M. S. Richardson’s (1993) position and with the
recent framework offered by N. Peterson and González (2005), is that the no-
tion of career (reflecting a hierarchical and planned series of jobs that are
thoughtfully selected) is deeply embedded in a sociocultural framework that
is relevant to only a minority of individuals around the globe. The vast
changes in the concept of career, which is reflected in countless articles and
4 / CH A PT ER 1

books on the rapid changes in the notion of “career” (e.g., Arthur & Rous-
seau, 1996; Collin & Young, 2000; Hall, 1996) certainly suggest that very sig-
nificant shifts are occurring across the globe for many relatively well educated
workers. As I argue in this book, I believe that the psychology of working of-
fers the best conceptual tools with which to frame new policy initiatives, prac-
tice interventions, and research goals required to address the dramatic
changes in the world of work in the 21st century.
The conceptual framework of working described here seeks to embrace
work that is engaged in for survival and work that is engaged in as a means of
expressing one’s interests in the world. (Ideally, these two motivational as-
pects of working are intertwined.) I am deliberately constructing a framework
that is maximally inclusive, entailing working that occurs in the economic
market place as well as work required in caring for loved ones and family
members. By drawing the boundaries wide, I hope to create the intellectual
space for overarching perspectives, theories, and research findings that will
be maximally informative to counseling practice and public policy.

A Sociocultural History of Working

Pre-Industrial Trends

Earliest mentions of working can be traced to the Judeo-Christian Bible, with

its graphic and compelling narratives about power, spirituality, conviction,
and, of course, work. Work as a form of human expression dates back to our
ancient history as hunters and gatherers (Goldschmidt, 1990; Wallman,
1979). Naturally, one of the primary tasks of life then (as it is now, albeit with a
few more layers of complexity added) is survival. Indeed, anthropological
analyses of contemporary hunting and gathering tribes reveal complex pat-
terns of work that contain many of the foundational elements of current work
experiences (Donkin, 2001; Goldschmidt, 1990). One of the major transitions
that occurred in many human communities was the development of agricul-
ture, which tended to locate people in stable environments. An outcome of
this transition was the increasingly hierarchical nature of work in which men
began increasingly to own property and women tended to work in caregiving
tasks (Donkin, 2001).
Some of the earliest writings about work can be found in the Bible, which
reflects work as the curse of human existence, “… ‘a punishment for Adam’s
disobedience.’ Work now involved fatigue and suffering, for nature had
ceased to yield her fruits without the application of strenuous human effort”
 PSYCHOLOGY AND WORKING / 5

(Thomas, 1999, p. 4). The view of men and women as lazy and without initia-
tive is in fact reflected in numerous writings in pre-historic and medieval peri-
ods (Bettenson, 1947; Donkin, 2001; Ehmer, 2001; Neff, 1985; Thomas,
1999). One of the themes apparent in very early historical contributions is
that working was often viewed as being undesirable because of the tedious-
ness, physical exertion, and often inhumane conditions that surrounded many
jobs, particularly for the vast majority of individuals who did not own land or
own businesses (Firth, 1979; Goldshmidt, 1990; Neff, 1985). As I propose in
this book, the pain of many jobs, including considerable physical effort, and
the sense of alienation that exists for many individuals in contemporary times,
are still major issues and are not solely artifacts of previous historic eras.
The extensive amount of time that people devote to working, coupled
with the often challenging and even life-threatening conditions of many
jobs, has led to a diverse array of explanations about the nature of working.
Prior to the industrial revolution, the number of possible occupations was
limited to agriculture, semi-skilled work (e.g., carpentry; masonry), small
businesses (e.g., shopkeeper), and a small number of professions (reli-
gious callings; medicine; law) (Donkin, 2001; Ehmer, 2001; Neff, 1985).
For the most part, the professions were reserved for wealthy individuals or
people with powerful and connected families. Similarly, in many countries,
owning land and businesses was not open to all individuals, with restric-
tions often stemming from religious, racial, gender, and ethnic back-
grounds as well as the social connections of one’s family (Fischer, 2001;
Neff, 1985). For this reason, the entire enterprise of working was deter-
mined to a significant extent by social position for the vast majority of peo-
ple in most societies. In general, people worked in farming or in other
labor-intensive jobs that were motivated primarily by the need to make a
living (Ehmer, 2001; Neff, 1985; Heilbroner & Singer, 1984). The major
psychological manifestations of working focused on ways to survive such
arduous conditions, with far less attention devoted to finding meaning in
one’s livelihood (Donkin, 2001). For example, consider the plight of many
recent and more remote ancestors of individuals who migrated to the
United States or similar places (e.g., Canada, Australia) with the hope of
obtaining a better life. As many of us have read and learned in our family
histories, working was a major burden, often characterized by significant
pain and despair. The sweatshop workers of the urban centers and the
sharecroppers of the southern part of the United States shared many com-
mon experiences, including very long hours, little financial reward, dan-
gerous working conditions, and often humiliating treatment by one’s
supervisors (Donkin, 2001; Heilbroner & Singer, 1984; Neff, 1985).
6 / CH A PT ER 1

Excerpts from the narratives of these workers are remarkably evocative, as

they convey a special aspect of our collective history that is often neglected or
lost in our high-technology, information-rich world. Consider the following
narrative from Booker T. Washington (1901), who recalled some of his early
childhood spent as a slave:

I was asked not long ago to tell something about the sports and pastimes that
I engaged in during my youth. Until that question was asked it had never
occurred to me that there was no period of my life that was devoted to play.
From the time that I can remember anything, almost every day of my life has
been occupied in some kind of labour; though I think I would now be a more
useful man if I had time for sports. During the period that I spent in slavery I
was not large enough to be of much service, still I was occupied most of the
time in cleaning the yards, carrying water to the men in the fields, or going to
the mill, to which I used to take corn, once a week, to be ground. The mill was
about three miles from the plantation. This work I always dreaded. The heavy
bag of corn would be thrown across the back of the horse, and the corn
divided about evenly on each side; but in some way, almost without exception,
on these trips, the corn would so shift as to become unbalanced and would fall
off the horse, and often I would fall with it. As I was not strong enough to
reload the corn upon the horse, I would have to wait, sometimes for many
hours, till a chance passer-by came along who would help me out of my
trouble. The hours while waiting for some one were usually spent in crying.
The time consumed in this way made me late in reaching the mill, and by the
time I got my corn ground and reached home it would be far into the night.
The road was a lonely one, and often led through dense forests. I was always
frightened. The woods were said to be full of soldiers who had deserted from
the army, and I had been told that the first thing a deserter did to a Negro boy
when he found him alone was to cut off his ears. Besides, when I was late in
getting home I knew I would always get a severe scolding or a flogging.
(cited in Thomas, 1999, p. 19)

The description of Booker T. Washington’s recollections of life as a slave

attests to an intermingled set of memories about working and childhood. That
Washington recalled his youth as embedded in such an onerous set of tasks is
reflective of slavery, which is, thankfully, far less evident around the globe (al-
though not completely eradicated). However, the inner experience that
Washington recalls underscores a sense of working that is characterized by
feelings of helplessness and fear, which is still common at different points in
the lives of many individuals. Thus, this vignette conveys an emotional depth
about working that I believe is necessary in understanding the meaning that
working can have for individuals and communities.
Pre-industrial musings about working were not entirely filled with despair
and sadness. Even among the working classes and farmers, working had the
 PSYCHOLOGY AND WORKING / 7

potential to be rewarding and satisfying, particularly for those who enjoyed

the challenges and completion of tasks involved in deriving one’s source of
sustenance. In addition, working was seen as a means of helping to advance
one’s unique social position as well as provide connections to one’s larger ref-
erence group. The following excerpt illustrates an early description of the
broader social consequences of work:

Man’s industry … brings impossible things to pass. This industry, oh, it can
almost do anything. It has (as it were) removed mountains, or at least
made ways through them: so did Caesar over the Alps, and Alexander in
his voyage to the Indies. It has dried up and diverted seas and navigable
torrents. It has erected hetacombs and pyramids from little atoms of
principal materials. It has made glass malleable, instructed in all arts,
languages, sciences, professions, found out the use of simples and their
compositions, of metals and their digestion, of minerals and their use, of
peace, war, justice, religion; nothing has been too hard for the industry of
man to cope with and conquer ….
Now, though I do not believe industry can do all that is boasted of it, yet I do
advisedly conclude that in the industry of man there is such a latent power and
life of actuation that it comes near the verge of miraculous.
(Waterhouse, 1663, cited in Thomas, 1999, p. 78)

The passage from Waterhouse describes the vibrant sense of agency and
achievement that working in a given community can attain. As this passage
suggests, working can move from survival to producing substantial changes in
our environment, often resulting in beautiful artistic endeavors and adaptive
transformations of the environment.
Another view of work has been developed by scholars who have sought to
understand the broader or more macro-aspects of working in pre-industrial
and early industrial societies. Some of these ideas formed the basis for con-
temporary economic systems, including both capitalism (Locke, 1690/1975)
and socialism (Marx, 1867). The degree to which these economic systems pro-
vide equitable and fair means of production and distribution of wealth is be-
yond the scope of this book. (However, the challenges of determining ways of
more effectively distributing access to the resources to obtain dignified and
meaningful work are relevant to the psychology of working and are discussed
in the final chapter.) It is important, though, to note that both of these eco-
nomic systems, developed by wealthy aristocrats, did not involve the input of
the vast majority of workers who would be profoundly influenced by these
economic systems, particularly when they were implemented in extremely
rigid ways. Questions about the extent to which workers have volition in their
lives are still prominent in contemporary discourse (e.g., Gini, 2000; Peterson
8 / CH A PT ER 1

& González, 2005; M. S. Richardson, 1993; Rubin, 1994). In this book, I seek
to use a psychological perspective to explore issues of power, self-determina-
tion, and interpersonal relationships, which reflect themes that have been
evident throughout the history of human work (e.g., Goldschmidt, 1990;
Herriott, 2001; Thomas, 1999).

Industrial Trends

By the advent of the industrial revolution, the entire structure of working be-
gan to change dramatically. One of the most important factors contributing to
the transformation of working was the growing need for more skilled individ-
uals to work in the increasingly complex factories that were developed to pro-
duce goods (Gini & Sullivan, 1989; Marshall & Tucker, 1992). In order to
obtain the workforce needed for this newly emerging labor market, enormous
social shifts had to take place. Most prominent among these social changes
was the need for greater education for workers to fill the factory openings and
the industrialized occupational settings that expanded throughout the world.
Rather than considering literacy and numeracy skills as unnecessary (or even
dangerous) for poor and working class people, education was viewed as a crit-
ical component of the industrial revolution (Brownlee, 1974; Fischer, 2001;
Neff, 1985; Reich, 1991). Indeed, an educated populace has been a significant
predictor of wealth within industrial societies (Hession & Sardy, 1969; Mar-
shall & Tucker, 1992). However, the nature of the educational world was
clearly circumscribed by the specific demands of the workplace. During the
height of the industrial revolution in the 19th century, schools increasingly fo-
cused on training workers who would be able to learn by rote memory and
who could follow orders clearly and without resistance. These characteristics
were also the hallmarks of the ideal worker in a 19th-century factory (Gini &
Sullivan, 1989).
A by-product of the need for more education was the development of a
new period of life, known as adolescence (Blos, 1962). In contrast to the ear-
lier family system wherein children were sent off to work and/or married when
they were relatively young, older boys and girls were more likely to stay at
home and obtain further education so that they could obtain the higher pay-
ing jobs that existed in the factories of many industrialized cities. Adolescence
gave rise to a period of time when individuals could devote time and energy to
the consideration of their vocational future and explore their options. The en-
tire notion of people actually having choices about what sort of work they like
to pursue is a very recent phenomenon in human history. Aside from the gen-
 PSYCHOLOGY AND WORKING / 9

try classes and wealthy, the idea of volitional choices about work only became
a reality for a sizable proportion of people in Western cultures during the 20th
century. Prior to that time period, most poor and working class individuals
took whatever work they could find, with the decision about what field to en-
ter often determined by the social class and position of one’s family of origin
(Donkin, 2001; Gini, 2000; Thomas, 1999).
The industrial revolution did not necessarily mean great improvements for
ordinary workers in factories and on farms. Quite to the contrary, the indus-
trial revolution often led to greater hardship as ownership of the product of
one’s work was generally diminished (Gini & Sullivan, 1989; Hareven &
Langenbach, 1978). At the same time, the industrial revolution did result in
an exponential expansion of possible jobs for people to pursue, thereby offer-
ing far greater opportunities for people to experience satisfaction from their
work. However, the industrial revolution also increased the distance of many
working people from the fruits of their labor (Brownlee, 1974; Heilbroner &
Singer, 1984). During this time, the trade union movement emerged, which
helped to reduce tendencies on the part of employers to exploit working peo-
ple (Aronowitz & Cutler, 1998; Clawson & Clawson, 1999; Edwards, 1993).
However, the industrial age resulted in conditions that did not reduce inequi-
ties in the world of work. The gaps between rich and poor did not disappear in
the industrial era as cycles of employment and unemployment became en-
demic for many working class adults (Reich, 1991; Wilson, 1996). In a brief vi-
gnette shared by one of the participants in Rubin’s (1994) evocative study of
working class families in the United States, a 34-year-old wife of an African
American factory worker comments as follows: “I leave to go to work in the
morning and he’s (her unemployed husband) sitting there doing nothing, and
when I come home at night, it’s the same thing. It’s like he didn’t move the
whole day” (p. 113). Understanding the experience of this unemployed indi-
vidual is one of the goals of this book and I believe ought to be one of the
moral challenges of the social and behavioral sciences given that highly ineq-
uitable economies continue to exist in most regions of the world. Moreover, I
argue that it is critical for all psychologists and psychotherapists who seek to
study and intervene in the working lives of clients to fully understand the
complex and multidimensional nature of working in the 21st century.

The Psychological Study of Work and Working

The study of working within psychology has a number of well-established

homes. Initially, I consider the role of vocational psychology and career
10 / CH A PT ER 1

counseling in articulating a discourse about the psychological aspects of

working. Following that material, I explore the contributions that industrial/
organizational psychology has made to our understanding of working.

Vocational Psychology and Career Counseling

As industrialization became more pervasive, the number and diversity of oc-

cupational options grew geometrically (Herr, Cramer, & Niles, 2004;
Savickas & Baker, 2005). At the same time, educational options increased,
leading to a sense of confusion among adolescents and adults about their opti-
mal vocational direction (Keller & Viteles, 1937). Growing out of the rapid
set of social changes that occurred throughout the later part of the 19th cen-
tury, a group of social reformers and educators began to develop various sys-
tems to help young people choose their careers. One of these individuals,
Frank Parsons, a social activist and former mayoral candidate in Boston, is of-
ten credited with founding vocational guidance (Hartung & Blustein, 2002).
Indeed, Parsons’ contributions are noteworthy and merit some attention in
our discussion. Parsons (1909) had strong progressive or populist leanings
(Savickas & Baker, 2005; Zytowski, 2001) and believed in activist interven-
tions in the lives of people, especially poor immigrants. One of his most im-
portant ideas was that people would be happier if they made “wise choices”
about their work lives. While Parsons was not educated in psychology per se,
his own diverse vocational experiences (which included college teaching, pol-
itics, social service work, and administration) gave him a particularly expan-
sive view of the challenges that people faced in the world of work.
Initially, Parsons’ Vocational Guidance Bureau was housed in a social ser-
vice facility in Boston’s North End, then a bastion of immigrants from South-
ern and Eastern Europe. The agency served as a sort of settlement house for
immigrants, linking vocational guidance to a broad array of services, includ-
ing adult education, vocational training, and the like (H. V. Davis, 1969). (In
fact, one of the goals of this book is to bring psychology back to its very admi-
rable roots of studying and intervening in the lives of all people, particularly
the poor and working classes.
The history of vocational guidance has been documented extensively in the
literature (Herr et al., 2004; Keller & Viteles, 1937; Savickas & Baker, 2005).
Hence, this review will focus on the issues of central importance to this discus-
sion, notably, the way in which the vocational guidance movement understood
and made sense of working. Early in the history of vocational guidance, the ma-
jor focus of attention was on helping individuals to find the best match between
 PSYCHOLOGY AND WORKING / 11

their interests and abilities and the requirements of a given position or job. This
approach, known as the trait-factor (or later as the Person–Environment fit)
model, was based to a large extent on the growing sophistication in psycho-
metrics and testing. After World War I, large-scale test development projects
were initiated in both North America and Europe to find the best ways to assess
intelligence, vocational interests, and personality characteristics (Cohen &
Swerdlik, 2002). The advent of these increasingly more sophisticated tests
formed a large proportion of the tools used by vocational counselors and ap-
plied psychologists who were interested in helping their clients and students
find the most adaptive fit in their career choices. This early study of tests and
measurements was supplemented by the work of industrial and organizational
psychologists (formerly known as personnel psychologists) who sought ways to
assess person–environment fit from the perspective of the organization
(Landy, 1989; Miner, 1969; Neff, 1985). In doing so, personnel psychologists
developed a clearer understanding of the world of work, at least within the in-
dustrial and post-industrial context, thereby providing psychologists with a lan-
guage and means of understanding the characteristics of diverse job settings
and an organizational perspective with which to understand work.
An interesting paradox of the history of career development is that one of
the most important advances theoretically also may have had the unfortunate
effect of diminishing vocational counseling’s historic commitment to the poor
and working classes and other marginalized people. Specifically, perhaps the
most eminent theorist in 20th-century career development, Donald Super, es-
tablished a compelling and very creative set of theoretical ideas, generally
known as life span, life space theory (Super, 1957, 1980; Super, Savickas, &
Super, 1996). In short, this theoretical contribution sought to move the field
of career counseling beyond the restricted range of the Person–Environment
fit model. Rather than considering vocational choice out of the context of
other life experiences, Super embedded the role of work into a more coherent
and expansive set of assumptions about human development. (See Jordaan &
Super, 1974; Super, 1957, Super, Starishevsky, Matlin, & Jordan, 1963; Super
et al., 1996, for detailed and authoritative overviews of Super’s critically im-
portant contributions.) In moving the field away from the notion that each in-
dividual has an ideal set of possible matches with the world of work that need
to be assessed and identified, Super constructed a creative and far-reaching
set of ideas about the notion of career. For Super, career represented “a se-
quence of positions held during the course of a lifetime” (Super, 1980). A sim-
ilar definition has been advanced by Sennett (1998), who indicated that the
term career had its roots in the English word for carriages, referring to “… a
lifelong channel for one’s economic pursuits” (p. 9).
12 / CH A PT ER 1

In using the term career, Super (1957) inadvertently placed the notion of
work into a context that was embedded deeply in a lifestyle that was, for the
most part, characteristic of relatively well-educated and often affluent people
within advanced Western countries. Super’s objective in replacing the notion
of occupation or work with the notion of career was to construct a perspective
that would encompass work-related issues across the life span and not simply
around the adolescent and young adulthood period of life. In addition, Super
sought to create a discourse that would embed the study of work across the life
space, thereby capturing the complex texture of contemporary life, replete
with shifting roles. I believe that Super’s important efforts to apply a develop-
mental life span perspective to vocational psychology were not directed inten-
tionally toward reducing the focus on working class and poor individuals. In
fact, his major longitudinal study included primarily working class students
from a modest town in New York, around 60 miles to the northwest of Man-
hattan (Super & Overstreet, 1960). (It is important to note as well that other
scholars after World War II began to focus on careers as opposed to work, in-
cluding most of the trait-factor theorists, such as Holland.) However, one of
the latent effects of focusing on careers as opposed to work is that vocational
psychology became a study of the work lives of people with status and
achievement (M. S. Richardson, 1993).
It is important to note that the decline of the term career is not without
some cost. As Sennett (1998) noted, the notion of career also was advanced by
Walter Lippmann in the early part of the 20th century and was viewed as play-
ing a major function in modern life. In Lippmann’s book (1914) entitled “Drift
and Mastery,” the goal of building a meaningful work life, which would take
form in a career (as in Super’s definition), was proposed as an antidote to the
sense of rootlessness and alienation that many immigrants experienced as
they began life in North America. For Lippmann, engaging a life-long career
that had some meaning offered a means of inoculating individuals from the
feeling of personal failure while also developing an enhanced sense of charac-
ter. The adaptive aspects of work, as detailed in the career notions advanced
by Lippmann and Super, are not lost in this book. Indeed, a primary objective
of this contribution is to develop a perspective that will include as many peo-
ple as possible in a world where they can increasingly seek out, obtain, and
sustain meaningful work that satisfies their fundamental psychological,
financial, and social needs.
As I have suggested, the field of career counseling has struggled in its focus
and in its appreciation of the full array of work roles. However, it is important to
note that voices advocating for the poor and marginalized have always been evi-
dent in this field, albeit somewhat muted at times (e.g., E. J. Smith, 1983;
 PSYCHOLOGY AND WORKING / 13

Warnath, 1975). More recently, perspectives highlighting the complex and

challenging lives of those who do not fit the typical white-collar career pattern
have been profoundly influential within career development (e.g., Carter &
Cook, 1992; Helms & Cook, 1999; M. S. Richardson, 1993; Worthington &
Juntunen, 1997), and certainly are facilitating a major reappraisal of our ef-
forts, as reflected in this book. Most notably, Super’s (1980) revisions of his the-
ory expanded the purview in career development to the lives of women and to
ethnic minority group members. In addition, many of the most effective and ar-
ticulate calls for equality for women in North American culture have come
from vocational psychologists, led by Harmon (1972), Betz and Hackett (1981),
Fassinger (2000), and Fitzgerald (1993). These advances in feminist thinking
predated many of the inroads that feminism has made in applied psychology,
evoked in part by the glaring inequities that exist in the world of work in relation
to differential opportunities and unequal earnings for men and women.
Furthermore, a compelling discourse on the complex and challenging lives
of people of color has taken shape in vocational psychology, led initially by E. J.
Smith (1983) and later by Helms (Helms & Piper, 1994; Helms & Cook, 1999),
Carter (e.g., Carter & Cook, 1992), Fouad and Bingham (1995), and others
(e.g., Walsh, Bingham, Brown, & Ward, 2001). Finally, a few vocational psy-
chologists stepping outside of traditional theoretical boundaries have gradually
started to appreciate the potential that our field has for the full gamut of indi-
viduals across social class, race, and gender. In this context, scholars such as
Savickas (1993, 1995), M. S. Richardson (1993, 1996), Fassinger (2000), Fouad
and Bingham (1995), and N. Peterson and González (2005) have explored the
meaning and consequences of a truly inclusive view of work in the lives of peo-
ple across the life span and across the huge economic and political spaces that
continue to afford individuals such vastly diverse work lives.
Thus, my perspective is clearly constructed on some noteworthy prece-
dents. Like these important influences, I hope to expand the scope of our in-
quiry and practice by widening the circle of vocational psychology to an even
greater degree. In order to fully expand this horizon, I now explore the his-
torical precedent contributed by industrial/organizational psychology,
which represents the second major specialty within psychology that has
sought to study work.

Industrial/Organizational Psychology

The history of industrial/organizational psychology (I/O psychology) paral-

lels many of the pathways of career counseling and vocational psychology. For
14 / CH A PT ER 1

example, in historical overviews (e.g., Landy, 1989; Miner, 1969; Zickar,

2003), I/O psychology also was initiated as a discipline in the later part of the
19th century and early part of the 20th century. Similar to vocational psychol-
ogy, the vast changes in the labor market coupled with advances in the social
sciences contributed to the development of an applied perspective to the
problems that individuals and organizations faced in the world of work. In
contrast to vocational psychology, I/O psychology focused on workers and
employers as they implemented and adjusted to their work roles. Also, I/O
psychology generally adopted the perspective of employers as opposed to the
individual perspective of students, clients, and workers, which underpins the
orientation of counseling psychology and vocational guidance practitioners.
Like early vocational guidance (Parsons, 1909), I/O psychology was ini-
tially interested in fostering optimal person–environment fits (P-E fit), with
the focus primarily on the organization’s needs as opposed to the needs of the
individual (Landy, 1989). The movement to maximize P-E fit grew during
World War I when the military forces needed to ensure that lengthy training
could be provided to recruits who would likely benefit from such experiences
(e.g., training recruits to be pilots and navigators). Another stimulus to the
development of I/O psychology was the increasing sophistication that was evi-
dent in the measurement of abilities, personality attributes, and other
work-related characteristics. Thus, early I/O psychology was very much a cir-
cumscribed “personnel psychology” that focused on issues pertaining to
selection and training of new employees.
Beginning with the famous Hawthorne studies in the mid-1930s, applied
psychology began to focus on organizational issues such as the quality of
working environments (Neff, 1985). The Hawthorne studies demonstrated
that enhancing the working conditions of a given organization could lead to
notable improvements in productivity and in job satisfaction. The pro-
nounced impact of these findings led many applied psychologists to study the
nature of the work context, with the intention of developing a scientific frame-
work for understanding how organizational commitment, job satisfaction,
and productivity could be enhanced while also lowering employee turnover
and worker alienation.
After the horrific war crimes of World War II, many I/O psychologists also
turned their attention to group dynamics and leadership, both of which were
solid lines of inquiry since the early 20th century (Landy, 1989; Miner, 1969).
The failure of many individuals living in fascist countries to rise above the cor-
rupting influence of dictatorial leaders led to a great deal of confusion and
anxiety among social and organizational psychologists. As a result, a very rich
body of knowledge has developed pertaining to the structure and function of
 PSYCHOLOGY AND WORKING / 15

groups and leaders in organizations (Cartwright & Zander, 1968). The impe-
tus to the group dynamics movement can be traced to the action research ef-
forts of Lewin and his colleagues, who after World War II began to apply their
scholarship to the pressing problems of racism in federal housing programs
(Shaffer & Galinsky, 1989). Thus, many branches of I/O psychology, like its
sister field of vocational psychology, have considerable potential to improve
the lives of all individuals who work, not just the middle and upper-middle
classes.
Like vocational psychology, I/O psychology has become a rich and mature
specialty with a vibrant professional community and a highly productive
scholarly community. Without question, I/O psychology has made significant
and long-standing contributions to the lives of many workers and to the pro-
ductivity of many corporations (e.g., Arthur, Hall, & Lawrence, 1989; Hall,
1996; Herriott, 2001; Landy, 1989). However, much of I/O psychology, has,
with few exceptions (see, e.g., Bailyn, 1989; Thomas, 1989; Zickar, 2004), ig-
nored the experiences of working class and poor individuals; in narrowing its
scope, I/O psychology has neglected the vast diversity of work roles that peo-
ple occupy in contemporary society. This position does not seek to diminish
the contributions of I/O psychology, but locates these contributions within a
social stratum that is unique to modern and post-modern life in market-based
economies. The social strata of I/O psychology’s discourse generally ranges
from the pink-collar jobs that many women occupy within organizations (e.g.,
nurses, secretaries, administrative assistants) to the white-collar jobs of men
and women who work within the complex structures of modern profit and
non-profit organizations within Western cultures. I/O psychology was born
out of the developing bureaucracies of 20th century Western culture and has
addressed these concerns with great creativity and with significant innovative
theory and research. The resultant body of knowledge in I/O psychology is
clearly robust and vibrant, providing a sound basis for the practice of organi-
zational development in contemporary corporate and bureaucratic organiza-
tions. However, despite the push toward producing a knowledge base that will
be of relevance to contemporary organizations, some notable voices within
I/O psychology are advancing an agenda that is similar to the one that I am
advocating in this book.
Within the organizational study of careers, a number of scholars have
moved toward a more inclusive perspective that seeks to encompass the expe-
riences of working-class and poor individuals. For example, the emphasis on
the psychological experience of working that I am advocating is consistent
with Bailyn’s (1989) call for the examination of the individual subjective
meaning of career and working. Similarly, Thomas (1989) adopted a macro-
16 / CH A PT ER 1

level perspective using sociological theory to explore the paths of blue-collar

workers. In addition, several recent lines of work in organizational
psychology have explored the experiences of blue- and pink-collar workers’
relationships with labor unions (Drenth, Thierry, & Wolff, 1998; Howell &
Dorfman, 1986). The questions raised in this body of work have focused on
identifying the determinants of union participation (e.g., Howell & Dorfman,
1986; Johnson & Johnson, 1997; Tan & Aryee, 2002) and how union
instrumentality is connected to workplace justice and citizenship behavior
(Aryee & Chay, 2001).
The fact that so few studies in I/O psychology have explored the labor un-
ion movement and the experiences of nonmanagerial workers has recently
attracted the attention of Zickar (2003, 2004), who has examined the lack of
interest in labor unions on the part of I/O psychologists. His analysis also
identifies some of the reasons for I/O psychology’s focus on management
personnel and management-based issues. Zickar argued that early I/O psy-
chologists were generally offered greater employment opportunities with
management; the financial insecurity of labor unions made such financially
lucrative offers less likely. In addition, Zickar noted that some labor unions
did not trust psychologists and that many I/O psychologists in general allied
themselves with the goals and mission of management. However, Zickar
(2003) pointed out that there were some exceptions in the history of I/O psy-
chology, most notably Arthur Kornhauser. Kornhauser, who worked pri-
marily in the early and middle part of the 20th century, explored the sort of
issues that are consistent with some of the ideas I advance in this book. For
example, Kornhauser devoted extensive effort to studying labor unions
early in his career and worker mental health later in his career (see Zickar,
2003, for an excellent overview). Zickar highlighted the insightful and pre-
scient contributions of Kornhauser by concluding that “his research in all
four areas (selection, opinion surveying, unions, and worker mental health)
was guided by his concern for improving the lives of working people” (2003,
p. 368). Another important point raised by Zickar is that the relative lack of
attention devoted to workers and unions seems unique to I/O psychology of
the United States.
When considered collectively, research and scholarship on the broader ar-
ray of working-related issues has attracted attention of a few I/O psycholo-
gists. A line can be extended from Kornhauser to Zickar (see, e.g., Zickar,
2001), albeit often a thin line, which maps issues of relevance to an inclusive
psychology of working. One of the current manifestations of this line can be
found in the current scholarship on occupational health psychology (e.g.,
Barling & Griffiths, 2003; Quick & Tetrick, 2002; Schaufeli, 2004). Occupa-
 PSYCHOLOGY AND WORKING / 17

tional health psychology has emerged as a vibrant specialty that has elements
from various fields, including I/O psychology, health psychology, and social/
personality psychology (Quick & Tetrick, 2003). The mission of occupational
health psychology is to enhance the overall physical and mental health of
workers across the occupational spectrum (Quick & Tetrick, 2003; Schaufeli,
2004). Some of the thematic elements in occupational health psychology in-
clude the study of ways to reduce worker injury and health-related problems
at the workplace (Quick & Tetrick, 2002; Schaufeli, 2004). Additional re-
search has explored the interface of job strain and worker performance (e.g.,
Rau, 2004). The impact of working conditions on the mental and physical
health of employees also has attracted considerable attention (e.g., Greiner,
Krause, Ragland, & Fisher, 1998; Lamberg, 2004).
Of particular relevance to the psychology of working is the focus within oc-
cupational health psychology on the work/home interface (e.g., Cinnamon &
Rich, 2002; Frone, Yardley, & Markel, 1997; Voydanoff, 2004). This line of
work, which has been explored within both vocational (e.g., Betz & Fitzgerald,
1987) and I/O psychology (e.g., Greenhaus & Beutell, 1985), has considerable
potential for an inclusive psychology of working. Another line of work within
occupational health psychology that is important to our discussion is the re-
search on impact of layoffs and threats of layoffs on the lives of workers (e.g.,
Ferrie, 2001; Grayson, 1989; Grunberg, Moore, & Greenberg, 2001). Thus, oc-
cupational health psychology seems to be exploring some areas that are serving
to expand the rather narrow purview of both vocational and I/O psychology.
In my view, the conceptual scaffolding of the psychology of working may
help to shape the language and theoretical umbrella that will integrate the dis-
parate studies in vocational psychology, I/O psychology, and occupational
health psychology. As I have noted, many of the contributions from both vo-
cational psychology and I/O psychology have been remarkably articulate
about the need for greater inclusiveness and equity in psychological consider-
ations of working (e.g., Carter & Cook, 1992; M. S. Richardson, 1993; E. J.
Smith, 1983; Thomas, 1989; Zickar, 2004). The next section of this chapter
seeks to follow the leads of the courageous and thoughtful scholars by offer-
ing readers a blueprint for an inclusive and vibrant study of working in the
lives of human beings in the 21st century.

A Psychological Analysis of Working

In addition to advocating for the central position of working in psychological

discourse, I seek to map the terrain for subsequent explorations of the psy-
18 / CH A PT ER 1

chological nature of work and working. The guideposts that I plant in this
landscape are centered on my interpretation of three core needs that may ide-
ally be fulfilled by work and working. A number of scholars have explored this
question, both within and outside of the traditional purview of vocational psy-
chology and I/O psychology (e.g., Axelrod, 1999; Freud, 1930; Neff, 1985;
O’Brien, 1986; Super, 1957; Vroom, 1964). Taken together, these perspec-
tives form the basis for the three core functions of work that are presented in
this book (and are summarized at the end of this section).

Existing Perspectives of the Psychological Attributes of Working

Psychoanalytic Perspectives. Freud (e.g., 1930) helped to place the study

of work into a psychological framework, although he tended to consider
work-related issues as derivatives of intrapsychic human characteristics. As
Axelrod (1999) noted, Freud explored the psychoanalytic meaning of work
later in his career in his description of work as an economic necessity and not
as a primary source of intrapsychic gratification. In short, Freud viewed work
as a means of transforming instinctual energy into socially sanctioned func-
tions. The classic feature of Freud’s theory is the assumption that human be-
havior is a function of biological drives. For Freud, work provided a means of
sublimating impulses into activities that drained instinctual energy, thereby
allowing people to function in more socially acceptable ways. In addition,
Freud tended to view work as a human necessity and as a source of tedious-
ness and stress. At the same time, work was thought to provide an outlet for
one’s psychic energy, even though it represented the opposite of the pleasure
principle. From an orthodox psychoanalytic perspective, some aspects of
working provide people with an outlet for internalized drives, thereby en-
hancing psychic equilibrium.
More recent psychoanalytic considerations of work have moved away
from the rigid assumptions of drive theory. Using a more contemporary psy-
choanalytic lens, Axelrod (1999) described how work has the potential to
provide an outlet for natural talents, ambitions, and interests. In contrast to
the biological essentialism of Freud’s drive theory (1930), Axelrod cited a
set of theoretical perspectives that views human beings as striving for con-
nection, interpersonal intimacy, and affirmation from others. Using the the-
ories of Kohut (1977), Erikson (1950), and others, Axelrod derived the
following statement about the intrapsychic functions of work: “The synthe-
 PSYCHOLOGY AND WORKING / 19

sis of individual talents and skills with values and goals to create a guiding
model of oneself at work is not only a major developmental achievement, it
is also a source of pleasure and self-esteem residing in the deepest levels of
the psyche” (p. 12). While this view is certainly more optimistic about the
functions of work, Axelrod, like many vocational and I/O psychologists,
tended to circumscribe his views of workers to those who have choices and
volition in this part of their lives.

Self-Concept Perspectives. Drawing upon humanistic theories that were

gaining a strong foothold in North American psychology in the mid-part of
the 20th century (e.g., Rogers, 1995), Super (1957) articulated a self-con-
cept theory of career development. Super proposed that choices about work
and careers ideally represented a natural manifestation of inherent inter-
ests, talents, and values within the world of work. The self-concept repre-
sents the internal “I” or “me” that one develops over the course of the life
span. One of the functions of work, therefore, is to find an outlet for one’s
self-concept in the occupational world. From this vantage point, work is
thought to provide individuals with a means of satisfaction, accomplish-
ment, and achievement. As Neff (1985) noted in his criticism of Super’s view
of work and human behavior, the self-concept implementation notion is
based on the assumption that people have choices to make with respect to
their work lives, which is not the case for most workers in the world at the
present time. Despite this limitation, Super’s perspective, that work pro-
vided an outlet for one’s self-concept, captures an element of work behavior
that is certainly worth striving for as technology increasingly makes repeti-
tive work less available.

Contextual Views. Beginning with Marx (1844/1988), a more contextu-

alized perspective was applied to the functional analysis of work. Marx ar-
gued that industrialization had resulted in a deep sense of alienation among
workers who tended to perform routine functions in a rote fashion. Also,
Marx discussed the widening gap between workers and the outcome of
work, which resulted in a maldistribution of wealth, with investors and busi-
ness owners becoming increasingly rich and many workers struggling to sur-
vive. In this scheme, working met only the most basic of psychological needs,
primarily centering on survival. Thus, Marxist views focused on the way in
which the economic, social, and workplace context influenced the experi-
20 / CH A PT ER 1

ence of working. However, Marx did maintain a view that work, in its purest
forms, did have the potential for helping people to feel connected to nature.
As O’Brien (1986) noted, many of the theories that emerged from I/O psy-
chology have some common themes with Marx’s (1844/1993) views. O’Brien
used Maslow’s (1943) self-actualization theory as a means of organizing the
diverse functions that work can yield. According to O’Brien, work has the po-
tential to become part of a self-actualizing experience if the individual’s basic
needs are met (i.e., safety, love, esteem) and if the work tasks offer a means of
expressing one’s core values, aspirations, and interests. The key element in
the Maslowian approach is the acknowledgment that self-actualization is con-
tingent upon the degree to which core physical and psychological needs have
been met.
Within traditional I/O psychology, the functions of work are understood as
being related, at least in part, to the actual task demands of a given job.
Herzberg’s (1966) contribution viewed work as offering people considerable
opportunities for personal growth and productive careers providing that the
task experiences offered opportunities for achievement, social recognition, and
challenge.

Integrative Perspectives. Neff (1985) offered an integrative analysis of the

psychological functions of work. Building on psychoanalytic, self-concept,
and contextual perspectives, Neff sought to respond to the question, “Why do
different people mobilize their energies for work and focus their interests and
attention on work in such varying degrees?” (p. 145). His discussion yielded
the following factors:

I Material needs: As Neff noted, people obviously work out of neces-

sity. The need to earn money to survive is viewed by Neff as a key compo-
nent in a functional analysis of work.
I Self-esteem: Consistent with various perspectives within I/O psy-

chology (e.g., Brockner, 1988), Neff proposes that work can enhance
self-esteem. The primary ways in which work functions to influence
self-esteem are through the self-perceptions that emerge in relation to
one’s work role and the connection between working in general and ac-
cess to the rights and privileges of workers within a one’s culture.
I Activity: According to Neff, work has the potential to furnish peo-

ple with a source of daily activity, thereby alleviating boredom and leth-
argy. Neff also cites various psychoanalytic scholars who viewed work as
 PSYCHOLOGY AND WORKING / 21

a means of warding off anxiety and aggressive impulses (e.g.,

Menninger, 1942).
I Respect by others: For Neff, work provides people with a source of so-

cial affirmation and status. This factor, which is related, yet different from
self-esteem, refers to the external status characteristics that a particular
occupational role engenders in a given culture.
I Need for creativity: Neff articulates that creative needs can be fulfilled

by work, but he acknowledges that this factor is not as pervasive or univer-

sal as the first four needs. Neff’s view is that some people have strong cre-
ative strivings that can be either met or frustrated by their jobs.

The contributions of Neff (1985) clearly furnished a meaningful taxonomy

that was particularly relevant in the work context of the later part of the 20th
century. Moreover, Neff’s analysis, like the conceptualizations that emerged
from I/O and vocational psychology as well as psychoanalytic theory, focused
on the working experiences of relatively affluent, well-educated people who
have some degree of input into how they engage in their working lives. Never-
theless, these perspectives inform the current discussion of the functional
needs fulfilled by work.
Herr et al. (2004) offered another integrative perspective that is relevant to
the present discussion. Using a broad-based conceptual framework, Herr et
al. proposed that work has a number of meanings that shift in relation to cul-
tural influences and historical time period. In the Herr et al. analysis, work
serves several psychological functions, which provide individuals with a
means of fulfilling needs for connection, achievement, structure, and pur-
pose. In addition, work fulfills economic functions, which parallel the survival
needs that have been noted earlier in this chapter. The third set of needs fall
under the rubric of the sociological functions of work, which describes the
broad array of differentiated relationships and social expectations that are
associated with the working role.

An Integrative Taxonomy of Working

Building on the taxonomies described in the previous section, I propose an in-

clusive and comprehensive taxonomy that is constructed around three core
functions that working has the potential to fulfill. The functional analysis that
I advance here seeks to include the full gamut of working experiences, ranging
from people with volition in their work lives to those who work in any task sim-
ply to survive for another day.
22 / CH A PT ER 1

Working as a Means for Survival and Power. The first function of work is
the role that work plays in providing people with a means of accessing survival
and power. In this analysis, power refers to the actual exchange of work for
money or goods and services, which then allows an individual to sustain his/
her life. The function of work in obtaining money and power, which is typi-
cally the province of economists, also has considerable psychological implica-
tions, which I believe need to be clearly understood. In addition, work has the
potential to confer social status, which may enhance prestige and power. De-
spite the importance of ensuring one’s survival (and the attainment of eco-
nomic power), these functional attributes of a psychological analysis of
working have been woefully neglected in contemporary discussions of ca-
reers. In addition, an explicit focus on the role of working in sustaining indi-
viduals’ capacity to survive and thrive facilitates a keen awareness of the
obstacles that often keep people from obtaining the means to work. I explore
these issues in greater depth in chapter 3.

Working as a Means of Social Connection. The second major function of

work is the way in which working connects people to their social context and
to interpersonal relationships. Two specific dimensions define this element:
First, work furnishes us with a means of developing important social relation-
ships and bonds. For many people, working serves as their major source of in-
terpersonal connection. Second, working links people with a broader social
milieu, thereby providing a structured means of relating to their proximal and
distal social contexts. Emerging out of this discussion is the foundation of a re-
lational approach to working, which is fully described in chapter 4.

Working as a Means of Self-Determination. The third major function of

work that I examine in this book is the potential offered by work in fostering
self-determination. In contrast with views of job satisfaction that do not cap-
ture the experience of the working lives of poor and working class individu-
als, I offer the self-determination theory of Deci and Ryan (1985; Ryan &
Deci, 2000) as a potentially rich explanatory lens. This perspective, which is
detailed in chapter 5, describes how extrinsically motivated activities may
become internalized and part of a broader set of values, behaviors, and over-
all life goals. As such, I seek to examine the full gamut of motivational expe-
riences in relation to working, including individuals who work out of
intrinsic interest, as well as those who work to achieve the outcomes of work
(money, status, etc.).
 PSYCHOLOGY AND WORKING / 23

Mapping the Landscape

of the Psychology of Working

After more than a century of scientific study and practice within vocational
psychology and I/O psychology, what, then, are our options as we enter the
21st century? One could argue that we ought to maintain the circumscribed
focus of the aforementioned disciplines as they offer the most sophisticated
conceptual and empirical tools for studying working. Indeed, this argument
certainly has merit if we continue to focus on the work lives (or careers) of af-
fluent, relatively well-educated individuals in Western cultures. However, I
believe that this is neither sufficient nor morally justifiable. I do not believe
that the relative neglect of the poor and working class represents an explicit
collusion among intellectuals to oppress the disadvantaged cohorts of society.
Rather, I think that the majority of scholars within vocational psychology and
I/O psychology simply did not have the life experiences of poor and working
class individuals or of persons of color on their collective radar screens, in part
due to the tendency for most psychologists to have emerged from the middle
class (or to have disavowed their working class origins). In addition, there
have been no formal or informal inducements to study the experiences of peo-
ple who had little, if any, volition in their working lives. The vocational coun-
seling movement, while tracing its origins to working class, poor, and
immigrant students and workers, moved gradually toward a focus on middle-
class students and clients who were faced with complex choices. Similarly, I/O
psychology maintained close linkages with the corporate world, which often
funded the major studies that have informed this discipline’s knowledge base.
(The avoidance of race and class issues is not unique to psychologists who
have been studying careers and work. The relative neglect of working class
and poor individuals, as described by Lott, 2002, has been endemic through-
out applied psychology and in many other fields within the social and behav-
ioral sciences.)
The pressing social problems in many Western societies in many ways par-
allel the dilemmas faced by Marx (1867) and others in the 19th century. Soci-
ety continues to be stratified by class and racial lines in many communities
across the globe, with the disparities becoming increasingly more pronounced
(Krugman, 1993; Shipler, 2004; Wilson, 1996). Means of reducing these grow-
ing gaps in wages, knowledge, and access to the opportunity structure have
thus far eluded policy analysts and social activists as well as government lead-
ers. While a psychology of working, broadly conceived, will not, in and of it-
self, solve these considerable social dilemmas, it is clear that the intellectual
power of psychologists is going to be critical to the development of a meaning-
24 / CH A PT ER 1

ful set of solutions to the social crisis we face. I believe that this book presents
the beginning of a needed discourse on the nature, attributes, and conse-
quences of working in contemporary society. A clear objective of this initia-
tive is to develop a knowledge base that will inform the development of
policies and solutions to the problems faced by our society that are often
located squarely at the focal point where people interact with the broader
economic world—within our experiences in preparing for, locating, and
adjusting to work.
Additionally, the neat and tidy distinctions between work and nonwork
roles, which have been implicit in most of psychological theory and practice
throughout the 20th century, are increasingly fading (Blustein, 2001b; Blustein
& Spengler, 1995; Flum, 2001; Hackett & Lonborg, 1993). In addition to the
obvious linkage of work and nonwork issues in psychotherapy and career coun-
seling, the vast changes taking place in the work world are having a dramatic ef-
fect on the way in which we live our lives. For the middle class and educated
workforce, the information age is transforming our entire experience of work
(T. L. Friedman, 1999; Grantham, 2000; Sennett, 1998). With the advent of per-
sonal computers and other forms of information technology, we are no longer
able to separate our work lives and home lives by occupying physically distinct
spaces (i.e., office and home). As a result, we are witnessing a revolution as
work and personal life become weaved together in a complex and not well un-
derstood synthesis. My view is that we need to understand more about the psy-
chological nature of working, without the constraining limits of existing
conceptual rubrics in order to develop maximally effective theory and practice
to help people create meaningful order out of such highly disparate blending
boundaries. I am not advocating that we discard entire schools of thought,
which have developed over many decades and have demonstrated robustness
in empirical research (e.g., Holland, 1997; Super, 1980). Rather, I believe that
we need to think expansively to ensure that our efforts are maximally inclusive.
We are relatively clear about the utility of person-environment fit models for in-
dividuals with some degree of choice in their work lives. However, we are far
from clear about how individuals from inner city ghettos, Native reservations,
shantytowns in South America, and the rest of humanity’s complex mosaic ap-
proach their working lives. Moreover, the models that we have developed to
date assume that boundaries exist to clearly demarcate domains of life experi-
ence. The actual nature of life experience suggests far more complexity and role
diffusions than would be suggested from most scholarly and theoretical efforts
in vocational and I/O psychology (e.g., Blustein, 2001b; Flum, 2001; Hall, 1996;
M. S. Richardson, 1993; Savickas, 1993).
How will the psychology of working differ from vocational psychology and
I/O psychology? It is difficult to respond to this question at this point. One im-
 PSYCHOLOGY AND WORKING / 25

portant point, however, is clear. We have developed our previous psycholo-

gies of work from vastly different social conditions, at a time when the needs
of society were very much rooted in an industrial era that fostered a great deal
of regularity and constancy in work lives. Moreover, much of the literature
that has been developed has not relied upon the inner lives of individuals who
are coping with their work lives. There is no psychological formulation that
can provide some meaning to the powerful lyrics in the Bruce Springsteen
song that opened this book in the Preface or to many of the eloquent passages
in Terkel’s (1974) and the Bowe et al. (2000) volumes that have given voice to
the inner experiences of workers. Therefore, I propose that we need an “expe-
rience-near” connection to the lives of workers in order to develop a true and
useful psychology of working (cf. Blustein, 2001a; M. S. Richardson, 1993).
(The terms experience-distant and experience-near, which are derived from
relationally oriented psychoanalytic approaches, reflect variations in the de-
gree of empathy between two individuals. In this book, I use these terms to re-
fer to the “relationship” between readers and the material presented in this
book.) This book intends to pave the way for this approach by using vignettes
and stories from the experiences of poor and working class people along with
traditional social scientific research and theory to explore the meaning and
consequences of work in the 21st century.
Another objective of a psychology of working is to place work at the central
place that it ought to occupy in contemporary psychological discourse. A re-
view of contemporary psychotherapy theory and practice reveals that work is
consistently neglected as a major theatre of human life. (See Bergin & Gar-
field, 1994; Bohart & Greenberg, 1997; Wachtel, 1993, for examples of well-
regarded scholarship on psychotherapy with nearly no mention of work.)
With some exceptions (see, e.g., Axelrod, 1999; Blustein, 1987; Lowman,
1993; M. S. Richardson, 1996), it seems that most psychotherapists have ne-
glected one of the two major domains of human experience (i.e., work and
love) that was presented by Freud and others (e.g., Smelser & Erikson, 1980).
In most forms of psychological intervention, work is relegated to secondary or
tertiary consideration, if it is considered at all. This book will seek to redress
this critical lapse by providing a coherent framework with which to develop
counseling and psychotherapeutic interventions that are fully inclusive of
life’s dreams and disappointments.
In my view, psychologists and other social scientists have no consistent
theoretical perspective with which to guide theory development and prac-
tice efforts in the working realm of human experience. This book will seek to
develop such a perspective. In closing, the perspective that I am offering in
this book does not seek to supplant the robust and important findings and
theories emanating from vocational psychology and I/O psychology. Rather,
26 / CH A PT ER 1

I hope to provide a new trajectory for our study of work in people’s lives; the
direction that I am proposing is one that is inherently inclusive. The inclu-
siveness that I seek to create would establish space for poor, working class
individuals as well as those who are marginalized due to their gender, sexual
orientation, psychological and medical health issues, and racial or ethnic
status. At the same time, I believe that the material presented here is of rele-
vance to the middle class, where the struggle to work is often just as compel-
ling and challenging as it is for poor and working class individuals. For
example, the emerging role of immigrant workers in small businesses merits
the attention of psychologists interested in working.
In addition, the inclusiveness refers to a broader infusion of theoretical
perspectives, from fields ranging from relational psychology to human moti-
vation. Furthermore, the inclusiveness refers to the methodology of this
work; rather than relying exclusively on existing social scientific methods, I
believe that we need to explore deeply and widely from human narratives,
memoirs, poems, song lyrics, and clinical case material in order to understand
how work has been and is experienced. (It is important to note that the narra-
tive material will be used to generate new ideas and concepts as opposed to
providing firm evidence of a given proposition or inference. In effect, the pas-
sages that are interspersed within the text of this book reflect a means of
engaging in discovery-oriented scholarship.)
In this sort of intellectual enterprise, I have necessarily developed my
thinking in a manner that clearly owes a debt to the many important scholars
who have paved the way for a serious psychological study of working (e.g.,
Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987; Fassinger, 2000; Fouad & Brown, 2000; Harmon,
1972; Harmon & Farmer, 1983; Helms & Cook, 1999; Parsons, 1909; M. S.
Richardson, 1993; Savickas, 1995, 2002; Super, 1957; Young & Collin, 1992;
Zickar, 2004). In a sense, this book represents the logical next step in an
emerging critique that has challenged the status quo within vocational and
I/O psychology. One of my primary goals is to find the pain, courage, dis-
tress, pride, and dreams that working has evoked and continues to evoke in
the human imagination. The framework I develop in the subsequent chap-
ters will foster, I hope, a study of working that is pragmatic, fair, and
facilitative of an equitable social justice that is the birthright of each human
being. As I propose in this book, working is the battleground for social jus-
tice as working offers us the most direct access to the power structure and to
greater equality in opportunities. In writing this book, I hope to bring this
battlefield to the attention of psychologists, therapists, and other social and
behavioral scientists who have dedicated their lives to improving the condi-
tion of human existence.
 The Changing Nature of Work
in the 21st Century

The minute you stepped out of the factory gates you thought of no
more about your work. But the funniest thing was that neither did
you think about your work when you were standing at your machine.
You began the day by cutting and drilling steel cylinders with care, but
gradually your actions became automatic and you forgot all about
the machine and the quick working of your arms and hands and the
fact that you were cutting and boring and rough-threading to within
limits of only five-thousandths of an inch. The noise of motor-trol-
leys passing up and down the gangway and the excruciating din of fly-
ing and flapping belts slipped out of your consciousness after
perhaps half an hour, without affecting the quality of the work you
were turning out, and you forgot your past conflicts with the gaffer
and turned to thinking of pleasant events that had at some time hap-
pened to you, or things that you hoped would happen to you in the fu-
ture. If your machine was working well—the motor smooth, stops
tight, jigs good—and you sprung your actions into a favourable
rhythm you became happy. You went off into pipe dreams for the rest
of the day. And in the evening, when admittedly you would be feeling
as though your arms and legs had been stretched to breaking point on
a torture rack, you stepped out into a cosy world of pubs and noisy
tarts that would one day provide you with the raw material for more
pipe dreams as you stood at your lathe.
—Sillitoe (1958, pp. 35–36)

At the River Winds Café, the “global economy” now appeared the
source of their misfortunes, particularly in its use of foreign workers.
IBM had begun “outsourcing” some of its programming work, paying
people in India a fraction of the wages paid to the Americans …. The
fear that foreigners undermine the efforts of hardworking native
Americans is a deeply rooted one. In the nineteenth century, it was very
poor, unskilled immigrant workers who seemed to take away jobs, by
27
28 / CH A PT ER 2

their willingness to work for less. Today, the global economy serves the
function of arousing this ancient fear, but those threatened at home
seem not just the unskilled, but also the middle classes and profession-
als caught up in the flux of the global labor market.
—Sennett (1998, pp. 126–127)

I was unemployed for about a month and a half or two months. I went
insane. [What was that like for you?] I went insane. I couldn’t sit
around the house. My house was never that clean, I must have cleaned
it about once a day. You know, it was really disappointing because I
was really used to working and now I was unemployed. I was looking
for a job but there wasn’t anything out there at that point in time. [So
that was rough on you?] That was real rough, yes.
—A participant in the Albany School-to-Work Project

The vignettes that are presented at the outset of this chapter convey some
of the anguish, tedium, and pervasive worries about working, which have of-
ten been missing from psychologically oriented analyses of career develop-
ment, vocational adjustment, and organizational life. With some exceptions
(e.g., N. Peterson & González, 2005; Wilson, 1996), these experiences have
often been on the margins of our collective consideration and therefore
have not received the attention that they merit. One of the purposes of this
chapter is to give voice to individuals whose work lives are not always re-
warding or even available to them in a consistent fashion. In order to pro-
vide a context that would allow us to internalize the important messages that
are being presented in the quotes at the outset of this chapter, many of the
major features of the changing nature of the workplace are reviewed in this
chapter. Of course, a critical message in this book is that we are not speaking
about solely one workplace or even one set of workplaces within a particular
place and time. Rather, workplaces vary nearly as dramatically as people do,
thereby making it impossible to cover the entire landscape of work contexts
and experiences of working. With this caveat, in this chapter, I seek to pro-
vide an overview of the major landmarks of the shifting nature of work in the
21st century.
That work is changing rapidly has become a reality within most cultures
across the globe, often accompanied by rather dramatic claims about the future
(e.g., T. L. Friedman, 2005; Hall, 1996; Rifkin, 1995). Indeed, a perusal of best-
selling books, magazine articles, and newspapers reveals considerable interest
in the changing nature of work in the 21st century (e.g., T. L. Friedman, 1999,
 T H E CH A NGING NA T U RE O F W O RK / 29

2005; Grantham, 2000; Rifkin, 1995; Sennett, 1998; Wilson, 1996). Within the
management and I/O fields, the vast shifts in the workplace have become per-
haps the most significant challenge facing scholars, consultants, and of course,
workers who struggle to deal with these changes on a daily basis (e.g., Arthur et
al., 1989; Hall, 1996). Simply reading some of the titles of popular books in re-
cent years (such as Hall’s The Career Is Dead; Rifkin’s The End of Work; Wil-
son’s When Work Disappears; and Friedman’s The World Is Flat) conveys the
scope of these dramatic changes.
This chapter begins with a review of the most overt shifts in the workplace,
focusing on the transition from an industrial era to postindustrial age, and fi-
nally to the information age. However, unlike most other treatments of this
enormous set of changes, I examine the shifts across a broad spectrum of
workers, including unskilled, skilled, and professional workers. As we shall
see, the prognostications have emerged with significant seriousness and often
with well-argued positions, describing vast changes in the way in which corpo-
rations and modern organizations are restructuring in the face of automation
and technological changes. However, with only a few exceptions (e.g., Hall,
1996; Rifkin, 1995; Savickas, 1993; Wilson, 1996), the significant changes in
the nature and expression of work have occurred in an environment that has
ignored or downplayed the effect on individuals who are not part of the grand
career narrative. (The “grand career narrative” refers to the Super et al.,
1996, description of the hierarchical, planful, and volitional work lives of edu-
cated, relatively affluent people in Western countries in the middle and late
20th century. The grand career narrative is perhaps best exemplified by the
life stages that Super, 1957, proposed that evocatively captured a sense of sta-
bility in the labor market, which is no longer available to many workers.)
Throughout the chapter, I seek to balance the “experience-distant” perspec-
tive of the workplace evident in scholarly statements and empirical studies,
with an “experience-near” perspective, exemplified by the voices of workers
facing the shifting sands of the workplace. The first major theme to be
reviewed is the notion that the traditional concept of career is dead, or, at the
very least, in the final throes of a fatal illness.

Is the Career Dead?

A number of emergent trends, when considered collectively, convey a view of

the traditional grand career narrative as increasingly less viable due to wide-
ranging changes in the nature of the work context and demands of the labor
market (e.g., Hall, 1996; N. Peterson & González, 2005; Rifkin, 1995; Wilson,
30 / CH A PT ER 2

1996). The reasons for this portrayal are complex and are rooted in some hard
facts about major changes in the structure of the economy and equally sub-
stantive changes in organizational life in Western societies. In order to under-
stand these changes, it is important initially to describe the organizational
structure that emerged to support the grand career narrative.

The Birth of Career: An Historical Foundation

Prior to the industrial revolution, an agrarian economy primarily character-

ized work settings (Donkin, 2001; T. L. Friedman, 1999; Neff, 1985). For the
most part, people did not select their line of work; they typically assumed the
work roles of their families. There was, however, a small minority of individu-
als who did select jobs, which were generally known as “callings” or vocations.
Many of these occupations reflected a spiritual, quasi-spiritual, or intuitive
decision to leave one’s family and/or prescribed work role and engage in a
trade, profession, or religious work. Savickas further noted that the secular
version of a calling was known as a craft. The number of available choices in
the pre-industrial period was quite circumscribed; naturally, most of the
workforce in this era was involved in farming and related activities. A consid-
erable proportion of the male population often would be conscripted into mil-
itary service or would elect to join the military due to the absence of other
viable options. However, urban centers, which began as trading posts, har-
bors, or locations of farmer’s markets, soon arose and housed workers with
more specialized skills as well as a growing mercantile class. Yet the array of
choices that workers had was highly limited and the lack of available educa-
tion served to further constrain these options. Prior to the 20th century, edu-
cation beyond primary school was typically not available, except for the
wealthy and gentry, who typically pursued classical studies in secondary and
post-secondary settings (Marshall & Tucker, 1992). It is important to note
that many societies still exist around the globe that parallel the characteristics
of the agrarian period (see, e.g., Diamond, 1999; Wallman, 1979) and are wor-
thy of the attention of the psychology of working.
During the agrarian period, working was often embedded in a culture of
connection and relatedness. Whether one was working on one’s family farm
or in a trade guild or religious order, the major quality of agrarian work was
the deep sense of rootedness within relationships, nature, and structured
social interactions. Moreover, for individuals who worked on family farms,
the sense of ownership and investment in one’s efforts was naturally clear and
consistent. Without question, work was often arduous, painful, and exhaust-
 T H E CH A NGING NA T U RE O F W O RK / 31

ing, with no guarantee that such effort would actually result in survival for
oneself and family members. Indeed, many people were not able to support
themselves or their families; people often starved in droughts and famines,
disease would kill others, and of course, constant warfare and feuds created
yet further instability. In my view, this working context, while clearly not “the
garden of Eden” and most definitively hard and risky, was an integrated as-
pect of human experience. People generally experienced work as a critical, al-
beit often painful and arduous, component of their lives. At the same time,
working often took place within one’s home or near one’s home, thereby
offering access to relational support.
The development of work groups to help distribute tasks related to hunting
and gathering or farming was instrumental in advancing the survival potential
of our species (Neff, 1985; Price & Brown, 1985). Some scholars have pro-
posed that the use of social organizations to facilitate the tasks of feeding,
clothing, and caring for one’s tribe or kinship cohort was one of the building
blocks of contemporary human civilization (e.g., Bowlby, 1988; Donkin,
2001). Going back into our early evolutionary history, one can speculate that
work was essentially equivalent with the tasks necessary for survival for one
more day or week. Diamond’s (1999) analysis of human history describes the
importance of work tools as powerful indicators of life within a given commu-
nity of humans or proto-humans. In fact, he argues that the use of more ad-
vanced tools is associated with more diverse activities, such as ritualistic
behaviors pertaining to early religious practices, artistic endeavors, and more
complex social organizations. The movement from a hunter-gatherer exis-
tence, for example, to a farming existence, offered enormous advantages for
human society, such as the ability to support a denser population and time to
work on other tasks that helped to create the intellectual and cultural infra-
structure of many contemporary civilizations. Thus, a look at our ancient
roots reveals that work was integral to human functioning and was
increasingly diversified as people developed more sophisticated tools and
social organizations.
Following the agrarian economy, the modal work environment in Western
countries changed in the 19th century to an urban economy, which was the
context for the development of the career. As many scholars have noted (e.g.,
Drucker, 1999; Marshall & Tucker, 1992; Reich, 1991), the industrial revolu-
tion created a need for a complex hierarchical organizational structure in cor-
porations. Line workers, who actually produced goods and products, typically
needed careful supervision and monitoring, especially early in the industrial
era when the educational opportunities available to poor and working class
youth did not match the demands of the workplace. In turn, upper manage-
32 / CH A PT ER 2

ment required teams of relatively well-educated, but compliant workers who

could supervise various office tasks, coordinate production, and handle com-
plex inventory tasks. These individuals later became the middle management
within many organizations, who carved out an important place in the corpo-
rate structure of the industrial era. One of the major tasks of these middle-
level managers was to facilitate communication between upper management
and line workers as well as to supervise the staff within a factory or production
shop. (See Marshall & Tucker, 1992, and Statt, 1994, for further details on the
structure of the workplace around the time of the industrial revolution.) The
following vignette from an oral history project of a mill town in New England
describes one particularly evocative recollection of life in the heart of the in-
dustrial revolution during the early part of the 20th century:

I was brought up in the area of the mill. All of our people were mill people,
and we didn’t know anything else but mills …. I did not enjoy working in the
mills. It was hot in the summer, cold in the winter. You had an eight-hour
stretch, a half-hour dinner, and you couldn’t smoke …. The millyard was
fenced in and there was a watchman at the gate, so you couldn’t run out of the
building into the streets even if your particular building was situated near the
street, which mine was …. I didn’t like the fact that you were tied to that ma-
chine or to your job. It was as though you were in jail for eight hours, and you
knew there was no escaping. Nothing good to look forward to when you go to
work but eight hours of work. Fortunately, the people you worked for were in
the same predicament, so they would try to get some pleasure out of it with
joking; but I didn’t like it, and I don’t think too many people in there liked it
either. It sounds funny, but the only thing I did like was my pay. It was good
money at the time. (Hareven & Langenbach, 1978, pp. 152–153)

As this vignette suggests, working may have provided structure and pre-
dictability, but it did not always offer a path toward satisfaction and a mean-
ingful life. The narrator describes a life that is highly organized and even
ritualized within the community of mill workers who lived and worked to-
gether. However, his sense of despair is palpable. One of the outcomes of this
type of work was an increasing level of disconnection between one’s labors
and the product of one’s working life. Whereas in the agrarian age, workers
generally were able to experience a deep sense of connection and ownership
to their efforts, the industrial age resulted in highly regimented work roles,
which often left people in a state of ambiguity and alienation. In fact, one can
argue that Marx’s (1891) critique about the dehumanizing characteristics of
work was generated in part because of the increasing loss of connection be-
tween effort and outcome in the rapidly changing work context of the indus-
trial age. In describing our evolutionary past, one can see that there has been
 T H E CH A NGING NA T U RE O F W O RK / 33

historically a very clear connection between one’s efforts and the outcomes of
one’s work. Indeed, many of the drawings and rudimentary writings from
prehistoric times deal with work and survival (Diamond, 1999).
As working began to shift in the industrial era, a struggle emerged that
created a complex dialectical dilemma for workers, particularly in urban
communities. In the course of the industrialization of Western countries, ur-
ban dwellers were increasingly embedded in highly regimented work, which
contrasted sharply with a pervasive sense of instability, which was a function
of economic cycles that led to economic recessions and even depressions.
Thus, while people often felt denigrated and disengaged from their efforts
due to the highly tedious and repetitive nature of many jobs, they also had to
deal with a sense of insecurity in that one’s access to work was rarely, if ever,
stable or constant. When economic cycles became depressed, workers in
production-based factories were often the first ones to feel the pinch as they
would lose hours, pay, or even their jobs. A significant body of work has de-
veloped in both literature and the social sciences that has sought to describe
the dialectical struggle that many workers experienced during these periods
of time (e.g., Riis, 1890; Sinclair, 1906; Steinbeck, 1939; Thomas, 1999). In-
deed, this dialectic is resurfacing with greater prominence currently for
many workers as people strive to adjust to the changes of the information
age and globalization, often in jobs that offer little variety or challenge.
Hareven and Langenbach (1978), who conducted an oral history of mill
workers in Manchester, New Hampshire, described the overriding striving
toward stability. The mill workers reported clear interests in job security, of-
ten above other aspirations (such as job satisfaction); at the same time, as
the quote from the mill worker cited previously suggests, the security that
was such a major motivation for workers in the industrial era was often
achieved with a price. The price was manifested in the spirit and autonomy
of many workers, which is conveyed eloquently in the following passage by
Gissing (1889) in his description of life in an English town late in the 19th
century:
At noon to-day there was sunlight on the Surrey hills; the fields and lanes were
fragrant with the first breath of spring, and from the shelter of budding copses
many a primrose looked tremblingly up to the vision of blue sky. But of these
things Clerkenwell takes no count; here it had been a day like any other,
consisting of so many hours, each representing a fraction of the weekly wage.
Go where you may in Clerkenwell, on every hand are multiform evidences of
toil, intolerable as a nightmare. It is not as in those parts of London where the
main thoroughfares consist of shops and warehouses and workrooms, whilst
the streets that are hidden away on either hand are devoted in the main to
dwellings. Here every alley is thronged with small industries; all but every door
34 / CH A PT ER 2

and window exhibits the advertisement of a craft that is carried on within.

Here you may see how men have multiplied toil for toil’s sake, have wrought
to devise work superfluous, have worn their lives away in imagining new forms
of weariness. The energy, the ingenuity daily put forth in these grimy burrows
task the brain’s power of wondering. But that those who sit here through the
livelong day, through every season, through all the years of the life that is
granted to them, who strain their eyesight, who overtax their muscles, who
nurse disease in their frames, who put resolutely from them the thought of
what existence might be—that these do it all without prospect of hope or
reward save the permission to eat and sleep and bring into the world other
creatures to strive with them for bread, surely that thought is yet more
marvelous. (Gissing, 1889, cited in Thomas, 1999, pp. 508–509)

In a similar vein, the lyrics to Springsteen’s (1978/1998) song entitled “Fac-

tory” describes the dull routine of industrial-era work that had a tendency to
chip away at one’s sense of wholeness and cohesiveness as a person:

Early in the morning factory whistle blows,

Man rises from bed and puts on his clothes,
Man takes his lunch, walks out in the morning light,
It’s the working, the working, just the working life.
Through the mansions of fear, through the mansions of pain,
I see my daddy walking through them factory gates in the rain,
Factory takes his hearing, factory gives him life,
The working, the working, just the working life.
End of the day, factory whistle cries,
Men walk through these gates with death in their eyes.
And you just better believe, boy,
somebody’s gonna get hurt tonight,
It’s the working, the working, just the working life.

One of the critical methods that I advocate using in the psychology of working
is empathic introspection (Kohut, 1977). While originally developed as a tool
of psychoanalytic therapy and psychoanalysis, I believe that empathic intro-
spection provides a particularly rich means of understanding the inner experi-
ences of working. Empathic introspection refers to the use of empathy as a
means of enhancing understanding, both intellectually and emotionally, with
the individuals and experiences of the phenomenon one is studying. By seek-
ing to obtain a closer connection to the core experiences of people as they
grapple with working, empathic introspection offers scholars and practitio-
ners a valuable tool that can reduce the divide between scholarship on work-
ing and the real-life problems that people confront in their attempts to make a
living. (A detailed examination of the role of empathy in research on the psy-
 T H E CH A NGING NA T U RE O F W O RK / 35

chology of working is found in chapter 7.) Using empathic introspection is not

simply a means of connecting to the emotional tone of a given passage; it also
provides a potentially powerful method of enhancing our understanding of a
given experience.
Thus, I believe that a major task for social and behavioral scientists as well
as counselors and therapists who read Gissing’s (1889) and Springsteen’s
(1978) passages is to seek a deeper sense of connection with the workers who
inspired these passages and who devoted so much of their lives to their jobs.
As we can sense from these passages, the goal for these characters was sur-
vival and not necessarily the accumulation of wealth for its own sake. The
awareness of the need to work for survival is a key element of the psychology
of working, and provides an important conceptual and clinical tool in devel-
oping effective individual treatment models as well as public policy recom-
mendations about the nature of work in the 21st century.
When considering the observations of the British town Clerkenwell in con-
junction with the bare terrain of Springsteen’s portrayal of factory life, one
can begin to speculate about how the notion of an orderly work life soon gave
way to the notion of career. The workforce during the industrial era (which
generally encompassed the time frame from the early to middle of the 19th
century to the mid- to later part of the 20th century) generally required highly
regimented, loyal, and committed workers at all levels, from factories to front
offices. The concept of career, as described by Super et al. (1996), fit perfectly
with the needs and characteristics of the industrial era, particularly within the
expanding array of managerial positions and technology-based professions.
Organizations tended to introduce change rather slowly in their production
given that competition was not as keen as it is at the current time (Marshall &
Tucker, 1992). The relative slowness of communication, in contrast with the
current high-speed digitized world, made it far more difficult for the sort of
intense competition that exists currently in the marketplace (Rifkin, 1995). In
addition, technological advances were far less rapid, thereby leading to an era
that was somewhat more stable. As a result, workers were able to consider
jobs as having a forward time dimension, assuming that they functioned effec-
tively on the job and that the employer was still viable and able to compete in a
given market (Sennett, 1998). This forward time dimension allowed for the
development of an internal narrative that placed career within a broader life
story, with a past, present, and future (Savickas & Baker, 2005). For the most
part, the notion of career, however, was assumed to encompass a degree of vo-
lition or choice in one’s work life. As the passages presented previously sug-
gest, the extent to which one could self-determine a work life depended
greatly on education and access to opportunity. Thus, while many workers
36 / CH A PT ER 2

had stability (that often turned into tedium) in their work lives, only a small
proportion actually assumed control of their work.
Sennett’s (1998) analysis of the development of the notion of career is par-
ticularly informative in relation to the goals of this chapter. Sennett cites the
contributions of Walter Lippmann (1914) as having a key role in the concep-
tualization of the notion of career within the 20th century. For Lippmann, the
changes that were associated with the industrial revolution fostered dramatic
ruptures in the structure of life for nearly all of the citizens in industrialized
nations. The intensity of the transformation in life, which included consider-
able geographic mobility, led to a sense of drift or aimlessness that was of
great concern to individuals who had to confront massive dislocations of their
relationships, and often their sense of identity. The implicit solution for
Lippmann was the development of a career, which offered individuals a con-
nection to the important social structure of the working world. However, in
contrast to the life-draining experiences characteristic of 18th-century facto-
ries, Lippmann argued that people would benefit greatly from work that had
some sort of continuity and meaning in their lives. In Sennett’s analysis, which
was informed in part by Lippmann’s contribution, work functioned as a strong
antidote to the other losses that people faced in being cut off from their com-
munities, families, and often, even from their loved ones. Sennett then pro-
posed that the individual attributes of a career were the development of a
long-term future orientation, standards of ethical behavior at work, and a
commitment to responsibility for one’s work-related behavior. Sennett de-
scribed the evolution of career as providing individuals with a means of
coping with a highly fluid world and of providing structure and continuity in
their lives.
By the mid-part of the 20th century, the notion of career as a series of life-
long positions with a hierarchical structure was in full bloom. Proponents of
career were evident in counseling psychology (e.g., Super, 1957) and I/O psy-
chology (e.g., Hall, 1996) and indeed throughout the world of middle-class
and educated workers in many locales around the globe. In short, the concept
of career came to represent the work lives of individuals with a coherent set of
skills who generally made conscious choices about the sort of work they would
pursue. In addition, careers represented the overarching vertical horizon that
individuals could expect or aspire to in their work lives (Savickas, 2000; Super,
1957). In other words, an individual taking a position as an attorney with a law
firm could look forward to a gradually increasing set of responsibilities that
would be associated with rising pay and status within the organization and
within the broader community. At the same time, scholars such as Super
(1980) increasingly conceptualized the work role in relation to other life roles,
 T H E CH A NGING NA T U RE O F W O RK / 37

thereby expanding the notion of career to include the work role, but not to be
exclusively defined by work.
The mid 20th century saw the rise of the post-World War II economic boom
for many in North America and in some Western countries, which was fueled
in large measure by technological advances and by the relative absence of eco-
nomic competition from countries that had been devastated in the war. Fur-
thermore, this period of time was characterized by the increasing availability
of post-secondary education, particularly in North America and Western Eu-
rope. The increasing expansion of post-secondary education certainly helped
to facilitate the economic progress in many Western countries; here again, we
witness considerable inequity as these opportunities expanded only in a
minority of countries.
While many would have the view of this time period as relatively tranquil
and full of opportunity, the reality is a far cry from the myth of the two-car ga-
rage, family of four, with a house in the suburbs. In actuality, much of the
workforce did not have access to this sort of work life. Vast pockets of poverty,
inadequate education, poor housing, and inconsistent health care still existed
in the islands of prosperity that arose in the West after World War II (Kozol,
1991; Weis & Fine, 1993; Wilson, 1996). In effect, the career narrative was not
even born for the modal worker who struggled to find jobs that would pay a
livable wage; thus, discussions of the death of career serve to underscore dis-
tance and marginalization for those who never had access to a career in the
first place.

Technology and the Information Age: The End of Job Security?

For those whose work lives took on the shape of a grand career narrative, the
story line began to shift dramatically in the 1970s and 1980s. The current
phase of major workplace transitions, known as the information age or the
global economy, began as technology, particularly computer-based innova-
tions, swept into the entire spectrum of the industrial economy. The changes
that have been occurring are vast, complex, and still not entirely understood.
Indeed, numerous books and journal articles have been written about how
technology is changing our world (e.g., M. Fox, 1994; Gini, 2000; Grantham,
2000; Rafnsdottir & Gudmundsdottir, 2004; Rifkin, 1995; Russell, 2003;
Sennett, 1998; Wilson, 1996). Rather than reviewing each of these contribu-
tions, I integrate some of the common observations that have particular rel-
evance to the conceptual foundation needed for an inclusive psychology of
working.
38 / CH A PT ER 2

The information age, which has been characterized by the introduction of

digital technology into nearly every aspect of contemporary life, has gener-
ated a very different work environment. Undoubtedly, the changes have af-
fected the entire scope of the prototypical late-20th-century bureaucratic
organization. The advent of the now common voice mail and answering sys-
tems that evolved in the 1970s and 1980s serves as a telling illustration about
the way in which workplaces are changing. As many readers have experi-
enced, calling a business or service or even a friend brings us into contact with
machines and technology. The struggle to be in contact with a “live person” is
occurring throughout the workplace and serves as an informative metaphor
for many who are grappling with losses of human connection in the work-
place. However, the actual depth of the changes goes deeper and is even more
pervasive. Rifkin’s (1995) analysis, which has received considerable attention
from diverse quarters (e.g., Gini, 2000; Collin & Young, 2000), describes the
gravity of the changes in a very compelling manner in the introduction to his
book:

From the beginning, civilization has been structured, in large part, around the
concept of work. From Paleolithic hunter/gatherer and Neolithic farmer to the
medieval craftsman and assembly line worker of the current century, work has
been an integral part of daily existence. Now, for the first time, human labor is
being systematically eliminated from the production process. Within less than
a century, “mass” work in the market sector is likely to be phased out in virtu-
ally all of the industrialized nations of the world. A new generation of sophisti-
cated information and communication technologies is being hurried into a
wide variety of work situations. Intelligent machines are replacing human be-
ings in countless tasks, forcing millions of blue and white collar workers into
unemployment lines, or worse still, breadlines. (p. 3)

According to Rifkin (1995), digital technology is rapidly replacing skilled,

unskilled, and service workers across the entire globe. Rifkin noted that about
75% of the labor market in most industrial nations work in jobs that require
repetitive tasks and do not involve much problem solving or training. Many of
these jobs can be replaced by machines and computers as technology becomes
more sophisticated and accessible. Moreover, Gordon, Morgan, and
Ponticell (1994) reported that the vast majority of workers in the United
States are not adequately educated or trained to assume the sorts of jobs that
will exist in the 21st century. Furthermore, the highly lauded economic boom
of the 1990s in the United States resulted in a workforce wherein only 70% of
the employed had jobs with conventional hours, standard pay, and health ben-
efits. The other 30% of workers were able to obtain only temporary jobs or
part-time employment. Taken together, these trends suggest a major up-
 T H E CH A NGING NA T U RE O F W O RK / 39

heaval in the nature of work, which, according to Rifkin’s argument, will have
equally dramatic effects on the social structure. What are the unique charac-
teristics of technology that are thought to lead to a loss of working opportuni-
ties? In Rifkin’s analysis, these factors can be summarized as follows:

I Computers have allowed factories to increasingly turn work over to

machines and robotic devices, thereby reducing jobs in numerous occupa-

tional fields and making other jobs completely obsolete. Many of these
jobs have long served as a means of upward mobility for poor and working
class people (Wilson, 1996). The computers and robotics are often more
reliable than human workers and are far less expensive, thereby keeping
production costs low. This naturally enhances the competitive posture of
profit-making organizations, which is critical in the global economy.
I Digital technology allows production to move to any part of the world

and still be tightly controlled and managed from a central location. In addi-
tion, education has become far more rigorous throughout the world, there-
fore providing corporations with a “no-lose” situation. Corporate leaders
could easily relocate manufacturing to a developing country and pay far
less in wages while maintaining or even enhancing the quality of the prod-
ucts (Marshall & Tucker, 1992).
I Automation has led to a vast decline in the need for middle-level

managers, who are not as critical in managing unskilled and semi-skilled

workers and in relaying information between various sectors of an orga-
nization. In addition, many companies have experimented with signifi-
cant downsizing in the 1980s and early 1990s in order to remain
competitive. This movement led to leaner organizations, which have used
technology to help with communication that was heretofore handled by
middle managers.

When considered collectively, these three factors have transformed the

landscape of work within Western countries and increasingly throughout de-
veloping nations. Rifkin also highlighted that losses of employment opportu-
nities will not be solely located within manufacturing. He presents evidence
that workers in service sectors will be increasingly less necessary as various
tasks are transformed into technological routines that are programmed for
robots or computers. For example, Rifkin describes an emerging technology
that will replace bartenders with an automated beverage control system.
Rifkin cited numerous other illustrations of how various service sector jobs
will be diminished in numbers by technology and by downsizing as companies
strive for competitiveness and profitability. In addition to these notable losses
40 / CH A PT ER 2

is the reality that many workers from the manufacturing sector have moved
into the service sector, as technology and the global work force have replaced
the once stable factory jobs that dotted the Western economic scene. In
Rifkin’s views, this set of interrelated processes will soon lead to the demise of
many occupational options that have long been critical for the working class
and poor.
Rifkin then reprises an argument that Reich (1991) proposed about the so-
cial consequences of the diminished opportunities in manufacturing, and
now, increasingly within the service sector. Reich described the evolution of
an increasingly bifurcated society that is severely stratified by social class. On
one side of this divide are “symbolic analytic services,” whose ranks include
highly educated workers who use their minds and their sophisticated educa-
tional training to contribute to the technological, entrepreneurial, and pro-
fessional domains of the economic structure. On the other side of this
widening gulf are “routine production services” and “in-person services,”
both of whom act out simple and repetitive tasks and have increasingly less ac-
cess to shared wealth, opportunity, adequate schools, and decent housing.
This division, if left unchecked, could lead to significant social strife as the
poor and wealthy become juxtaposed with little shared experience to connect
their lives. Rifkin takes this position even further by arguing that if our society
does not deal assertively with this impending crisis, we will see dramatic rises
in crime, drug abuse, violence, and other indices of social alienation.
While Rifkin’s work has attracted attention from scholars interested in
work (e.g., Gini, 2000; Gorz, 1999) and career development (e.g., Herr et al.,
2004), it is important to examine his assumptions in light of traditional eco-
nomics research and theory. A group of economists (e.g., Gottschalk &
Moffitt, 2000; Jaeger & Stevens, 2000; Neumark, 2000) have explored some
of the assumptions that Rifkin and others (e.g., Reich, 1991; Wilson, 1996)
advanced using national data sets derived primarily from employment statis-
tics in the United States. The question that these economists pondered is: To
what extent are changes in job stability and job security evidence of a
long-term trend or reflective of short-term adjustments in labor force partici-
pation? Using the major data sources informing labor economics for the past
few decades (nationwide labor statistics), the economists who contributed
chapters to the Neumark volume identified a number of inconsistencies with
some findings demonstrating considerable job stability and other results
pointing to a decrease in stability. A chapter in the Neumark book by
Levenson (2000) focused on part-time and temporary workers, observing that
increases in job insecurity seem most pronounced for individuals without
discernible employment skills.
 T H E CH A NGING NA T U RE O F W O RK / 41

When considering the contributions in the Neumark (2000) collection in

tandem, it does seem clear that there are notable changes in job security and
job stability. Neumark, who sought to integrate the findings of the economists
who contributed to his book, concluded as follows:

Overall, my reading of the evidence is that the 1990s have witnessed some
changes in the employment relationships consistent with weakened bonds
between workers and firms. Although the magnitude of these changes some-
times suggests sharp breaks with the recent past, they nonetheless indicate
that these bonds have only weakened, not broken. Furthermore, the changes
that occurred in the 1990s have not persisted long enough even to earn the
label “trends.” This makes it least as plausible, based on what we know at this
point, to conclude that these changes are the unique product of changes in the
corporate world in the 1990s rather than longer-term developments that will
necessarily persist or accelerate in the near future. It is therefore premature to
infer longer-term trends toward declines in long-term employment relation-
ships, and even more so to infer anything like the disappearance of long-term,
secure jobs. (Neumark, 2000, p. 23)

While Neumark is fairly confident in his concluding statement, it should be

noted that elsewhere in his book, a number of economists presented data
indicating that greater job insecurity has been found with African American
workers than with workers from European American backgrounds (e.g.,
Jaeger & Stevens, 2000; Neumark, Polsky, & Hansen, 2000). In addition,
Levenson (2000) presented data reflective of greater instability for workers
without high levels of employment skills. Thus, while the Neumark contribu-
tion represents a major statement from the labor economics world, many of
its authors tend to view the experiences of middle-class, educated workers as
the “figure” with the rest of the working world as the “ground.” Furthermore,
the studies in Neumark’s book focused exclusively on the United States,
which naturally limits generalizability. These points notwithstanding, the
data and corresponding inferences that were detailed in this book provide a
sober counterpoint to the more dramatic conclusions of Rifkin (1995).
An interesting observation in the Neumark (2000) contribution is the at-
tempt by economists to infer human motivational factors in response to aggre-
gate data sets. For example, Levenson (2000) proposed that perhaps the
declines in labor force participation represent a response to lower wages
among unskilled and semi-skilled workers. While this inference makes intuitive
sense, one wonders what investigations conducted from a psychology-of-work-
ing perspective might add to this debate. In my view, without explicit input from
low-wage and semi-skilled workers, whose lives are affected daily by macro-
economic trends, we will remain at a very distant level from the experiences of
42 / CH A PT ER 2

working class people, and hence, greatly disadvantaged in developing individ-

ual and policy interventions that are meaningful and maximally inclusive.
In effect, the arguments that are outlined by Rifkin (1995) and others (e.g.,
Drucker, 1999; Marshall & Tucker, 1992; Neumark, 2000; Reich, 1991) provide
further support for the need for an inclusive psychology of working. The solu-
tions offered by Rifkin, Reich, and others occur at the broad policy level and are
not necessarily attentive to individual psychological concerns and needs. For
example, Rifkin offers a number of options based on the development of struc-
tured volunteer experiences that would help to resolve outstanding social prob-
lems (such as inadequate housing, schools, etc.). He suggests the use of
“third-sector” organizations that do not represent either government or the
private sector, but rather reflect growing non-profit groups that are directed to-
ward ameliorating social inequities and other outstanding problems. Rifkin
also recommends tax-based proposals that would result in a social wage for
workers who contributed their labor and work efforts to non-profit organiza-
tions. In addition, he argues in favor of a shorter work week, which would allow
for work efforts to be more adequately shared across the population. I concur
that major policy initiatives are needed to address the full gamut of challenges
that technology is bringing into working lives across the globe. However, we
need a far better understanding of how work functions in human life in order to
construct meaningful and effective solutions to these problems. It may be that
the solutions offered by Rifkin, Reich, Marshall and Tucker, and others are pre-
mature in that they do not consider the critical player in this whole process—
the worker, that is the man or woman who must somehow react with grace and
flexibility to the impending loss of one of the most important aspects of human
life. In my view, we need to have a clearer understanding of how work functions
psychologically in order to develop policy initiatives to address the changes that
are transforming the workplace. For example, the suggestion to move work-re-
lated efforts to the sector of volunteering, with compensation being offered via
government allowances, assumes a considerable degree of knowledge about
human motivation for work. Psychologists and other behavioral scientists need
to be actively and assertively involved in this debate in order to ensure that the
individual experience is not lost amidst the macro-level policy changes that are
being considered.

Globalization

Another critical factor in reshaping the work place is globalization. T. L.

Friedman’s (1999, 2005) contributions on globalization provide a compre-
 T H E CH A NGING NA T U RE O F W O RK / 43

hensive overview of the various trends, which when considered collectively,

have led to changes in the nature of not just the economic structure, but the
entire array of political and social forces that influence and shape human de-
velopment. In this section, I focus on defining globalization and offering an
analysis of how this process is changing the experience of working.
Friedman argues that the economic foundations of our current social
structure are being completely rearranged by globalization. His introductory
comments about globalization, which are outlined in the following passage,
convey some of the salient attributes of this movement:

To begin with, the globalization system, unlike the Cold War system, is not
static, but a dynamic ongoing process: globalization involves the inexorable in-
tegration of markets, nation states and technologies to a degree never wit-
nessed before—in a way that is enabling individuals, corporations and nation
states to reach around the world farther, faster, deeper and cheaper than even
before, and in a way that is also producing a powerful backlash from those
brutalized or left behind by this new system.
The driving idea behind globalization is free-market capitalism—the more you
let market forces rule and the more you open up your economy to free trade
and competition, the more efficient and flourishing your economy will be.
Globalization means the spread of free-market capitalism to virtually every
country in the world. Globalization also has its own set of economic rules—
rules that revolve around opening, deregulating and privatizing your economy.
(T. L. Friedman, 1999, pp. 7–8)

One of the major implications emerging from this definition of globaliza-

tion is the pervasive spread of free market capitalism. Despite one’s views
about free market capitalism, the predominance of this economic system in
the world’s economy seems incontrovertible according to Friedman. The
manifestations of a global free market economy for working life are extensive
and far-reaching. First, the competitiveness of economies at the level of na-
tions and larger corporate entities has a profound impact within the work-
place of the 21st century. The lack of job security, which is a growing trend
across diverse workplaces (Grantham, 2000; Hall, 1996), has become a major
theme in the work narrative of the new economy. The old loyalty between
worker and organization is giving way to a loyalty to the bottom line with re-
spect to a company’s viability in a very competitive marketplace. The keen
competitive nature of the workplace has served to enhance the payoff that a
strong high school and post-secondary education yields in the labor market
(Rifkin, 1995; Statt, 1994).
Second, the integration of technology with globalization has created a la-
bor market that is no longer bounded by national or linguistic lines. Instead,
44 / CH A PT ER 2

employers are able to shift production and even service jobs to locations
where the workforce is able to produce high-quality labor at a competitive
cost. The use of technology allows organizations to maintain control over
great distances, while the move to free market economies globally has allowed
highly educated workers from previously state-run economies to take on pro-
duction and service work for multinational corporations. This movement, of
course, has engendered significant reactions from workers around the world.
T. L. Friedman (1999, 2005) describes the backlash that globalization has
stirred up, which is certainly evident in the demonstrations that occur when
world leaders congregate in summits and other meetings to discuss trade and
other related economic issues. On a more individual level, globalization has
created vast pockets of despair and social disengagement. The workers that
were described at the outset of this chapter in Sennett’s book (1998) certainly
were giving voice to their frustration after their layoffs from IBM.
Another interviewee working in management within a modern corporate
context, who is cited in Kahn’s (1996) chapter on the need for secure relation-
ships at work, noted the following:

The message we’re getting now is that the company doesn’t owe you anything.
Consultants have told us that the company is not there for your emotional
support, that they don’t owe you raises or job security, just honesty. And that a
day’s pay for a day’s work is honest. Everyone is shocked. The drones are pan-
icking and looking for someone to tell them what to do. The better ones are
looking for opportunity. (p. 160)

Like the technological changes described earlier, globalization is still an

active phenomenon yielding processes and transitions that are difficult to as-
certain fully. However, based on what has transpired to date, it is possible to
make some logical inferences about the impact of globalization in relation to
the psychological experiences of working. One of the most prominent impli-
cations is that the work place is becoming far more competitive because the
range of workers who can fill available jobs now has few if any local or even na-
tional boundaries. In Sennett’s (1998) book, which describes the layoffs in
IBM in the late 1980s and early 1990s, programmers from India were hired to
replace Americans, where their contributions were immediately available
due to the rapid speed of technological transfers of information. Thus, the
picture that emerges is one wherein workers need to be highly trained and
highly productive in order to obtain and maintain their jobs. As a seminal re-
port from the W. T. Grant Foundation noted in 1988, we have entered a period
wherein high wage jobs will only be available to workers with high skills. As
such, considerable effort has been devoted to enhancing the rigor of educa-
 T H E CH A NGING NA T U RE O F W O RK / 45

tional systems in many nations in order to train a workforce that will be able to
compete effectively in the global marketplace. Marshall and Tucker (1992)
described the emergence of highly competitive schools and job training pro-
grams in parts of Europe and Asia, which they argued were largely responsi-
ble for the redistribution of jobs and production into these parts of the globe.
Following the Marshall and Tucker analysis, I believe that educational excel-
lence and high standards have become another key aspect of globalization.
With a work force that has high skills in literacy, numeracy, technology, prob-
lem solving, and interpersonal relationships, one can very quickly compete
for jobs that had heretofore been primarily found in Western Europe and
North America.
Another critical implication is that the workplace for many has become
more stressful and frenetic. Increasingly, workers are facing the need to jug-
gle multiple tasks and to perform well beyond a level that may have been ac-
ceptable a decade or so ago. The inherent competitiveness of work has clearly
been felt by many who now report that they are working very hard, both in
their paid employment as well as in caregiving. For example, the vignette from
Wolfe’s (1998) study of the changing values of middle-class communities in
the United States provides a voice for an experience that is becoming
common across the globe:

(People) are so pressed for time that they’re always looking for a shortcut. I
mean, everyone does. You look for a quick way to be able to juggle, you know,
because you’ve got a lot of things you need to do. You need to go home and
clean your house, you need to get groceries, or need to stop by the doctor’s ….
People are always trying to kind of shortcut the system. And society has
encouraged that. I mean, you no longer have to wait in line for a bank teller.
So we’re getting to the point where we’re always looking for a shortcut. Every-
body, everybody is. (pp. 244–245)

This quote strikes at the core of a critical aspect of globalization. For some,
the global marketplace is creating a loss of paid employment with far-reach-
ing consequences such as deterioration in physical and mental health as well
as the overall functioning of a given community (Statt, 1994; Wilson, 1996;
Winefield, 2002). However, for others, the competitiveness of globalization
has led to an expansion of one’s work responsibilities. The growth in the num-
ber of hours that professionals and entrepreneurs are devoting to their jobs
has been another major by-product of globalization and the technological
boom (Schor, 1991). Consequently, for the less well educated and poor,
Rifkin’s predictions may lead to long periods of unemployment or underem-
ployment, while for others, the problem is that work never ends. In effect,
46 / CH A PT ER 2

what exists now is a significant maldistribution of both work and wealth.

While Rifkin’s suggestions offer some plausible solutions, we require a
deeper understanding of the actual experience of working in order to con-
struct and implement effective solutions to this growing disparity. Another
way to view globalization is that the distribution of work around the globe is
consistent with the key tenets of market-based economics. As such, one may
argue that the recent movement of information technology jobs to Asia and
South America in fact reflects a redistribution of opportunities that may
reduce income disparities across the globe.
In effect, globalization and the technological boom have worked in tandem
to rearrange the workplace for a large proportion of the world (T. L. Fried-
man, 1999, 2005; Rifkin, 1995; Wilson, 1996). A key observation of many
scholars is that work is no longer secure and predictable (e.g., Collin & Young,
2000; Gelatt, 1989). Moreover, the downsizing adopted by many organiza-
tions has had a considerable effect on the nature of work. While the economic
boom of the 1990s may have given an illusory impression that work opportu-
nities were not fading, recent events in the early 21st century seem to support
at least some of the concerns voiced by Rifkin. Whether Rifkin’s predictions
will become reality, of course, is impossible to discern at this point. Moreover,
the degree to which public policy can influence the factors that Rifkin and
others have identified as eliminating vast numbers of jobs, is also hard to pre-
dict. But what is clear is that for many people in the 21st century, access to
work is no longer a given in life. And for those who are working, the nature of
the “contract” between worker and employer is being rewritten, as is outlined
in the next section.

The Changing “Contract”

One of the hallmarks of the industrial era was the deep connection between
an employer and a worker. At nearly all levels of employment within medium
and large organizations, workers and employers generally held onto a view of
a psychological contract that defined and structured a stable and predictable
relationship. The notion of a psychological contract existing between em-
ployer and worker has long interested organizational psychologists, who have
been motivated to understand how such a contract could be enhanced to bol-
ster employee commitment and productivity (e.g., Hall & Mirvis, 1996;
Schein, 1965). A psychological contract represents the overt and covert ex-
pectations that exist between worker and employer; these expectations focus
on the nature of the relationship as opposed to the actual legal arrangements,
 T H E CH A NGING NA T U RE O F W O RK / 47

which are typically found in “employment contracts.” During the industrial

era and the early phases of the information era, the psychological contract
was essentially premised on the assumption that sustained effort, adequate
productivity, honesty, punctuality, and an overall responsible attitude toward
one’s work tasks would result in a sense of belonging and connection. A signif-
icant consequence of a psychological contract is that one would feel part of a
larger organization. Indeed, people often felt pride in working with a given
company or organization. However, the psychological contract that has
emerged in recent years is not based on a long-term relationship; rather,
workers are now learning that their commitment needs to be directed toward
their own skills, experience, and personal work trajectories. The reality of
contemporary corporations and many non-profit organizations is that long-
term psychological contracts are not necessarily consistent with the need for
highly competitive, lean organizational structures that can be cost-effective,
and highly responsive to change. Even in government jobs in North America,
long the most stable places to work during the industrial era, downsizing has
become a norm. Similarly, Japan, which has historically had the most struc-
tured and stable psychological contracts, has had to change its modal ap-
proach in establishing relationships between organizations and employees
(Rifkin, 1995). Workers throughout the industrialized nations have had to re-
orient themselves in a manner that is illustrated in an interview that Sennett
had with an AT&T executive: “In AT&T we have to promote the whole con-
cept of the work force being contingent, though most of the contingent work-
ers are inside our wall. ‘Jobs’ are being replaced by ‘projects’ and ‘fields of
work’” (1998, p. 22).
The advent of the information era, which is characterized by the twin
change engines of technology and globalization, has completely recast the
psychological contract that exists between workers and employers (Arthur &
Rousseau, 1996; Hall, 1996). In relation to the psychological connection be-
tween employers and workers, Hall and Mirvis (1996) proposed a major shift
from organizational careers to protean careers. The organizational career,
which is based on the psychological contract of the industrial era, implied a
long-term relationship of an employee to an organization. The employee
could hope for an upwardly mobile series of jobs, often within the same orga-
nization or within the same field, in which responsibilities and pay increased
over time, assuming, of course, that the worker was effective, productive, and
reasonably committed. However, this type of contract is no longer possible for
most workers, creating the foundation for what Hall and Mirvis call the pro-
tean career. As Hall and Mirvis proposed, “the protean concept encompasses
any kind of flexible, idiosyncratic career course, with peaks and valleys, left
48 / CH A PT ER 2

turns, moves from one line of work to another, and so forth. Rather than fo-
cusing outward on some ideal generalized career ‘path,’ the protean career is
unique to each person—a sort of career fingerprint” (1996, p. 21). The pro-
tean career, therefore, seems to be the modal pattern for the information age
for many highly educated workers. As outlined in chapter 1, many individuals
are no longer able to construct a career narrative that can be framed within an
expected set of work tasks and work settings. The changes that are inherent in
the information era are rapidly making the predictability of coherent career
paths a vestige of an earlier era.
Hall and Mirvis (1996), however, have offered a means of creating oppor-
tunity out of crisis. First, for workers who have the educational advantages
that allow them access to the “symbolic analyst” jobs of the 21st century
(Reich, 1991), a protean career can be constructed on individual goals, aspira-
tions, and talents, thereby allowing for greater autonomy and control. Instead
of using external criteria to assess one’s success, a protean career allows for
the development of internal criteria. Hall and Mirvis (1996), however,
pointed out the downsides of a protean career. They noted, for example, that
the protean career often is characterized by an absence of a long-term em-
ployment contract, resulting in work without health benefits. (In the United
States, health benefits are not provided to all citizens by the government;
hence, stable employment is one of the major means of obtaining adequate
health coverage as most health insurance is furnished in large measure by em-
ployers.) Second, one’s sense of identity, which for many within Western na-
tions is tied to a stable work life and a linkage to a larger organization or
mission (e.g., Schein, 1965; Sennett, 1998), is increasingly becoming diffuse
and unstable. Third, for workers who are in mid-life or older, moving from an
organizational career to a protean career is very challenging. Furthermore,
Hall and Mirvis noted that for workers who are not located within a stable or-
ganizational context (e.g., working from home), the new protean career does
not offer the social connections that work had provided in the past. The lack
of social connection and relational support has engendered an illuminating
discussion about the changing nature of work, which is summarized in the
next section.

Contemporary Work and Isolation

A number of scholars have voiced deep concerns about the social and rela-
tional consequences of the rapid changes in the nature of work (e.g., Grant-
 T H E CH A NGING NA T U RE O F W O RK / 49

ham, 2000; Hall, 1996; Sennett, 1998). Sennett’s contribution describes a

sense of longing for connection in the face of what he calls the “new capital-
ism.” For Sennett, the consequences of the information era and globaliza-
tion are the pronounced allegiance to flexibility and the need for rapid
change, which he believes have become the hallmarks of the economic struc-
ture that defines 21st century work life. As Sennett detailed, the changing
nature of work is leaving people with a deep longing for a sense of “we,”
which he argues is being diminished as the workplace moves toward increas-
ing competition, flexibility, and risk-taking. One of the most prominent con-
sequences of the new capitalism is the loss of stability at work, which is
having a corresponding impact on our capacity to derive meaning from work
and to forge stable relationships in the workplace. In Sennett’s view, the
shifting landscape of work has left many feeling quite disengaged and even
shameful in their desire for a sense of mutual interdependence. When the
overriding norm is one of autonomy and success at any cost, the sense of
shared community values and people caring about others has become in-
creasingly less viable. The implications of these changes for the work con-
text are quite extensive in Sennett’s view. For example, when workers who
have devoted such effort and time to their work lives are told that they are no
longer needed, or that they are needed only when the employer deems it so,
the experience may be akin to a major emotional betrayal. The consequence
of the new capitalism, therefore in Sennett’s view, is what he calls the corro-
sion of personal character—the gradual, but pervasive chipping away of a
sense of completeness, relational connection, and inner sense of cohesion.
Indeed, Sennett ends his book with the following cautionary comment,
which provides a major theme in this book as well: “… I do know that a re-
gime which provides human beings no deep reasons to care about one an-
other cannot long preserve its legitimacy” (p. 148).
In a somewhat similar vein, Hall (1996) entitled a landmark collection of
essays “The Career Is Dead—Long Live the Career: A Relational Approach to
Careers.” In a sense, this title describes one of the major trends in the grand
career narrative along with a potential solution. As noted earlier, Hall and
Mirvis (1996) argued that the organizational career is being replaced by the
protean career, which may result in greater isolation and instability. A criti-
cal characteristic of the protean career is that relationships can serve multi-
ple functions in the new working climate of the 21st century. One of the most
innovative chapters in the Hall volume by Fletcher (1996) focused on an ele-
gant integration of theories from feminist scholars from Wellesley College’s
Stone Center (e.g., Jordan et al., 1991) as well as the work of Gilligan (e.g.,
50 / CH A PT ER 2

1982) to articulate a relational approach to the protean career. The key pre-
mises of Fletcher’s contribution pertain to the fundamental assumptions
that are made about human development. In contrast to models of develop-
ment that have viewed autonomy as the ideal goal, which has been associ-
ated with masculine-based notions of autonomous and independent modes
of functioning, the relationally oriented theorists have sought to infuse a
more affirming feminism into existing conceptualizations of development
and adaptive human functioning (e.g., Josselson, 1992; J. B. Miller, 1986).
The inclusion of feminist thinking has helped to reframe the goal of devel-
opment; rather than suggesting that human beings attain the most mature
state when they can function alone, the relational scholars have developed
compelling arguments and credible evidence suggesting that people need
and thrive on relational connections to others (Gilligan, 1982; S. A. Mitch-
ell, 1988). The relational perspectives, which have emerged from contribu-
tions in developmental psychology (e.g., Ainsworth, 1989; Bowlby, 1982),
feminist thought (e.g., Gilligan, 1982), and psychoanalytic theory (e.g.,
Kohut, 1977; Mitchell, 1988), have painted a very different picture of human
functioning. The picture that emerges is a richly peopled context in which
natural strivings for connection are affirmed and not shamed. In relation to
the changing nature of work and career, the emergence of globalization and
technology has made it difficult to generate and sustain the connections that
are so integral to human behavior. Fletcher argues that organizations need
to value relational skills and contributions more assertively and in concrete
ways. In addition, Fletcher as well as others in the Hall volume (e.g., W. A.
Kahn, 1996; Kram, 1996) proposed that individuals who are negotiating
protean careers need to work harder in nurturing their relational support
systems, particularly in light of the difficulties that are presented in main-
taining stable relationships at work.
When considered collectively, the contributions by Sennett (1998) and
Hall (1996) have suggested that the major upheaval in the structure of careers
in the 21st century is having a significant impact upon the sense of connection
that work ideally could bring to one’s life. By changing the nature of the con-
tract that exists between workers and employers, people are often left feeling
significantly disconnected and even isolated. Indeed, much of what has been
described thus far is analogous to what Kohut (1977) and others in
relationally oriented psychotherapy have called relational lapses. These rela-
tional lapses are leaving an increasing number of people who can obtain jobs
feeling alienated, frightened, and often confused about their own identities.
(These issues, which I think are critical in an inclusive psychology of working,
are pursued in greater depth in chapter 4.)
 T H E CH A NGING NA T U RE O F W O RK / 51

Changes in Caregiving Work

As noted in chapter 1, I consider caregiving to be a form of work as well as a

critical relational function. As such, a discussion of changes in caregiving in
light of the technological and globalization trends cited earlier is warranted.
In addition to the changes noted previously on the nature of working, we are
witnessing vast shifts in health care and gender norms that are contributing to
both challenges and opportunities with respect to caregiving. Naturally, it is
difficult to document the wide diversity of values that exist with respect to
caregiving around the globe. Within traditional communities, families have
tended to stay close to each other with caregiving roles being distributed
throughout the multiple generations that may inhabit a given family space
(Boyd & Stevens, 2002). However, in most cultures, women have generally
been socialized to assume caregiving tasks. Like other authors, I concur that
there is no biological or social imperative for women to provide more
caregiving then men (e.g., Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987; Hesse-Biber & Carter,
2000; Yoder, 1999). Indeed, I believe that a major agenda for a truly inclusive
psychology of working is to continue to advocate at all levels for greater gen-
der equity with respect to childcare, housework, and other caregiving tasks.
The review by Barnett and Hyde (2001) summarized numerous studies
that assessed gender differences in caregiving across cultures. They con-
cluded that men are equally equipped from a social and psychological stand-
point to provide care to children. In addition, they observed that multiple
roles, including caregiving as well as paid employment, are beneficial across
a wide array of psychological and social domains. Despite these findings,
considerable evidence exists suggesting that an unequal distribution of
caregiving continues to occur within Western countries (Barnett & Hyde;
see chapter 4 for further details). In my view, there are competing trends
that may conflict as people struggle to find ways of integrating caregiving
into an increasingly complex set of roles and responsibilities. The expanding
life span is creating a growing cohort of elderly, who are now living longer
than ever (Boyd & Stevens, 2002). In fact, the most rapidly growing group of
people in the United States are those who are in their 80s (Boyd & Stevens,
2002). This group will require many individuals, including a significant pro-
portion who are actively caring for their children and working outside of the
home, to take on additional caregiving responsibilities. I envision that far
greater demands will be placed on middle-aged adults to care for aging par-
ents and relatives.
Yet at the same time, the decreasing earning power of wages and salaries
coupled with the important inroads that women have made in the last few de-
52 / CH A PT ER 2

cades in attaining a greater role in paid employment is creating a greater push

toward dual working couples (Cooper & Lewis, 1999; Davidson & Fielden,
1999; Statt, 1994). In addition, single mothers, who represent a growing group
due to the increased acceptance of divorce and the advent of alternative fam-
ily arrangements, have emerged as an increasingly significant proportion of
the family structure in North America in recent years (Betz & Fitzgerald,
1987; Malley & Stewart, 1988). These factors have functioned to create situa-
tions wherein little choice exists over whether to work or devote more time to
caregiving. For many people in Western countries, and of course for many
across the globe, working both at home and at paid employment does not rep-
resent a conscious decision, but rather reflects the reality of survival (Rubin,
1994; Shirk, Bennett, & Aber, 1999). To add to the complexity, national gov-
ernments vary considerably in the extent to which adequate, safe, and afford-
able child care and elder care are offered. This is a major problem, especially
in the United States and in developing countries, where safe, nurturing child
care is generally a prerogative of the wealthy and middle-class. The poor and
working classes are often left to fend for themselves. In the past, many people
could rely on extended family members, who would pitch in for each other in
caring for children, disabled adults, and the elderly. However, another trend
of the post-modern age, notably the increasing rate of geographic mobility,
has left many working class and poor adults with few options with respect to
integrating family work and paid work (Rifkin, 1995; Wilson, 1996). More-
over, the increased use of contract work, part-time jobs, and outsourcing has
further exacerbated the challenges that workers face in attempting to care for
their families and loved ones.
Another complication that adds further difficulty is that caregiving has un-
fortunately become associated with less prestige and with minimal external
rewards (Neff, 1985; M. S. Richardson, 1993). Obviously, the inherent re-
wards are potentially significant, as are the challenges. Moreover, the extent
to which caregiving is valued varies considerably across cultures and time
frames. However, the current situation, especially in the United States, is that
caregiving, whether offered for pay or provided by loved ones and family
members, remains a low-status endeavor.
Taken together, these trends suggest that easy solutions will continue to be
very difficult to develop. On one hand, we are witnessing substantial growth of
elderly people in many Western countries as improving health standards are
leading to longer life expectancy. In addition, many governments continue to
express ambivalence about the extent to which caregiving is considered
“work,” which seriously detracts from efforts to provide economic rewards,
health insurance, and pensions for individuals who care for others as part of
 T H E CH A NGING NA T U RE O F W O RK / 53

their livelihoods. Yet, if we take Rifkin and others (e.g., Arthur & Rousseau,
1996; Sennett, 1998) seriously, we may be faced with an interesting conun-
drum that may also offer some solutions. What seems to be occurring in many
sectors of societies across the globe is that some people have too much to do,
including paid employment and caregiving, while others are not as actively
engaged in their social and occupational responsibilities. As such, it may be
that public policy efforts to train interested candidates to assist with care-
giving may yield two positive outcomes in one fell swoop. Even without such
structural changes, it seems clear that the findings from Barnett and Hyde
(2001) should be presented clearly to the popular media. People need to un-
derstand that there are no biological, economic, or social reasons for men to
avoid caregiving or other household duties. Much of the evidence presented
by Barnett and Hyde suggests that men and women who are involved in multi-
ple roles, including caregiving work as well as paid work, fare quite well with
respect to mental and physical health indices as well as subjective reports of
well-being. In addition, families need to take in the recommendations of vari-
ous scholars (Bergman, 1995; Mahalik & Morrison, in press) who have
advised parents to help boys feel more comfortable in nurturing and relating
in a mutual fashion as they are socialized into adulthood.
The trends noted herein with respect to caregiving have a potentially pow-
erful interaction with the other major shifts in the nature of work. The sense
of unpredictability is certainly palpable when one considers globalization,
technological changes, and vast shifts in the types of jobs that are likely to be
available in relation to greater caregiving demands. Yet caregiving has been a
constant in human experience. Moreover, many aspects of caregiving are not
easily transformed into technological routines, suggesting that this part of our
lives may provide some sense of stability amidst the sea of changes that are
reshaping working around the globe.

Changes in Labor Unions

A discussion of the changing nature of working in the 21st century would not
be complete without attention to the shifting role of labor unions. In the
United States, the percentage of workers who were members of labor un-
ions declined from 39% in 1954 to 13.2% currently (Clawson, & Clawson,
1999; Shipler, 2004). This decline has had an enormous impact on the world
of work in the U.S. Similar declines have been observed in Europe, with
France in particular experiencing significant losses in labor membership
(Lamont, 2000). Other nations that have linked labor unions to major politi-
54 / CH A PT ER 2

cal parties, however, have faced somewhat less of a loss in union presence
and political influence.
The reasons for the decline are multifaceted, yet revealing about the
changes taking place in the world of work. One of the primary reasons for the
decline in the U.S., according to Clawson and Clawson (1999), can be under-
stood as emerging from demographic shifts. For example, the movement of
workers in the U.S. from northern cities (where union activity is extensive) to
the Sunbelt cities in the South and West, which had a far less extensive net-
work of unions, contributed significantly to the decline in union membership.
Additionally, the growing proportion of professional and managerial workers
coupled with the loss of manufacturing jobs changed the nature of the labor
market, making unions less compelling for many workers.
Another prominent reason for the decline in union membership, accord-
ing to Clawson and Clawson analysis, is the fact that unions experienced con-
siderable pressure to protect gains achieved in previous contracts and
therefore focused less on recruiting new members and expanding their base
and impact. In addition, Clawson and Clawson argued that the advent of glob-
alization led to intensive attacks on unions and existing labor contracts, with
the intention of creating leaner and more competitive organizations that
could compete internationally. Clawson and Clawson did note that the hostil-
ity toward unions became particularly pervasive in the United States, which
has experienced substantive changes in how unions are understood and
perceived.
The reduction in labor union presence in many workforces has created an
even greater sense of instability for many individuals as they confront a rap-
idly shifting work environment. Earlier in the 20th century, labor unions
represented a viable means of giving workers a voice via collective bargain-
ing and negotiation with management. The loss of that voice for many work-
ers and potential workers has created a growing sense of uneasiness and
powerlessness, particularly for workers who do not have highly marketable
skills.

The Current Status of Career and Working

The material presented thus far does indeed offer a rather fluid and, at times,
stark picture of the changing nature of work and working. However, many
other sectors of human experience are not well represented in this discussion.
We shall now turn to people who are generally not part of the scholarly and
policy debates about the transformation of work in the 21st century.
 T H E CH A NGING NA T U RE O F W O RK / 55

Beyond the Dying Career: Work Among the Poor

and Working Classes

While the poor and working class have been included in many notable discus-
sions of the changing nature of work (e.g., N. Peterson & González, 2005;
Reich, 1991; Rifkin, 1995; Wilson, 1996), issues pertaining to the death of ca-
reer, naturally, have not focused on those who never had access to the grand
career narrative. As Hall (1996) mentioned in the conclusion of his book of
essays about the future of career, there are considerable areas of darkness
where little light has been shed. He mentions the sausage maker and others
who may not have even had a glimpse of a career in the sense that Hall and
others have written about in the later half of the 20th century. As has been
noted in this chapter, a number of important scholarly statements have been
advanced about the implications of the changing nature of work on a broad
spectrum of individuals (e.g., T. L. Friedman, 2005; Marshall & Tucker, 1992;
Reich, 1991; Wilson, 1996). However, the vast majority of this literature has
focused on the work lives of relatively well educated and affluent workers in
Western countries (e.g., M. Fox, 1994; Grantham, 2000). Moreover, with a
few notable exceptions (e.g., Wilson, 1996), very little of this body of material
has furnished insights into the inner experience of the workers who are grap-
pling with forces that are taking place well outside of the purview of their lives
and proximal communities.
Consistent with the position that I have adopted in this book, I believe
that exploring the narratives of workers and others who are struggling with
work may provide important insights that complement and extend the ob-
servations of social scientists. Within the United States, Wilson’s (1996)
book describes one man’s struggles as he confronts the reality that his job
does not offer the sort of financial rewards that are available in a life of crim-
inal work:

My husband, he’s worked in the community. He’s 33. He’s worked at One
Stop since he was 15. And right now, he’s one of the highest paid—he’s a
butcher—he’s one of the highest paid butchers in One Stop. For the 15—al-
most 18—years that he’s been there, he’s only making nine dollars an hour.
And he’s begged and fought and scrapped and sued and everything else for
the low pay he gets. And he takes so much. Sometimes he comes home and
he’d sit home and he’d just cry. And he’d say, “If it weren’t for my kids and
my family, I’d quit.” You know, it’s bad, ‘cuz he won’t get into drugs, selling
it, you know, he ain’t into drug using. He’s the kind of man, he wants to work
hard and feel good about that he came home. He say that it feels bad some-
time to see this 15-year-old boy drivin’ down the street with a new car. He
56 / CH A PT ER 2

saying, “I can’t even pay my car note. And I worry about them comin’ to get
my car. (p. 69)

Similarly, Shirk et al. (1999) observed families who are struggling against
enormous odds to make a living and support themselves. One such family of
Latino background, living in Oakland, California, is presented as facing con-
siderable obstacles in moving out of poverty. The following excerpt describes
the struggles that the mother, who is a single parent, faces in securing
employment:

“For two weeks, I went down to the office every morning and asked whether
there was work,” Magda said.
“The man asked me, ‘Do you have experience?’
“I said, ‘No, but you can show me. Just give me a chance.’
“He said, ‘No, I can’t afford to take the time to teach you. Time is money.’
“And I told him, ‘Please, I really need a job. I got two kids and no husband,
and I have to support them.’” …
“Scott [the janitorial supervisor] would say when he saw me coming, ‘Here’s
that lady again. She must really want to work.’ And I’d tell him, ‘I really need
work. My babies need to eat.’” (p. 43)

This vignette and the previous excerpt convey a sense of desperation that
has not been part of the discourse in traditional psychological examinations
about career and working. As we consider working in contexts outside of
Western nations, which have been the object of the vast majority of scholarly
attention to date, the notion of career or meaningful work seems about as dis-
tant as possible. Kurian (1982) describes a stark day of a woman who works in
tea plantations in Sri Lanka. The day begins typically at 3:00 am when planta-
tion workers need to prepare meals for their families. They then help their
children to get to school and begin their paid employment at 6:00 or 7:00 am.
The major job task on the tea plantations is to pluck tea leaves and their buds.
The work is very carefully supervised, and women who make any mistakes are
severely castigated. When the need to attend to the crops is not that high, the
women can leave work at 4:00 pm, but when the demands are urgent, the
women may have to work until 5:30. Like most of their counterparts in the
West, the plantation workers then have to go home and perform the vast ma-
jority of household tasks, resulting in a day that ends at about 10:00 pm.
Some of the stories found in the literature are not as gloomy as the one
cited previously about the plantation workers from Sri Lanka. In T. L. Fried-
man’s (1999) book about globalization, he recounts a narrative of Liliane, a
social worker from Brazil. The following text provides a more optimistic view
of the changing nature of work:
 T H E CH A NGING NA T U RE O F W O RK / 57

… Liliane, a thirty-two year-old Brazilian social worker who lived in the

Rocinha favela [favelas are the make-shift shanties that poor Brazilians have
set up adjacent to large cities in their search for work] and [now] works for the
municipal government. She gave [Friedman] a tour of a day-care center in the
favela and along the way explained that she had saved for years to finally be
able to move her family out. Now that they were out of the favela and into the
Fast World, the last thing that she wanted was for that world to fold up, even if
it was a struggle to get in. She said to [Friedman]: ‘When I was young every-
one in the neighborhood in the favela had to watch TV in one house. I am
now moving to a place that is one hour and twenty minutes from my work, in-
stead of twenty minutes, but it is not the favela and it is away from crime. I am
moving there for my children because there are no drug dealers. I make 900
reels a month. [Now] I can buy a telephone. Now our house is made of bricks,
not wood, and at the end of the month I still have some money left. (p. 289)

Returning to the United States, we once again approach a situation that is

analogous to the favela, which has evoked such a sense of sadness and concern
in Brazil. The U.S. version of a favela, an inner-city ghetto, has a somewhat
different set of etiologies and dynamics, but also contains a great number of
similarities. The following passage depicts the economic factors that many
people living in U.S. ghettos face as they struggle to makes a living:

Like when I moved I got behind. The telephone and moving expenses. Like
one month’s [rent for a] security [deposit], the telephone company eat your
tail out and all the other little bills I have. I have to take it more slowly to get
back on my feet. I never liked public aid. I’m on public aid now. I’ve been on
and off for eleven years with [my daughter], I had to go on with her. I was
tryin’ to collect some of my unemployment. I was tryin’ to get a job where I
could get off completely, but you just don’t know. ‘Cause you may lose your
job. I have to do something to keep these kids going through, otherwise if I
was by myself, I could do other little things like, you know, ‘cause I cannot see
myself workin’ the streets. I cannot see myself doin’ that. I can’t see it at all.
(Wilson, 1996, p. 79)

One of the most obvious areas of congruence across the settings in these vi-
gnettes is the lack of work, which tends to reduce the level of structure and
continuity in a given community. The following excerpt from a member of
Wilson’s (1996) research team captures an image which speaks volumes
about some of the most obvious consequences of disappearing jobs in inner-
city communities in the United States:

The once-lively streets [of the urban African American community in

Chicago]—residents remember a time, not so long ago, when crowds were so
dense at rush hour that one had to elbow one’s way to the train station—now
58 / CH A PT ER 2

have the appearance of an empty, bombed-out war zone. The commercial

strip has been reduced to a long tunnel of charred stores, vacant lots littered
with broken glass and garbage, dilapidated buildings left to rot in the shadow
of the elevated train line. At the corner of Sixty-third Street and Cottage
Grove Avenue, the handful of remaining establishments that struggle to sur-
vive are huddled behind wrought-iron bars …. (p. 5)

The material presented in this section captures the tip of the iceberg in
the vast diversity of contexts and cultures within which people work around
the globe. The vignettes presented here, when considered in light of the ar-
gument by Wilson (1996) and Rifkin (1995), portray a dynamic set of social
forces that, while still not completely understood, may be quite powerful in
reshaping social and cultural institutions. As the narrator in the passage
from Wilson’s study states, the loss of stable and accessible work in a given
community is often associated with a domino-like transformation that tends
to strip away a sense of order and structure in people’s lives. Both Wilson
and Rifkin describe this process in detail. Bruce Springsteen’s song
(1980/1998) entitled “The River,” which follows, conveys this sense of ano-
mie in a particularly vivid fashion:

I come from down in the valley

where mister when you’re young
They bring you up to do like your daddy done
Me and Mary we met in high school
when she was just seventeen
We’d ride out of that valley down to where the fields were green
We’d go down to the river
And into the river we’d dive
Oh down to the river we’d ride
Then I got Mary pregnant
and man that was all she wrote
And for my nineteenth birthday I got a union card and a wedding coat
We went down to the courthouse
and the judge put it all to rest
No wedding day smiles no walk down the aisle
No flowers no wedding dress
That night we went down to the river
And into the river we’d dive
Oh down to the river we did ride
I got a job working construction for the Johnstown Company
But lately there ain’t been much work on account of the economy
Now all them things that seemed so important
Well mister they vanished right into the air
 T H E CH A NGING NA T U RE O F W O RK / 59

Now I just act like I don’t remember

Mary acts like she don’t care
But I remember us riding in my brother’s car
Her body tan and wet down at the reservoir
At night on them banks I’d lie awake
And pull her close just to feel each breath she’d take
Now those memories come back to haunt me
they haunt me like a curse
Is a dream a lie if it don’t come true
Or is it something worse
that sends me down to the river
though I know the river is dry
That sends me down to the river tonight
Down to the river
my baby and I
Oh down to the river we ride

The narrator in this song describes a sense of longing for a time and a place
that may no longer be available. The sense of loss is palpable, with the narrator
describing how life seemed so open when work was available. The loss of access
to work renders the protagonist on a downward spiral of pain and sadness with
corresponding despair in his relational life. (The overlap of relationships and
work is a major theme in this book and is discussed in greater depth in chapter
4.) The consequences of the disappearance of work from people’s lives are still
hard to imagine. However, the glimpses that we have obtained in these power-
ful narratives speak to feelings of despair that cannot be ignored as policy-
makers and government leaders struggle to find ways to cope with the immense
changes that are taking place in the nature and availability of work.
One of the gaps in the literature about working is that many of the narra-
tives and vignettes have been gathered via modern methods of books, jour-
nals, music, and other published media. Yet vast pockets of human beings live
and work in communities where few, if any, written accounts of their experi-
ences are available. For example, it is difficult to obtain information about
workers living in townships of South Africa, hunters living in the jungles of
South America, and farmers in India and China. Thanks to the efforts of cre-
ative anthropologists (e.g., Goldschmidt, 1990; Wallman, 1979), we have
some useful insights into the nature of working in some of the diverse settings
around the globe. Indeed, this knowledge base has been especially useful in
creating the intellectual scaffolding for the psychology of working. However,
the experience-near understanding of working, which is a clear attribute of
psychological analyses, offers a critically needed perspective that can serve to
enrich existing social scientific analyses of working.
60 / CH A PT ER 2

A major thread that weaves throughout the literature on the work lives of
people without grand career narratives is that work is pursued to a great ex-
tent as a means of survival. The degree to which work is satisfying or mean-
ingful, naturally, is still a major consideration, but it is often of secondary or
tertiary interest for people who are striving to earn enough money to locate
decent housing and to feed themselves and their families. Often, feelings of
satisfaction are based on the secondary gains of work, such as the income
that fulfills basic human needs. Another theme that emerges in this discus-
sion is the role of work in providing structure for individuals and for commu-
nities. As Wilson (1996) noted, this structure is perhaps most evident when
jobs disappear from a community or from a family. In addition, the nature of
work in the 21st century seems to be rendering enormous changes across the
globe, not just in regions where information and technology are prominent
cultural and social characteristics. Aside from a modest growing interest in
the work lives of working class and poor people in Western countries (e.g.,
Juntunen et al., 2001; N. Peterson & González, 2005; Phillips, Blustein,
Jobin-Davis, & White, 2002), psychologists have not devoted much atten-
tion to the working lives of the vast majority of people. The material pre-
sented in this section suggests that we have much to learn about the
psychological experience of working that does not necessarily fall into the
tidy boundaries of careers.

The Knowledge Gap

Another growing trend that is very much integral to the changing nature of
work is the need for greater levels of skills and knowledge in the workforce of
the 21st century. As the literature presented thus far has suggested, many of
the jobs that had been occupied by unskilled or semi-skilled workers are now
being replaced by technology and automation. At the same time, a number of
scholars have recognized that new jobs will very likely involve high levels of
skills (e.g., Hunt, 1995; Marshall & Tucker, 1992; Reich, 1991; Rifkin, 1995).
Indeed, one of the reasons that many jobs have left traditional pockets of in-
dustrial production (e.g., North America; Europe) is that the growing skills
and knowledge of workers in other countries has made it far more economical
for production operations to relocate. In short, a potentially substantial dis-
juncture has emerged in which the needs of the workforce often involve far
more complex skill sets than are available in the labor market; for example,
within some communities in the United States, employers have had difficulty
in locating workers with sufficient skills and knowledge to fill available posi-
 T H E CH A NGING NA T U RE O F W O RK / 61

tions (Bladassarri & Paganetto, 1996; Marshall & Tucker, 1992; O’Brien,
1986.). As a result, employers have sought to locate their production and ser-
vice centers in regions of the world where skilled workers are more available,
often at lower wages. One of the outcomes of this disjuncture is the compel-
ling need to enhance standards in schools; indeed, this trend is particularly
pronounced in the United States and many other technologically enriched na-
tions, which are seeking to enhance the quality of education and to reduce
achievement gaps between rich and poor (R. Johnson, 2002; Levine, Lowe,
Peterson, & Tenorio, 1995; Tucker & Codding, 1998). The question raised in
many thoughtful analyses is whether workers across the globe are sufficiently
knowledgeable for the available jobs that exist and that will be created in the
coming decades (Hunt, 1995). A corollary concern is the growing divide be-
tween those who are educated and those who have insufficient or inadequate
educational backgrounds.
Based on the material presented thus far in this chapter, the knowledge
gap seems to be a highly intuitive outcome in a macro-level analysis of the
workforce of the 21st century. As we consider the twin engines of globaliza-
tion and the information age, it is becoming increasingly apparent that knowl-
edge will be a critical factor in filling jobs that will involve skills in computers,
literacy, problem solving, and quantitative reasoning (T. L. Friedman, 1999;
Marshall & Tucker, 1992; Reich, 1991). Moreover, knowledge is going to be
necessary for people to engage in the sorts of entrepreneurial activities that
are becoming one of the major job-creating engines in the era of globalization
and the technological transformations. (I am not suggesting that govern-
ments should not be involved in job creation; see chapter 10 for some initial
policy proposals on the role of government as a major player in the changing
nature of the opportunity structure.)
In Hunt’s (1995) analysis, he identified the cognitive and intellectual char-
acteristics that will increasingly define the 21st-century workplace. After a
careful synthesis of the impact of technology on work, coupled with an over-
view of human cognition, Hunt’s summary included the following forecasts:

I Work organizations will change from highly regimented organizations

to small groups that often will work in localized settings producing spe-
cialized products.
I The social structures of workplaces will change rapidly, with workers in-
creasingly having to master different tasks.
I In the face of these rapidly shifting workplaces, a premium will be placed
on cognitive flexibility as well as social flexibility. People who can adjust
and thrive in changing situations will be the most valued.
62 / CH A PT ER 2

I The cognitive attributes that will be needed in the workplace include soph-
isticated technological skills, high-level problem-solving skills, and a capac-
ity to engage in interpersonally effective communication with others.

One of the conclusions that emerges from Hunt’s (1995) analysis in con-
junction with other discussions of the knowledge gap (e.g., Marshall &
Tucker, 1992; Reich, 1991; Wilson, 1996) is that we cannot afford to conduct
educational practice that continues to rely heavily upon the assumptions of
the late 19th century and early 20th century. Workers who cannot handle the
cognitive and intellectual demands of an information-rich workplace will
very likely be deprived of the opportunity of obtaining a production or ser-
vice job that will be stable and adequately remunerative.
An unfortunate attribute of the knowledge gap is that access to sources of
knowledge is not fair or equitable in many nations or across nations. Within
the United States, the vast discrepancies between school systems represent
a powerful means by which social class and racial barriers are entrenched
across generations (Kozol, 1991). The inequalities in the distribution of re-
sources to schools in the United States provide a powerful case in point of
how the social system reproduces itself. However, what is clear is that a com-
prehensive psychology of working will necessitate a careful analysis of this
knowledge gap and its effect on individual experiences of working.

Point–Counterpoint: The Changing Nature

of Work and the Experience of Working

The material presented in this chapter has attempted to weave a tapes-

try despite the lack of a fully developed design, with the effect of pre-
senting a picture that seems half finished. Throughout the chapter, I
have sought to bring clear conclusions in light of highly complex trends.
The challenge would be great enough if our concern was with those who
typically have access to the grand career narrative. However, the di-
lemma is far more challenging when we factor in the objective of con-
structing a psychology of working that will be inclusive and
comprehensive. Given the complexity of this task, it is naturally impos-
sible to derive inferences that will have immediate relevance to workers
across the globe, whose experiences vary so sharply. However, a number
of emergent dialectical themes are useful marker points on the unfin-
ished tapestry that has been created thus far.
 T H E CH A NGING NA T U RE O F W O RK / 63

Too Much Work Versus Not Enough Jobs

Perhaps the most painful dialectic in this analysis is that many people are left
without consistent or stable work in their lives, as exemplified by Wilson’s
(1996) account of inner city America, which contrasts notably with Schor’s
(1993) analysis of the overworked American. Are these authors describing
two completely different worlds? In many ways, the answer to this question
is an affirmative one. One of the goals of an inclusive psychology of working
is the systematic exploration of the boundaries between the haves and the
have-nots, who are increasingly facing a bifurcation of income, jobs, life-
styles, and educational affordances. As recent economic trends have indi-
cated, the distance between the wealthy and working classes and poor has
become far more pronounced in the United States in recent decades (e.g.,
Keister, 2000).
One of the major concerns that has not been adequately dealt with in the
literature is that of identifying the consequences of not working. To what ex-
tent are humans evolutionarily wired to work for their survival and a sense of
meaning in their lives? I believe that the knowledge that develops from the
psychology-of-working perspective is critically needed to respond to this
question. Obviously, a key factor in responding to this question is the status of
one’s concern with survival. If society can provide food and shelter for all
(which, of course, is a complex question in of itself), will people feel satisfied
in their lives without projects to work on which will engage them with others,
fulfill their curiosity, and provide an outlet for their natural strivings to ex-
press their talents and interests? In order to respond to this question, it is im-
portant to initiate an examination of the various psychological needs that are
met by working and to understand how these needs and aspirations are
socially constructed and individually understood.

Needs for Connection Versus the Increasing Isolation of Technology

For many, the new workplace is gradually leading to a loss of feelings of con-
nection, social engagement, and investment in a greater social entity. Further-
more, technology, which allows for greater physical distance between workers
and others within their organizations and work groups, is contributing to
more pronounced feelings of isolation. Thus, it is not unusual to hear reports
from educated individuals in Western countries who work from home, who
describe feelings of isolation as they struggle to make meaningful connections
via e-mail and phone meetings (Sennett, 1998).
64 / CH A PT ER 2

The growing sense of isolation is further complicated by the reality that

people in many Western countries are increasingly moving away from famil-
ial supports. This geographic mobility, which seems to be a function of in-
dustrialization and post-industrial trends, may also transform less affluent
countries that are forced to accept the challenges offered by globalization.
The difficulty for individual workers facing the movement toward greater
isolation is that this characteristic of contemporary work is inherently incon-
sistent with natural human strivings for connection and relationship (e.g.,
Jordan et al., 1991; Josselson, 1992; S. A. Mitchell, 1988). In fact, one of the
major psychological movements in the past few decades, known as the rela-
tional perspectives (Blustein, 2001b; Flum, 2001; Gilligan, 1982;
Schultheiss, 2003), has highlighted the importance of human relationships
for positive well-being. In contrast to traditional notions of adaptive and
mature behavior as a manifestation of strivings for independence and au-
tonomy, the relational perspectives are based on the notion that people have
an inherent striving for connection (Josselson, 1992; S. A. Mitchell, 1988).
As such, we have, on one hand, a tendency within workplaces for greater dis-
tance, both physically and emotionally, between worker and other workers
as well as the products of one’s work. Yet, on the other hand, we have a grow-
ing awareness that perhaps human beings are not ideally suited for isolated
and independent functioning. The implications of this dialectical struggle
are difficult to estimate and most certainly merit further attention in psycho-
logical studies of working.

Work as a Means of Self-Expression and Spiritual

Growth Versus Work as a Means to an End

In recent years, a number of books have appeared that have explored the
spiritual meanings of work and working (e.g., M. Fox, 1994; Bloch & Rich-
mond, 1997). These books follow logically from the extensive literature in
Western countries on finding meaning in work and in deriving maximal sat-
isfaction from one’s vocational efforts (e.g., Bolles & Bolles, 2005). At the
same time, we have the vast majority of the people on this planet who proba-
bly give little to any thought about the spiritual meaning of their work. Their
concerns are far different, reflecting an almost Maslowian developmental
process wherein the poor and working classes are concerned with survival
and the educated elites are concerned with self-actualization. Are these
folks actually experiencing the same phenomenon? Is the work of the
well-educated even remotely within the same family of activities as the work
 T H E CH A NGING NA T U RE O F W O RK / 65

of the poor and working classes that make up the vast majority of this
planet’s adult population?
The answers to these questions are highly complex and speak to one of
the fundamental challenges in contemporary times. One of the inferences
that can be derived from many of the passages presented in this chapter, as
well as the extensive vignettes found in the literature (e.g., Terkel, 1974;
Thomas, 1999), is that there seem to be some common bonds in the nature of
the working experience. Of course, major distinctions exist, most of which
pertain to the reality that only a small proportion of the earth’s population
actually has much volition in its working life. In my view, the dialectical en-
ergy derived from the complexities of describing working across the spec-
trum of humanity can be used to remind us that much effort needs to be
expended in order to reduce the glaring inequities that still exist as we move
into the 21st century.

Conclusion

An oft-repeated phrase in recent years that has become cliché is “the rapidly
changing nature of work.” The discussion that has been presented in this
chapter gives some shape to these changes, although there are still many areas
of uncertainty and confusion. For example, the twin engines of globalization
and the information era seem to auger in a very different period of time. How
this period will actually differ from previous eras is hard to discern. For exam-
ple, while Rifkin (1995) argued that traditional jobs will soon give way to tech-
nology, the economic forecasts of Neumark (2000) and his colleagues led to a
less drastic prognosis. In addition, while the traditional notion of career (as
reflected in the grand career narrative) seems to be dying, it was evidently
clear in this chapter that most people across the globe never had this sort of
career trajectory in the first place.
Thus, the most confident conclusion that we can reach is that work is very
much influenced by a host of contextual factors. Included in this context are
economic trends, cultural beliefs about work and wealth, relationship factors,
historical issues, and political frameworks. While this observation might sug-
gest that the study of working should be left to macro-level social scientists
(such as sociologists and economists), my perspective is quite different. What
we know about the psychological dimensions of working has been derived to a
great extent from a circumscribed literature on careers among middle-class
workers or from macro-level analyses conducted by social scientists without
the input of psychologists. Although this literature has been highly informa-
66 / CH A PT ER 2

tive, it leaves vast gaps in our knowledge base. For example, to what extent are
the changes in the workplace that have been detailed in this chapter influenc-
ing how people across the globe think about and experience their working
lives? Moreover, there has been a notable lack of attention to the inner moti-
vations, personal constructions, and the way in which people make meaning
of working in the literature. Without the voices of workers from all sectors of
life, developing a clear understanding of working seems nearly impossible.
The remaining chapters of this book seek to create a foundation for an inclu-
sive psychology of working that may help to create a perspective that will be
maximally informative for the vast majority of people who struggle to earn
their daily bread.
Working as a Means of Survival and Power

If any one should not work, neither should he eat.

—St. Paul, as found in Donkin (2001, p. 23)

During the early part of the winter the family had had enough money
to live and a little over to pay debts with, but when the earnings of
Jurgis fell from nine or ten dollars a week to five or six, there was no
longer anything to spare. The winter went, and the spring came, and
found them still living thus from hand to mouth, hanging on day by
day, with literally not a month’s wages between them and starvation
….
Such were the cruel terms upon which their life was possible, that
they might never have nor expect a single instant of respite from
worry, a single instant in which they were not haunted by the thought
of money. They would no sooner escape, as by a miracle, from one
difficulty, than a new one would come into view. In addition to all
their physical hardships, there was thus a constant strain upon their
minds; they were harried all day and nearly all night by worry and
fear. This was in truth not living; it was scarcely even existing, and
they felt that it was too little for the price they paid. They were willing
to work all the time; and when people did their best, ought they not be
able to keep alive?
—Sinclair (1906, pp. 102–103)

Arthur reached his capstain lathe and took off his jacket, hanging it on
a nearby nail so that he could keep an eye on his belongings. He
pressed the starter button, and his motor came to life with a gentle
thump. Looking around, it did not seem, despite the infernal noise of
hurrying machinery, that anyone was working with particular speed.
He smiled to himself, and picked up a glittering steel cylinder from the
top box of a pile beside him, and fixed it into the spindle. He jettisoned
his cigarette into the sud-pan, drew back the capstain, and swung the
turret into its broadest drill. Two minutes had passed while he contem-
67
68 / CH A PT ER 3

plated the precise position of tools and cylinder; finally he spat onto
both hands and rubbed them together, then switched on the sud-tap
from the movable brass pipe, pressed a button that set the spindle run-
ning, and ran in the drill to a neat chamber. Monday morning had lost
its terror.
—Sillitoe (1958, p. 26)

When I think about the way this society forced men in my father’s gen-
eration to be completely responsible for their families, it makes me fu-
rious. I’ve been in the professional world for a while now and I know
how much pressure is involved. It isn’t something anyone can handle
easily by themselves. To hold your whole family’s fate in your hands
just isn’t fair. My father took that on himself because that is what other
fathers did then. As a result, my mother didn’t really know much about
the working world. She had to find out the hard way. It wasn’t her
fault, but the whole situation was terrible. It was a bad way to organize
a family’s survival.
—Newman (1988, p. 119)

The narratives that begin this chapter capture a wide spectrum of emotions
and conceptions of working that people have articulated in various contexts
and within diverse cultures. For the most part, these quotes tell a story in
which working is closely and inexorably linked to the need to survive. In this
chapter, I seek to describe the complex relationships among working, sur-
vival, and power in contemporary life. A key assumption of this discussion is
that working provides people with a means of obtaining the necessary goods
and services to survive and to enhance their social and economic status. Em-
bedded in this analysis is the reality that access to work throughout the world
is far from equal. Indeed, numerous complex and interrelated filters, many of
which are socially sanctioned, function to limit the ability of people to obtain
the requisite education, social connections, and related opportunities that
may facilitate a meaningful and empowering work life. (These barriers, which
are foreshadowed throughout this chapter, are discussed in greater depth in
chapter 6.)
The chapter begins with a theoretical presentation of the psychological
meaning of survival and power. Using diverse conceptual threads, a view of
survival and power emerges that is closely intertwined with the experience of
working. The chapter concludes with a case vignette and a discussion of the
 WORKING AS SURVIVAL AND POWER / 69

clinical implications of the connection between working and strivings for

survival and power.

Psychological Analyses of Survival and Power

Generally, discussions about financial survival and power are rooted in po-
litical or economic discourse, although a growing literature is beginning to
grapple with the psychological meaning of power (e.g., Martín-Baro, 1989;
Prilleltensky, 1997). In this chapter, I explore the psychological meaning of
one of the most fundamental functions of working: to afford people with the
resources necessary for survival. Consistent with both scholarly literature
and narratives of human experience across time frames and cultures (e.g.,
Gini & Sullivan, 1989; O’Brien, 1986; Terkel, 1974; Thomas, 1999), a key
psychological function of working is to help people to survive and flourish in
the economic sphere of their lives. As human affairs has increased in com-
plexity throughout the evolutionary process from primitive hunting and
gathering to more organized social orders, the process of working for sur-
vival also has become more complex. With this complexity, human beings
then developed intricate psychological and social mechanisms that func-
tioned to stratify the distribution of resources needed for survival. Perhaps
the most central of these mechanisms is the striving for power, which also is
discussed in the present chapter. Prior to delineating this conceptual frame-
work, I first review the foundations for a psychological analysis of survival
and power.

Psychological Formulations: Historical Perspectives

With Freud’s evident evolutionary influences, it would seem logical that his
extensive contributions also would seek to explore the fundamental needs of
working. However, Freud did not devote a great deal of attention to the
functions of work, except for his 1930 contribution entitled Civilization and
Its Discontents. In this book, Freud focused on the role of work as a means of
survival, noting that work was generally not a pleasant endeavor. As in other
Freudian interpretations of human behavior, an assumption about human
beings as inherently driven by sexual and aggressive urges underlies the con-
ceptualization of working. For Freud, people worked primarily to maintain
their means of survival. Although he did acknowledge that working could
70 / CH A PT ER 3

lead to personal satisfaction, the primary focus of his formulation was on the
way in which work functioned to provide access to the means of survival and
to a socially sanctioned means of expressing libidinal and aggressive urges.
Axelrod’s (1999) recent analysis of the Freudian view of work is particu-
larly illuminating in relation to the goals of the present discussion. Axelrod
noted that “Freud’s perspective on work life reflected the realities of work in
his society and conceptions of mental functioning that made sense in that cul-
ture. His jaundiced view of work grew out of an era in which most of the
world’s economies were based on manual labor [and] brute strength …”
(1999, p. 3). It is important, though, to note that the context that framed
Freud’s conceptualizations is actually still a reality for the majority of the
world’s workers. When considering Freud’s views about the stark reality of
life for most of humankind (in which the struggle to eat and obtain shelter
have been consistent challenges), his thinking about the critical importance
of work for survival strikes a familiar chord.
Later psychoanalytic thinkers continued the focus, to some extent, on the
role of work as ensuring survival, but also considered its impact on enhancing
psychological power and well-being. For example, Fromm (1947) argued that
work could foster experiences of autonomy and self-expression. He also
noted that job tasks could be designed in a way to enhance one’s potential and
one’s creativity. However, the survival needs of working, initially advanced by
Freud, are still evident in Fromm’s writing. As we shall see in subsequent
chapters, more recent psychoanalytic conceptualizations of working have in-
corporated a focus on relationships and self-expression (Axelrod, 1999). Yet
Freud’s pessimistic view of working in the early part of the 20th century still
seems to have relevance as we examine the lives of the vast majority of people
who do not have many choices about the direction or expression of their work
lives. For most adults around the world, working represents a necessary
means to an end. As Freud argued, the intrinsic reward of the tasks that one
does to earn money for food, shelter, and clothing is not generally salient to
most people who work. For the purposes of the present discussion, the extent
to which work functions as a means of sublimating libidinal desires is
secondary to Freud’s resonant psychological analysis of the economic
necessity of work.

Maslow’s Contributions

Another way to frame a psychologically informed discussion of power and

its relation to work is via the lens of Maslow’s (1968) still timely theory of hu-
 WORKING AS SURVIVAL AND POWER / 71

man motivation. Although many scholars tend to focus on the self-actualiza-

tion aspect of Maslow’s theory, the core of this theoretical model revolves
around the primary human striving to satisfy physiological and safety needs.
Maslow’s theory postulates that human beings are driven to meet specific
needs that fall into a hierarchical pattern, beginning with physiological
needs and then progressing to safety, love, esteem, and finally self-actualiza-
tion. In order for an individual to have an opportunity for self-actualization,
one needs to have access to food, water, and shelter in an environment that
feels safe and secure. Maslow described the experience of work that was
self-actualizing as a calling or a mission, which is consistent with many as-
pects of the vocational psychology landscape. Yet, without the fulfillment of
the basic human needs, notions about self-actualization appear far less rele-
vant, especially for the vast majority of workers who do not have access to
education and training opportunities.
As we review these historic, yet still prevalent theories, the need for sur-
vival emerges in bold relief. Despite the external layers of social and cultural
meaning that exist in human behavior, Freud and Maslow, respectively, ac-
knowledged a core reality that resonates deeply with the psychology of
working outlined in this book. As noted earlier, much of the existing psycho-
logical research on working (i.e., traditional career development; e.g., D.
Brown, 2002a) occurred in a culture of affluence and relatively free choices.
This perspective, unfortunately, overshadows the fundamental need that
work serves in providing people with a means of feeding and housing them-
selves and their loved ones. Once we explore the psychological aspects of
working from a global and truly inclusive perspective, it becomes obvious
that one of the basic functions of work is to provide people with the means to
support themselves.

The View of Working Outside of Psychology:

Anthropological and Sociological Perspectives

The need to work in order to survive has been transformed symbolically into a
wide array of social and cultural interactions. From an anthropological per-
spective, Goldschmidt (1990) describes the inherently human process of us-
ing symbols to help construct physical reality. As human beings moved from
hunter-gatherers to farming and the domestication of animals, the tasks in-
volved in ensuring survival became more complex and more differentiated
(A. W. Johnson & Earle, 1987). Anthropological studies of various indige-
nous peoples around the globe, who remain relatively untouched by industri-
72 / CH A PT ER 3

alization, have suggested that work has taken on a more symbolic nature as
cultures sought to structure and ritualize social discourse (e.g., Applebaum,
1984; Wallman, 1979). Inherent in this construction of working tasks is the
striving to maximize one’s access to the attributes that can help to ensure sur-
vival. Thus, people living in small tribes or villages would likely seek out
means of becoming adept at hunting, gathering, creating clothes, performing
important rituals, and other social and economic tasks that would enhance
their role and status within their community (Wallman). Anthropological re-
search has cast an informative net on the complex cultural rituals that help to
ensure that working will yield access to the resources of a given community
(Applebaum; Goldschmidt).
Following the anthropological framework, Wallman (1979) describes the
fundamental need of work as the striving to control nature with the intention
of deriving sustenance from nature. Wallman outlines a number of dimen-
sions of work, many of which would fit under the current rubric of fulfilling
needs for survival and power. In Wallman’s introduction to a volume of an-
thropological essays about work across cultures, she noted that work involves
the expenditure of energy to meet some specified goal and to yield some re-
sources (both economic and social). Here again, we see the striving for sur-
vival at the core of Wallman’s integrative conceptualization of working across
highly diverse cultures.
By exploring the experience of working in societies that are transitioning
into market-based economies, anthropological research furnishes another
open window into the evolving psychological meaning of working. For exam-
ple, Applebaum (1984) described transitional societies (which refer to cul-
tures in which the basic economy includes both market and non-market
features) in which people move outside of their communal groups in order to
work. This process necessitates the adoption of more complex social roles
(Neff, 1985). The overt striving to work in order to survive, however, is still
maintained in cultures that are moving toward market economies and indus-
trialization as well as in contemporary industrial and post-industrial societies.
Applebaum noted that in more market-oriented societies, the distance be-
tween one’s tasks and one’s community becomes greater, thereby creating
less connection to one’s daily life tasks.
Similar views have emerged in sociological analyses of working, as re-
flected in the observation that the increasingly differentiated division of labor
that characterized the industrial revolution has been associated with greater
disconnection between the efforts of workers and the outcomes of their labor
(e.g., Heilbroner & Singer, 1984). The sociological line of inquiry about sur-
 WORKING AS SURVIVAL AND POWER / 73

vival and working is manifested in Wilson’s (1996) thoughtful analysis of the

impact of the absence of working on individuals and community within urban
communities in the U.S. In short, Wilson’s qualitative and quantitative stud-
ies document the domino-like effect of the loss of work on individuals’ inner
psychological functioning as well as on the stability and cohesiveness of their
communities. (See chapter 2 for further details on Wilson’s landmark study.)

Moving From Survival to Power

One of the outcomes of working, following logically on the need for survival,
is the accrual of economic, social, and psychological power. By developing
systematic access to the resources necessary for survival, one can ideally con-
solidate greater power within a given community or culture. A particularly
rich analysis of psychological power can be found in the work of Martín-Baro,
a psychologist and social activist in Central America before his untimely
death in a politically motivated murder in 1989. Martín-Baro advocated for
the inclusion of all citizens in psychological discourse with the goal of devel-
oping ideas and practices that would function to reduce structural barriers to
equality and social justice. Given Martín-Baro’s mission, he naturally gravi-
tated toward analyses that explicitly incorporated social and political factors.
The discussion of psychological power, which follows, is characterized by
Martín-Baro’s thematic focus on sociopolitical contexts.

Working for Survival and Power: A Conceptual Analysis

Beginning with the assumption that an explicit discussion of power is inherent

to any comprehensive analysis of human relations, Martín-Baro defines
power as “the condition that makes it possible for one of the actors to make
his or her will or objectives prevail …” (1989, p. 62). He then differentiates be-
tween the resources that make power possible and the psychological con-
struction of power. For Martín-Baro, access to resources (including physical
strength, knowledge, money, etc.) provides the means for the development,
consolidation, and expression of power. Following this conceptual frame-
work, therefore, the existence of disparities in access to resources creates the
conditions for disparities in power. In the current discussion of working,
power is a notable by-product of obtaining access to resources, such as educa-
tion, knowledge, money, social status, and prestige.
74 / CH A PT ER 3

The literature on the anthropology of work (e.g., Goldschmidt, 1990; A.

W. Johnson & Earle, 1987; Wallman, 1979) furnishes an illuminating lens
with which to explore how strivings for survival have become transformed to
social status, privilege, and power as societies became more market-ori-
ented and less insulated. Goldschmidt’s analysis of the human career pro-
vides a framework to consider how working for survival can be transformed
into strivings for power and social status. Goldschmidt detailed the complex
layers of social and cultural mores that informed the experience of working
in tribal and transitional societies. One of the primary means of social strati-
fication historically in human communities depended on the quality and
productivity of one’s work efforts. Individuals most effective in generating
food supplies, housing, and other resources tended to gain higher social sta-
tus in comparison to those who were less efficient and productive. Thus,
people who were able to master tasks that were valued by one’s community
were able to generate enhanced levels of social status, which facilitated the
accrual of power.
In the current analysis, work functions as one of the primary means for hu-
man beings to access power, via obtaining money for food, shelter, and ulti-
mately for social status and privilege. As societies became more complex and
layered with symbolic and socially constructed meaning, it became important
for cultures to find ways to designate that certain people had greater access to
the necessities of life. Initially, societies would grant selected individuals a
greater sense of prestige based on their work efforts and accomplishments
(Goldschmidt, 1990). Once these rewards became known, they helped to es-
tablish cultural norms that promoted working as a pro-social activity that
would benefit the greater community as well as the worker and his or her
family.
Over time, people who were particularly adept at survival attracted the at-
tention of other members of their community, who naturally would be im-
pressed with the skill and effort that yielded such a rich set of resources.
Therefore, those who were successful enjoyed two basic elements that en-
hanced their sense of power in relation to others. One of the elements was ac-
cess to the material resources that ensure survival—food, water, clothing, and
housing. In addition, a related element evolved that is best described as en-
hanced social status. Just as many people currently admire successful figures
in our own cultures, a tendency exists within various social contexts in which
individuals attach a positive value to those who are adept in their work tasks
and in the process of consolidating the means of survival (Tesser, 1995). Thus,
even in human communities that are still in the hunting/gathering mode, the
 WORKING AS SURVIVAL AND POWER / 75

natural inclination is for people to look up to selected members of a cohort for

their ability to function effectively in the environment (Wallman, 1979). The
result of this process is that certain people would develop socially sanctioned
power that influences their relationships with others in their community. (I
am not suggesting that working is the sole means by which power is accrued
within social groups. As we shall see in chapter 6, power is also based on access
to resources that are, regrettably, based on irrelevant aspects of human
appearance and functioning, such as skin color, sex, ethnicity, and sexual
orientation).
A careful examination of this process reveals that working is integral to the
development of power. While not all workers are necessarily focused con-
sciously on becoming powerful, in a more subtle fashion, working functions to
help people establish the means for empowerment. Working hard often will
yield greater income and benefits, thereby giving people more power to sur-
vive and possibly even purchase other consumer goods. Furthermore, work-
ing provides people with a sense of social status, which enhances prestige and
confers additional resources onto an individual and his or her family (such as
access to important social groups and decision makers of a community, the
admiration of people within one’s social milieu). Thus, the increasingly differ-
entiated array of roles and responsibilities that have characterized contempo-
rary life have yielded cultures in which the needs for survival and power are
closely intertwined.

Working for Survival and Power: An Experience-Near Analysis

Although the function of working to enhance survival is not a particularly

novel notion in the social sciences (e.g., Gini & Sullivan, 1989; Goldschmidt,
1990; Marx, 1891), this notion has generated very little interest on the part of
psychologists who conduct vocational research and who practice psychother-
apy and vocational counseling. One notable exception is E. J. Smith’s (1983)
contribution in which she articulates a compelling position with respect to ex-
isting theories of career development and career education. The passage that
follows details her position, which resonates strongly with the views advo-
cated in this volume:

Most career theories and current career education philosophy have assumed
that dignity exists in all work (K. Hoyt, 1974; L. B. Hoyt, 1978). This concept,
although attractive to vocational psychologists, neither reflects the reality of
many individuals’ work lives nor the career literature that shows there is in
76 / CH A PT ER 3

American society (and most societies in the world) a clear hierarchy by which
jobs are ranked from very high to very low in desirability. Often when voca-
tional psychologists speak about the dignity of work they are confusing issues.
People may have or experience dignity because they are able to provide for
themselves economically; they may or may not believe that their occupation is
rejected by society. Vocational psychologists need to reexamine the concept of
dignity of all work and its corollary that work is central to the lives of all indi-
viduals. For both minority and majority Americans, work may simply help to
mark the passage of time. (E. J. Smith, 1983, p. 187)

As Smith’s passage conveys, working has not always been synonymous with
the grand career narrative of the later part of the 20th century. In contrast to
the image of the worker with a multitude of options is the stark reality that
working for most people does not function to enhance one’s self-esteem or
provide an outlet for interests and values. Smith’s contribution gives a schol-
arly voice to the passages that opened this chapter, which describe the experi-
ences and consequences of considering the survival and power needs met by
working.
Consistent with the thematic goals of Smith’s contribution, concern with
the lack of focus on the survival aspects of working has been most evident
within multicultural critiques of vocational psychology. Carter and Cook
(1992) described the limitations of the traditional choice-based theories in
their critique of the existing career development theories in light of the chal-
lenges of visible racial and ethnic group populations within Western cul-
tures. A few years later, Helms and Cook (1999) argued that sociocultural
factors function to differentially provide access to education and work op-
portunities, with people of color typically experiencing the most pervasive
obstacles in North America. They also described a number of internalized
factors that are based on social constructions of race, ethnicity, and social
class, which function to complicate a process already tainted by the exis-
tence of institutional racism. Clearly, within countries that have histories
and current practices that privilege one group above another, racial, cul-
tural, gender, sexual orientation, and other demographic or phenotypic con-
siderations play a significant role in determining one’s access to working,
and consequently to survival. However, there exists little experience-near
understanding of this perspective within traditional outlets of applied psy-
chology. Despite the relative lack of attention within traditional psychology,
poets, writers, and musicians have struggled to make sense of the essence of
working, which is so inherently wrapped up in the need to survive. In the
poem that follows by Langston Hughes (1942/1965), the life of the share-
cropper is eloquently conveyed:
 WORKING AS SURVIVAL AND POWER / 77

Just a herd of Negroes

Driven to the field,
Plowing, planting, and hoeing,
To make the cotton yield.
When the cotton’s picked
And the work is done
Boss man takes the money
And we get none.
Leaves us hungry, ragged
As we were before.
Year by year goes by
And we are nothing more
Than a herd of Negroes
Driven to the field—
Plowing life away
To make the cotton the yield.

The Hughes poem describes some of the feelings and experiences of peo-
ple who work at jobs that are not naturally interesting or fulfilling. The de-
scription is replete with images and words that pertain to the physical
challenges of the work; moreover, the protagonists do not even keep the
money that is earned when the crops are finally sold. While the relationship
between sharecropper and landowner (which perhaps exemplifies the gen-
eral relationship between the powerful and the disempowered) has received
considerable attention in a variety of scholarly contexts, the focus on the in-
ternal experiences of working is not part of the psychological landscape within
traditional scholarship and psychotherapeutic discourse.
Another very evocative narrative is evident in a brief story set to music by
Bruce Springsteen (1995/1998). The song, entitled “Sinaloa Cowboys,” de-
scribes the story of two brothers who travel to California to try to make a
better living for themselves and their family.

Miguel came from a small town in northern Mexico.

He came north with his brother Luis to California three years ago
They crossed at the river levee, when Luis was just sixteen
And found work together in the fields of the San Joaquin
They left their homes and family
Their father said, “My sons one thing you will learn,
for everything the north gives, it exacts a price in return.”
They worked side by side in the orchards
From morning till the day was through
Doing the work the hueros wouldn’t do.
78 / CH A PT ER 3

Word was out some men in from Sinaloa were looking for some hands
Well, deep in Fresno county there was a deserted chicken ranch
And there in a small tin shack on the edge of a ravine
Miguel and Luis stood cooking methamphetamine
You could spend a year in the orchards
Or make half as much in one ten-hour shift
Working for the men from Sinaloa
But if you slipped the hydriodic acid
Could burn right through your skin
They’d leave you spittin’ up blood in the desert
If you breathed those fumes in
It was early one winter evening as Miguel stood watch outside
When the shack exploded, lighting up the valley night
Miguel carried Luis’ body over his shoulder down a swale
To the creekside and there in the tall grass, Luis Rosales died
Miguel lifted Louis’ body into his truck and then he drove
To where the morning sunlight fell on a eucalyptus grove
There in the dirt he dug up ten-thousand dollars. all that they’d saved
Kissed his brothers lips and placed him in his grave. (Springsteen, 1998)

On the surface, the story that Springsteen conveys describes important as-
pects of working life, including the migration of Mexican adolescents to the
United States and the harsh conditions they face as they enter the labor mar-
ket. However, this narrative describes some of the inner experiences of
Miguel and Luis that are generally missing from contemporary social and be-
havioral science discourse. The connection between the two brothers is pal-
pable as is their desire to enhance the living conditions of their family in
Mexico. The decision to work in the drug production trade is made here for
primarily financial reasons, thereby underscoring a sense of disempowerment
that lack of access to work can engender. The fact that one of the brothers dies
in a work-related accident adds a note of tragedy to the narrative that is unfor-
tunately part of the working life for too many citizens throughout the world.
Another source of experience-near material on the survival and power di-
mensions of working can be found in the narratives in Wilson’s (1996) book
entitled When Work Disappears. The following passage describes one man’s
solution to the loss of available work within his inner-city community:

Four years I have been out here trying to find a steady job. Going back and
forth all these temporary jobs and this ‘n’ that. Then you gotta give money at
home, you know you gotta buy your clothes which cost especially for a big per-
son. Then you’re talking about my daughter, then you talking about food in
the house too, you know, things like that …. Well, lately like I said I have been
trying to make extra money and everything. I have been selling drugs lately on
 WORKING AS SURVIVAL AND POWER / 79

the side after I get off work and, ah, it has been going all right …. Like I was
saying you can make more money dealing drugs than your job, anybody. Not
just me but anybody, for the simple fact that if you have a nice clientele and
some nice drugs, some nice ’caine or whatever you are selling then the money
is going to come, the people are going to come …. (Wilson, 1996, pp. 58–59)

This passage provides a glimpse into a world in which people adapt to lim-
ited opportunities by engaging in working activities that are antisocial or
criminal. Yet at the same time, this individual describes the struggles to make
a living, thereby creating a context for a shift in values and behavior that has a
host of consequences, both individually and from the perspective of this
man’s community. This narrative suggests a sort of dialectical struggle in the
work lives of many people. On one hand, we observe the sense of despair and
pain that is engendered by the lack of opportunity to work, even at a job that is
not inherently interesting and meaningful. While it is difficult to make
generalizable inferences from these vignettes, they do provide a window into
the inner experiences of working that is not typically available via traditional
quantitative and macro-level methodologies.

Concluding Comments

Given the despair evident in these narratives and in the material presented in
chapter 2 about the changing nature of work, daunting challenges face psy-
chologists, behavioral scientists, and therapists. The material presented in
this section gives voice to aspects of working that have, for the most part, been
excluded from traditional psychological discourse about work and careers.
The vignettes convey the striving to work as a means of ensuring that one has
the requisite physiological and safety needs met, an observation of Maslow’s
(1968), which has regrettably been forgotten or dismissed in existing psycho-
logical formulations about working. Moreover, a working context that re-
quires far greater skills and knowledge than ever before currently confronts
us (Marshall & Tucker, 1992). Yet, access to the skills and knowledge is far
from open or equal, both within the United States and among many nations
and regions around the world. As such, the exploration of work in light of the
need for survival and power forces psychologists and other mental health pro-
fessionals to confront the unequal social structure that characterizes most so-
cieties (Blustein, McWhirter, & Perry, 2005; M. S. Richardson, 2000). The
implications of infusing the fundamental need of working as a means of sur-
vival and power have significant implications for psychology and for mental
health treatments as well as public policy. The subsequent chapters explore
80 / CH A PT ER 3

these implications in a number of contexts and situations, each designed to fill

the missing elements of psychology’s rather narrow views of working to date.
In the next section, I explore the clinical implications of infusing the very real
notion that working functions, in part, as a means of survival and power.

Power and Working in Psychological Treatment

As noted earlier in this volume (and detailed further in chapters 8 and 9), is-
sues related to working have not had a clear or explicit place within most the-
ories of counseling and psychotherapy. Ironically, however, despite the lack
of explicit attention to issues pertaining to work and power in clinical con-
texts, the process of psychotherapy encourages people to open themselves
up to the deeply felt experiences that they may face as they struggle to obtain
work and sustain themselves economically. As I have suggested earlier, the
very process of preparing for, engaging in and negotiating one’s work life of-
ten embeds people most saliently with the social forces that function to strat-
ify opportunity. In the case that I summarize next, issues of work and power
are presented in the context of psychotherapy with an exploration of the in-
tense affect that these issues evoke within therapeutic relationships. (These
cases are fictional, but are based on themes that have emerged in my own
clinical work.)

Pedro

Pedro was a 33-year-old Latino man who sought me out to help work through
problems he was facing in his marriage. He was born in Puerto Rico and
moved to a northeastern city in the United States when he was 8. His parents
migrated to find more stable employment and to enhance the opportunities
for their four children. Pedro was the youngest of these children, and he grew
up in an urban community that was working class (i.e., people tended to work
in skilled or semi-skilled fields). His major presenting issues were related to
the fact that he was on the verge of leaving his marriage because he stated that
his wife was “tired of his temper and abusiveness.” Pedro reported that he was
still in love with his wife and his two children. He stated that he was very in-
vested in keeping his marriage alive. Other clinical issues that emerged early
in the treatment included a history of alcohol abuse, which was episodic.
Pedro reported that he liked to drink on weekends, but that he tried to control
himself now that he had children. Considerable drinking and some substance
 WORKING AS SURVIVAL AND POWER / 81

abuse (marijuana and cocaine) characterized his adolescence. He denied any

current psychoactive substances during our work, except for the weekend
drinking, which was no longer at the level of binging. (He indicated that he
and his wife enjoyed having a few beers with dinner and a beer or two after
dinner on Friday and Saturday nights.)
Pedro’s major presenting issues were clearly in the relational domain, with
the initial session focusing on his marriage, his frustrations with his wife, and
his attempts to control his angry outbursts. The initial sessions also revealed
no significant depression or thought disorder. However, Pedro did report
some anxiety and insomnia which he indicated was a problem for him for most
of his life. When I explored the sorts of things that made him angry at home,
he was not able to clearly articulate what his wife and children did that would
evoke angry responses. Pedro indicated that he had not physically hurt his
wife and that he also did not abuse his children. He did acknowledge that he
yelled at his wife, especially when he was tired. However, as I explored his
working life, Pedro became much more animated. Rather than describing his
anger as if someone else was somehow experiencing it, he became immersed
in intensely enraged feelings.
Pedro was a technician for a cable television company; his job consisted of
making house calls and either installing cable lines or repairing cable lines.
His territory was an upper middle class community that had very few people
of color and very few workers like Pedro, who made his living based on techni-
cal and psychomotor skills.
As Pedro and I explored his working life, it became clear that he was expe-
riencing considerable racism and abuse from co-workers and from customers.
He indicated that a few of his co-workers called him derogatory names to his
face and that some of the customers also made nasty comments about his eth-
nicity. On one occasion, he actually had a fight with a co-worker who called
him a “spic bastard.” He nearly lost his job because of this incident, and he
had vowed to himself that he would be like Jackie Robinson (the first African
American to play baseball in the major leagues) and try to not to let his anger
show upon hearing racist comments.
Pedro also indicated that he had considerable trouble throughout school
and in his work life. During his years in school, he was placed in special educa-
tion classes solely because he did not have adequate English skills. He was
never able to catch up in school and as a result he bypassed college and joined
the U.S. Marines. His military service was uneventful, but he did learn some
technical skills that helped him to get a job with the cable television company.
Pedro reported that he has had reasonably good relationships with his family-
of-origin. He did indicate that there was some tension with his parents when
82 / CH A PT ER 3

he was a teenager, but in retrospect, he appreciated that his parents tried to

keep him from getting too involved in street life in his community. His mother
and father had a good marriage and were quite respectful to each other.
When I asked Pedro if he liked his job, he indicated that in fact he truly
hated his job, because of both the abuse he experienced and his lack of satis-
faction with the job itself. As I explored his feelings about his satisfaction with
the actual tasks of cable repair and installation, he replied that he never really
thought that he would be able to have a job or career that would be consistent
with his interests. His interests were in the arts and film. He loved music of all
sorts, including Latin-based genres, classical music, and jazz. Moreover, he
loved film, including both popular movies as well as art films. Pedro did not
feel like he had a future in his job; more importantly, he said that he felt hu-
miliated by the treatment that he was receiving from people he called “coun-
try bumpkins,” who had never had contact with Latino people. The anger
became particularly intense when he described the telephone dispatcher, who
had a history of being nasty and rude to him.
The course of the treatment, therefore, focused on exploring the complex
space that existed in his relationship with his wife and the relationships that he
had with his co-workers. As we examined these relationships, Pedro realized
that he felt that his wife was not sufficiently respectful toward him when she
asked him to help around the house or to help care for their children. This
feeling state paralleled the experiences that he had with his co-workers. While
his wife (who also was Latina) was not racist in her comments toward him, the
subtle trigger was that he felt disempowered by her. At the same time, Pedro
acknowledged that it was safer for him to get angry at his with wife than his
co-workers. Within the first 6 months of the 18 months in which he was
treated by me, we focused on two specific issues related to his anger. Using an
approach that was derived from Wachtel’s (1993) work, I integrated cogni-
tive-behavioral with relationally oriented psychodynamic approaches in help-
ing Pedro to take action on his new insights. In short, Wachtel’s model posits
that action-oriented interventions are not necessarily mutually exclusive from
psychodynamic approaches. Wachtel also proposed a framework for integrat-
ing these approaches in a perspective that he called cyclical psychodynamics.
The first objective was to help Pedro understand, both intellectually and
emotionally, that he was displacing anger from his workplace to his wife. This
involved exploring with Pedro how to manage his anger at work, which in-
cluded the use of specific anger management strategies (including the use of
cognitive restructuring and mindfulness meditation. The mindfulness ap-
proach to dealing with intense affect is derived from meditation and from Zen
perspectives; in brief, the notion is that intense feelings do not need to domi-
 WORKING AS SURVIVAL AND POWER / 83

nate one’s psychological space or experience. Rather, we can choose to ob-

serve the feelings and take perspective on them, allowing them to inform us
but not necessarily dictate our next set of decisions or choices. The core of
mindfulness is that the self is more than any given momentary experience.)
The second and more complex aspect of this treatment focused on an ex-
ploration of the reality that Pedro had little clear choice in making his deci-
sions about his working life. We also examined his feelings of anger and rage
in relation to the racism that permeated the entire fabric of his work life. His
feelings of anger toward his co-workers and customers, in my view, were nat-
ural reactions to a system that was denigrating and even dangerous to Pedro.
Working in an environment where one’s ethnicity, culture, and appearance
become the brunt of discriminating and racist comments is incredibly stress-
ful and disempowering. Thus, we focused some of our efforts on finding
ways for Pedro to feel more empowered at work. Rather than muffling his
feelings, we explored different strategies for him to engage the racist com-
ments in ways that were adaptive and authentic. (For example, he was able
to confront some co-workers when they made disparaging comments about
people of color in ways that did not result in fights, but did allow him to feel
greater comfort with his feelings and racial identity.) He increasingly began
to set limits with his co-workers who responded by respecting these bound-
aries and behaving in a more civil fashion. Pedro realized, though, that he
was not likely to develop close relationships with many of his co-workers due
to their racist worldviews.
Another key issue that is a hallmark of a therapeutic intervention informed
by a psychology of working is the exploration of the client’s perceived and real
levels of choice with respect to work tasks and contexts. As such, I brought up
the question of how much volition Pedro felt he had in his work life. As indi-
cated earlier, Pedro initially felt that he had no choice about what sort of work
to obtain. He had a family and his wife did not have many viable skills that
were needed in the community in which they lived. I then asked Pedro if he
had thought of obtaining more training or education, which might enhance
his options. He seemed ambivalent about this; part of him wanted to pursue
his interests in the arts, but he was also daunted by his lack of confidence
about his skills in school. By the end of treatment, Pedro had agreed to take a
writing course at a community college. However, he completed therapy prior
to enrolling in the course. While we did not fully resolve the lack of satisfac-
tion he felt with his work life, his marriage improved markedly. He was calmer
at home, drinking less, and was more engaged with his children. Pedro noted
that he was less prone to anger toward his wife, who he realized was not the
actual target of his rage.
84 / CH A PT ER 3

Discussion

The case of Pedro is rich in a number of respects. For the cohort of clients who
actually formed the essence of Pedro, the impact of living and working in the
face of classism, racism, and unequal access to opportunity was often so perni-
cious that changing the inner psychological characteristics that motivate and
sustain effort in an unfulfilling environment is extremely challenging. In addi-
tion, the case of Pedro offers an illuminating view of how the struggle for
power and survival is compromised by social barriers such as racism and
classism. Because of Pedro’s ethnicity and social class, he faced considerable
obstacles, including subpar schools, inadequate housing in an urban center,
and continued stigma. (These issues are explored in greater depth in chapter
6.) Pedro’s anger toward his wife, which was soon converted to its true tar-
get—his racist co-workers and denigrating customers, was not viewed as a
pathological attribute that is located within the core of his psyche. Rather, I
conceptualized Pedro’s angry outbursts, while clearly unacceptable in the
context of his family, as a natural outgrowth of an unfair and unjust social sys-
tem. This observation, coupled with the new behavior management skills that
he learned in therapy, served to fuel positive growth for Pedro and helped him
to move forward in a productive way in his life.

The Psychology of Working and Power

and Survival: Conclusion

The role of working in providing people with access to power and survival,
while clearly an issue in most of our life experiences, has been notably missing
from psychological discourse on careers and organizational behavior. In this
chapter, I have sought to place this issue at the forefront of a discussion of
working. As we harken back to the seminal contributions of Maslow (1968), the
importance of survival is clearly evident. Yet as the post-World War II affluence
spread throughout many sectors (although clearly not all sectors) of Western
life, a myth evolved that somehow working was primarily about expressing
one’s interests or desires for self-actualization. The harsh reality, as we have
seen in this chapter, is that this particular narrative is not the prevalent theme in
humankind. Certainly, there are many workers who take the need for survival
for granted, due to their access to education and reasonably secure jobs. How-
ever, as the working world shifts to a more unpredictable and insecure phase,
the need for survival as a major need met by working will no doubt emerge more
explicitly among the full spectrum of young adults and adults.
 WORKING AS SURVIVAL AND POWER / 85

The material presented in this chapter has sought to give voice to the voice-
less in our field—in doing so, we have been able to discern with greater clarity
than via traditional social science accounts the important role of work as a
means—indeed, for many, the sole means—of survival. The major themes
that have emerged in this chapter are fairly clear. First, working provides peo-
ple with access to power, initially by ensuring one’s survival. As an individual
becomes more entrenched in the labor market and develops more skills and
access to the resources that are associated with marketable skills, the ability to
survive is then transformed into social and economic power. Second, access to
the opportunity structure is far from equal. Moreover, much of this inequal-
ity, as we shall examine further throughout this book, is due to phenotypic at-
tributes that have no bearing on one’s ability to profit from training,
education, and other opportunities (Helms, Jernigan, & Mascher, 2005;
Sternberg, Grigorenko, & Kidd, 2005). Third, the material presented here
suggests that a thoughtful examination of the psychology of working will ne-
cessitate a critical view of the sociopolitical context that frames individual life
experiences. This discussion may actually help psychologists engage in in-
formed debates about employment/unemployment policies, training, educa-
tion, and mental health policies. In each of these areas, knowledge of the
fundamental needs that working fulfills forms a central foundation for
thoughtful analyses of the many challenges that exist in developing more
equitable societies.
Viewing working as one of the central theaters of life is no doubt a central
theme of this book; moreover, the material presented here suggests that this
particular theater conveys with vivid clarity the unequal playing field that ex-
ists as people seek to ensure their health, welfare, and security (M. S. Richard-
son, 2000). My hope is that this chapter will facilitate the development of a
body of knowledge that will ultimately inform social policy efforts to enhance
the opportunities that working offers for people to feel empowered and
engaged in their communities and lives.
 Working as a Means
of Social Connection

When you get away from the hard, cold business ethos, that “Oh, we
have to make money,” we can just go with the flow and enjoy what we
are doing. Then the job is fun, and you still make money. You make it
fun for yourself. Most employees get together pretty often—we get
along pretty good. People always have their cliques and remain in
them. We do things for entertainment outside of the restaurant. I’ve
gone out shopping with some of the girls from the job. We spend time
together, maybe a movie, clubs.
—Newman (1999, p. 108)

The news goes from desk to desk

like a memo: Initial
and pass on. Each of us marks
surprised or Sorry.

The management came early

And buried her nameplate
deep in her desk. They have boxed up
The Midol and Lip-Ice,

the snapshots from home,

wherever it was—nephews
and nieces, a strange, blurred cat
with fiery, flashbulb eyes.

as if it grieved. But who grieves here?

We have her ballpoints back,
her bud vase. One of us tears
the scribbles from her calendar.
—Kooser (1980)

86
 WO RKING AND SO CIAL CO NNECT IO N / 87

This is a business (styling hair) that is unlike most, there’s something

very nurturing about it. It is one of the few places in our society where
you have permission to touch people. It’s so intimate. We humans
have a need for connection. Some salons have gone so far in the oppo-
site direction, they’re austere, so above it all. In the shop where I work,
we’ve been through deaths, cancer, weddings. How can someone deni-
grate that?
—Rose (2004, pp. 47–48)

The quotes that start this chapter describe aspects of working that have often
been overlooked or ignored to date—the intimate, complex, and challenging
interactions between working and interpersonal life. In the three opening
contributions, two diverse trajectories are conveyed about the interconnec-
tions between working and interpersonal relationships. In the first passage,
which is from Newman’s (1999) book about urban youth working in fast-food
restaurants, jobs that initially may be viewed as dead-end with little to no posi-
tive benefit except for the pay are described as offering a valuable opportunity
for connection. In contrast, the poem entitled “A Death at the Office” reveals
a profound sense of alienation and disconnection among fellow workers, who
treat a colleague’s death with rituals that have been robbed of their emotional
depth. The third vignette describes the potential for interpersonal connection
in styling hair; the protagonist gives voice to the fundamental need for relat-
edness in an evocative way, reflecting aspects of working that are often not ex-
plicit in traditional scholarship and mental health practice. These three
contributions describe an overlapping web of interconnections that exist
within the shared space of working and interpersonal relationships. In this
chapter, I expand this view by offering a multidimensional examination of
working and relationships, with the objective of exploring the complex ways in
which work and interpersonal life intersect. Moreover, the function of work
in connecting people to the social world, both symbolically and experientially,
is detailed in this chapter.
A review of the literature in vocational and organizational psychology indi-
cates that, with a few notable exceptions (e.g., Flum, 2001; Greenhaus &
Parasuraman, 1999; Hall, 1996; Lopez & Andrews, 1987; Luckey, 1974),
working has been treated as a relatively discrete aspect of human experience,
with little connection to the world of interpersonal relationships. Recent re-
search and theory have considerably shifted this perspective (Blustein, 2001b;
Blustein & Spengler, 1995; M. S. Richardson, 1993; Schultheiss, 2003;
88 / CH A PT ER 4

Swanson, 1995). However, the majority of this work has been within the famil-
iar “grand career narrative,” with little attention devoted to those who have
not had access to an orderly and planful work life. This chapter builds on this
emerging perspective and the previous chapters to advance a relational per-
spective of working. As the chapter unfolds, I highlight the deep, subtle, and
often complex interactions that place working within a web of social
interactions.

Working as a Source of Social Connection

At this juncture in the development of psychological theory, an emerging po-

sition within vocational and organizational psychology can be framed as a
relationally oriented perspective (e.g., Blustein, 2001b; Blustein & Noumair,
1996; Blustein, Prezioso, & Schultheiss, 1995; Blustein, Schultheiss, & Flum,
2004; Flum, 2001; Hall, 1996; Schultheiss, 2003). One of the major influences
in the development of a relationally oriented perspective is in the increasing
realization that working is inherently contextualized in the social fabric of hu-
man experience (Herriot, 2001; Powell, 1999; M. S. Richardson, 1993; Young
& Collin, 1992). Emerging from various directions within both vocational and
organizational psychology, research and theory have increasingly focused on
the external context that frames working (e.g., Hall, 1996; Super, 1980;
Vondracek, Lerner, & Schulenberg, 1986). A major theme that links these
contextually informed perspectives is the explicit attempt to connect working
to the world of intimate relationships and social support networks (Flum,
2001; M. S. Richardson, 1996; Schultheiss, 2003). As I propose in this chapter,
the advancement of a contextual view of career offers important lessons for
the psychology of working, which is explicitly embedded in a social, cultural,
political, and historical context.
From ancient times, working has been deeply intertwined within social and
relational contexts (Gini & Sullivan, 1989; Johnson & Earle, 1987; Wallman,
1979). On the most basic level, working generally took place within the frame-
work of interpersonal relationships and complex social bonds. For example,
early bands of hunters and gatherers often functioned in tandem, pooling tal-
ents and resources to enhance their effectiveness (Goldschmidt, 1990;
Wallman, 1979). Even for ancient workers who functioned in relative isola-
tion (e.g., the shepherd—perhaps the modal job in the Bible), working
brought people into a social sphere based on the inherent need to share one’s
products and to barter and trade in order to ensure survival for oneself and
one’s family. In a very fundamental sense, working facilitates contact with the
 WO RKING AND SO CIAL CO NNECT IO N / 89

broader social fabric of our culture. Individuals who work (as well as individu-
als who consume the products of work) are contributing in some ways to the
overall economic structure of the social order. Thus, the notion that work
functions as a source of social contact actually contains two interrelated di-
mensions. Both historically and currently, work has functioned to foster di-
rect contact and meaningful connections with others. Indeed, some scholars
(e.g., Bowlby, 1982) have suggested that our need for survival in a challenging
context against more powerful predators may have helped humans to develop
communication and to facilitate the emergence of social communities. More-
over, working links us with the broader social context, often providing people
with their major or even sole connection to their culture, political systems,
and economy (Wallman, 1979). Indeed, Grantham’s (2000) analysis of the
shifting workplace within corporate cultures suggests that enhanced rela-
tional bonds and more complex social connections will characterize many
work settings, especially in high-technology settings. Sennet (1998), however,
articulated a contradictory position in which growing technological changes
are viewed as creating more distance, and ultimately, greater isolation for
workers. This dialectical debate forms a cornerstone of the fundamental
question of understanding the nature of the intersection between human
strivings for connection and working.
This chapter explores the intersections of working and relationships,
which have been discussed in various ways in the social and behavioral sci-
ences. Each of the major domains of the relationships/working context is re-
viewed with an initial focus on observations and research findings that are
rooted in the “grand career narrative.” I then highlight ideas about each do-
main, culled from recent social science research and/or narrative and literary
analyses, which have emerged from a more inclusive exploration of the full
range of working experiences, outside of the traditional bodies of knowledge.
I conclude with a clinical case to illuminate how work and social connections
function in a recursive and complex manner to paint a full picture of life
experience.

Family Life and Working

The focus on the connections between family life and working has been a con-
sistent and growing theme in both vocational and organizational psychology
(e.g., Blustein, Walbridge, Friedlander, & Palladino, 1991; Cinnamon & Rich,
2002; Greenhaus & Parasuraman, 1999). The most heavily examined lines of
inquiry in this area are the discussions of the complex boundaries that are
90 / CH A PT ER 4

shared by work and family life (e.g., Barnett & Hyde, 2001; Fletcher & Bailyn,
1996; Fredriksen-Goldsen & Scharlach, 2001; Greenhaus & Parasuraman,
1999; Parasuraman & Greenhaus, 1997), which are reviewed next.

The Interface Between Working and Family Life

Work and family issues have generally been examined in relation to the diffi-
culty that workers experience in negotiating work and family responsibili-
ties, which often occur in tandem and evoke considerable stress in
individuals, families, and work contexts (Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987;
Greenhaus & Parasuraman, 1999). From an historical perspective, much of
the scholarly interest in the family/work interface initially was related to the
fact that women have become increasingly active in the paid employment
sector in middle-class Western cultures, particularly after World War II
(Fredriksen-Goldsen & Scharlach, 2001). Historical analyses of work have
pointed to World War II as the major cultural antecedent that facilitated the
movement of women to the labor market (Barnett & Hyde, 2001;
Hesse-Biber & Carter, 2000). The need for workers in factories due to the
notable loss of men who were serving in the armed forces helped many West-
ern cultures overcome an historical reluctance to allow women to have an
active role in the paid workforce. Thus, after World War II, women entered
the labor force in greater numbers, leading to many critically needed ad-
vances in gender equity that have emerged from feminist initiatives in the
later half of the 20th century.
As a result of these gender-based changes in the workforce, the literature
on work–family linkages has historically been examined within the rubric of
“women’s issues.” In reality, the struggle to find ways of relating meaning-
fully to both work and family is a challenge for both men and women
(Barnett & Hyde, 2001; Greenhaus & Parasuraman, 1999). Barnett and
Hyde noted that “adding the worker role is beneficial to women, and adding
or participating in family roles is beneficial for men” (2001, p. 784). The con-
tribution by Barnett and Hyde outlined an expansionist theory of the
work–family interface that seeks to bring this literature into the 21st cen-
tury. In relation to existing perspectives of the work–family interrelation-
ship that have been based on empirical research that is no longer credible,
Barnett and Hyde have postulated four principles that can be used to guide
scholarship and practice in the family–work domain. These postulates fur-
nish useful perspectives with which to view the complex network of relations
shared by men, women, and work:
 WO RKING AND SO CIAL CO NNECT IO N / 91

I Men and women who have multiple roles (including active work and
family responsibilities) benefit in a variety of domains, including mental
health, physical health, and relationship functioning.
I A number of important psychosocial processes contribute to the en-
hancement of the balance of work and family in contemporary middle
class cultures, including buffering (wherein stress in one domain is com-
pensated by satisfaction in another domain), social support, success in
life pursuits, and adaptive gender-role beliefs.
I There are specific conditions in which multiple roles are beneficial; how-
ever, the benefits of multiple roles actually depend on the time demands
and commitments involved in each role.
I Consistent with conclusions reached by other scholars (e.g.,Wester,
Vogel, Pressly, & Heesacker, 2002), “psychological gender differences
are not, in general, large or immutable” (Barnett & Hyde, 2001, p. 784).

Although this expansionist theory offers a broader view of family–work in-

teractions, the underlying assumptions of this literature continue to highlight
the lives of relatively well-educated and affluent individuals in Western cul-
tures. Indeed, the study of dual-career couples, which has emerged as a major
scholarly initiative in recent years, has focused primarily on couples in which
both individuals are making volitional choices about their lines of work (e.g.,
Gilbert, 1988). Attention to populations that are not part of the “grand career
narrative” can be derived from diverse sources, primarily scholarship that ex-
amines the work–family conflicts of people of color and of individuals in
different historical and cultural circumstances, which is examined next.
Unlike the relatively neat theoretical models that predominate the study of
family–work linkages within middle-class populations (e.g., Barnett & Hyde,
2001; Fredriksen-Goldsen & Scharlach, 2001), the situation faced by workers
who do not have volitional vocational options is far more complex and murky.
The empirical research that has been conducted on working class and poor in-
dividuals has revealed a complex set of relationships that, in many ways, defy
simple theoretical lines (Borman, 1991; Menaghan & Parcel, 1990; Perry-
Jenkins & Gillman, 2000; Rubin, 1994). Indeed, the scholarship on work and
family among poor and working class populations has primarily emerged
from sociological research, which, while quite informative, does not capture
the full range and depth of psychological experiences.
Vignettes that capture the rich and highly textured interactions that exist in
the space shared by family life and working may not yield parsimonious theo-
ries, but they may provide a more experience-near understanding of working.
The following passage is taken from a collection of essays and interviews of
92 / CH A PT ER 4

women working in mines (Moore, 1996); this vignette provides some insight
into the highly connected interactions that occur in family and working expe-
riences within a working-class context:

With both of us [husband and wife] in the mines, we had an important part of
our lives in common. We had the children, of course, and our day-to-day life
together, but you get closer when you share work like coal mining. It gave Red
[her husband] a new respect for me. And it gave me a much deeper under-
standing of what his years in the mines have meant to him. After I started in
the mine, Red was even more gentle with me. He tried so hard to make things
nice for me at home, because he knew what I’d been through during the day.
We didn’t have that much time together. I worked the graveyard shift, and he
was on straight afternoons. But we had mornings and weekends, and it was
what you would call quality time …. On the crew it’s like the group becomes a
single person. Some wives have trouble with their husbands’ developing such a
close relationship with women. It’s not sexual, but a type of friendship that
they can’t share. (pp. 223–224)

The preceding vignette captures an experience of diverse social connec-

tions inherent in some of the working lives of people who have not had access
to highly remunerative jobs. This passage conveys how work groups can func-
tion as family and how one’s occupational life can have positive effects in inti-
mate and familial relationships. While the relational perspectives have
tended to portray a picture of a challenging work life that is compensated to
some degree by a supportive network of relationships and connections, a
close look at narratives and memoirs reveals a far more complex picture about
the social roots of working.
In the following poem by Carl Sandburg, entitled “Mag,” the relation-
ship/working space engenders considerable anguish as the need to work for
survival is unfulfilled, leaving a gaping hole in the protagonist’s ability to de-
rive benefit from relationships:

I wish to God I never saw you, Mag.

I wish you never quit your job and came along with me.
I wish we never bought a license and a white dress
For you to get married in the day we ran off to a minister
And told him we would love each other and take care of
each other
Always and always long as the sun and the rain lasts anywhere.
Yes, I’m wishing now you lived somewhere away from here
And I was a bum on the bumpers a thousand miles away
dead broke.
I wish the kids had never come
And rent and coal and clothes to pay for
 WO RKING AND SO CIAL CO NNECT IO N / 93

And a grocery man calling for cash,

Every day cash for beans and prunes.
I wish to God I never saw you, Mag.
I wish to God the kids had never come. (Sandburg, 1994, p. 11)

This poem attests to the pain of not being able to earn sufficient money to
support one’s family. The protagonist in this poem describes the feeling of
wishing that he had never married Mag rather than face the intense disappoint-
ment and despair of not being able to sustain their most basic survival needs.
The capacity for working to fulfill needs for interpersonal connection is
richly evident, in both traditional social and behavioral science literature as
well in the voices of poets and workers. In a tangible sense, working allows
people to support themselves and thereby facilitates the resources to create
relationships and family lives. However, the fact that working is often inacces-
sible and/or psychologically or physically painful creates a complication in the
family–work interface that requires greater understanding and study. One of
the useful means of exploring the family within a broader framework is
systems thinking, which is described next.

Family Systems Perspectives

Drawing on the innovative epistemology of systems theories (Patton &

McMahon, 1999), a number of scholars have crafted perspectives of career that
are rooted in a systems-based analysis of families and social structures (e.g.,
Chusid & Cochran, 1989; Lopez & Andrews, 1987; Ulrich & Dunne, 1986).
The application of family systems theories to the traditional psychological
study of careers has offered an illuminating perspective with which to view the
interconnections between life roles. The family systems perspectives that have
been used in this theoretical movement generally rely on some of the funda-
mental assumptions that characterize the diverse world of family therapy (e.g.,
Patton & McMahon, 1999). One of the core assumptions is that causality is not
generally linear in complex human relationships; rather, causal connections are
thought to be recursive and reciprocal in that a given action can be considered
to shift an entire psychological system (Bowen, 1978; Patton & McMahon,
1999). Another assumption in this perspective is that individual behavior is best
understood from the conceptual lens offered by family systems theory (Bowen,
1978). In other words, if an individual were having trouble making a decision
about work and school well into adulthood, one would wonder what function
this may serve not just for the individual, but also for the individual’s entire fam-
ily and relational system (Lopez & Andrews, 1987).
94 / CH A PT ER 4

A particularly compelling observation in this line of work is that individuals

have the potential to reenact aspects of their unresolved family issues in the
workplace (Chusid & Chochran, 1989). In fact, an extensive line of clinically
oriented scholarship has emerged that has attempted to reduce the artificial
boundaries that social scientists have established around the complex threads
of contemporary human existence (e.g., Blustein, 2001b; Lowman, 1993). In
addition, the reenactment of unresolved issues can be manifested from work
to home life. For example, an individual who is experiencing despair and
shame at work may bring his or her anger to the home setting, where the ex-
pression of such affect may result in fewer social and economic consequences,
albeit more pain for family members (Blustein & Spengler, 1995; Patton &
McMahon, 1999).
Patton and McMahon (1999) have provided an excellent synthesis of the
systems perspective of career development. Using a broad systems perspec-
tive (as opposed to a more focused family systems approach), Patton and
McMahon advocated the use of a systems theory framework as a means of or-
ganizing thinking about the career development process. Specifically, Patton
and McMahon have argued that career issues are best conceptualized from a
broad systemic vantage point that affirms the circular and recursive nature of
interactions between working and other life roles. In relation to the family–
career connection, the Patton and McMahon contribution has sketched a set
of concentric circles that frame the individual’s career choices and adjust-
ment to working. Included in this array of factors are community groups,
peers, and family.
The family systems analyses have certainly sought to contextualize our un-
derstanding of career development. However, like most studies of career and
organizational psychology, this line of inquiry has assumed that individuals
have some volitional input into the nature of the work they choose and how
they wish to express their interests in the world. Even with this limitation, the
flexibility of this epistemological perspective does have relevance to the psy-
chology of working. On one level, the attempt to integrate family systems
thinking with vocational behavior has facilitated the creation of the intellec-
tual foundation for a relational perspective of working. Thus, this line of in-
quiry has helped scholars and practitioners to consider the reality that
work-related experiences are embedded in a relational matrix with complex
interactions governing the nature and direction of relationships between
family life and work life.
As in the literature on family–work interactions, this scholarship has
tended to view working from the “career” lens. While the infusion of feminist
thinking has helped family systems theories to consider nontraditional family
 WO RKING AND SO CIAL CO NNECT IO N / 95

structures, the reality that most people in the world are not making conscious,
willful decisions about working has yet to be incorporated into this perspec-
tive. For example, one wonders what a family systems analysis would reveal
about impoverished people for whom work represents the sole means of feed-
ing themselves and their families. I suspect that some of the principles would
be relevant; however, these questions require careful thought and empirical
scholarship as we travel the road to a psychology of working that is
constructed from the inner experiences of workers around the globe.

A Relational Approach to Working

A particularly promising new direction that has originated within both voca-
tional psychology and organizational development has focused on the con-
nection between natural human strivings for connection and various aspects
of work life (e.g., Flum, 2001; Hall, 1996). As an introduction to a set of re-
search articles on work and relationships (Blustein, 2001b), I proposed that
psychology is presently undergoing a relational revolution. The perspective
that is emerging from diverse lines of inquiry is based on the notion that hu-
man beings have a natural, inherent striving for connection, attachment, and
intimate relationships (e.g., Bowlby, 1982; Jordan, Kaplan, Miller, Stiver, &
Surrey, 1991; Josselson, 1992; Mitchell, 1988). In contrast to views of human
behavior in which sexual and biological drives or learning contingencies are
considered primary to human behavior, relational perspectives are based on
assumptions that many aspects of our emotional and behavioral lives can be
understood as manifestations of strivings for connection and closeness with
important others. (See Josselson, 1992, and Mitchell, 1988, for more detailed
analyses of these positions.) For the most part, the development of the rela-
tional perspectives has emerged from the crucible of therapy relationships,
drawing from the discourse of clients who have tended to frame much of their
lives in the language and affect of relationships (Josselson; Wachtel, 1993).
For example, the relational perspectives suggest that feelings of anger or rage,
which some theoreticians view as inherent to the human condition (e.g.,
Freud, 1930), are actually secondary or derivative experiences, emerging
from relational lapses and disappointments (Mitchell, 1988).
In actuality, the relational perspectives represent a number of different
theories, some of which have emerged from psychoanalysis (e.g., Mitchell,
1997), feminist theory (e.g., Jordan et al., 1991), and developmental psychol-
ogy (e.g., Bowlby, 1988). When considered collectively, relational perspec-
tives explore not just the nature of interpersonal and intimate human
96 / CH A PT ER 4

behavior, but also examine the functions of interpersonal life in relation to a

wider array of human behaviors. As Bowlby (1988) stated, human beings are
“hard-wired” to experience attachment bonds in early infancy, which en-
hances the survival chances of vulnerable infants and children. At the same
time, adults are “programmed” to experience caregiving bonds to infants and
children, thereby enhancing the likelihood of passing their genes along and
ideally ensuring their viability as they grow old (Bowlby, 1988).
Relational theorists have presented compelling evidence supporting the
fact that people seek connection with others, from their earliest days as babies
well into their adult and elderly years (e.g., Flum, 2001; Josselson, 1992;
Kohut, 1977). These strivings take the form of romantic attachments, close
friendships, family connections, and work-based connections (Ainsworth,
1989; Bowlby, 1988; Feeney & Noller, 1990; Hall, 1996). Moreover, clinical
wisdom coupled with extensive empirical research has increasingly pointed to
the importance of relationships in providing a critical buffer in the face of
stress, mental illness, unemployment, and other aversive life events (e.g.,
Aquino, Russell, Cutrona, & Altmaier, 1996; Cutrona, 1996; Greenhaus &
Parasraman, 1999).

The Striving for Connection and Working

The connection between strivings for relational closeness and intimacy and
working has been explored by Flum (2001), who applied the relational taxon-
omy developed by Josselson (1992) to the career development process. In
Josselson’s original study, eight dimensions of relatedness were identified by
qualitative interviews and diagrams of the relational space. Flum selected
seven of these dimensions including attachment, eye-to-eye validation, ideal-
ization/identification, mutuality, embeddedness, holding, and tending (or
caregiving), and applied them to various aspects of vocational life. The com-
pelling argument that Flum developed underscores the critically important
shared space that exists between working and relational functioning.
How, then, does a relational perspective fit into our thinking about the psy-
chological functions of working? In my view, the implications of the relational
perspectives are dramatic and far-reaching. If we assume that human beings
are oriented toward interpersonal and intimate connections with others, then
we may have an opportunity to examine various aspects of work behavior in
an informative light. The first issue that we need to address is the artificial
boundary that has often existed around psychological and scientific examina-
tions of work and interpersonal life. Consistent with a contextual analysis of
 WO RKING AND SO CIAL CO NNECT IO N / 97

working, it seems clear that one of the major sources of influence is the world
of human relationships (Josselson, 1992; Schultheiss, 2003). More impor-
tantly, some of the functions of working may be understood as supporting the
inherent striving for connection that is so critical in contemporary
perspectives of human behavior.
Considerable scholarly research has supported the proposition that work is
inherently relational, with highly complex and recursive relationships occur-
ring throughout the work–relationship interface. For example, numerous stud-
ies have identified the role of close attachment relationships in negotiating
various aspects of the career development process (see Blustein et al., 1995,
and Schultheiss, 2003, for a review of this research). Similarly, positive findings
have been identified in the study of unemployed adults, demonstrating that ac-
cess to consistent and available social support is a major buffer against the
aversive consequences of unemployment (Fineman, 1983; Gore, 1978;
O’Brien, 1986). Recent efforts by Flum (2001), Schultheiss (2003), and others
(e.g., Phillips, Christopher-Sisk, & Gravino, 2001) have explored various di-
mensions of the interface between work and relationships. These contributions
have initiated a mapping process in which the space shared by work and rela-
tionships is being charted. A consistent finding in this scholarship is that the
availability of close social supports and intimate relationships is highly advanta-
geous in negotiating career development tasks and in effectively dealing with
career crises and stresses (Blustein, Phillips, Jobin-Davis, Finkelberg, &
Roarke, 1997; Blustein et al., 1991; Phillips et al., 2001).
One of the more important contributions emerging from a relational anal-
ysis of working has been articulated by Hall and his colleagues (1996), who
used contemporary relational theory to expand our understanding of the ca-
reer experiences of management-level and professional workers. Fletcher’s
(1996) chapter applied the self-in-relation model developed by scholars from
the Stone Center at Wellesley College (Jordan et al., 1991; J. B. Miller, 1986)
to the working experiences within large organizations. The chapters by Kram
(1996) and W. A. Kahn (1996) integrated theories derived from Bowlby’s
(1982) attachment theory and other relational theories that have emerged in
feminist thought (e.g., Jordan et al., 1991) to the traditionally masculine envi-
ronment of the modern corporate work setting in North America and Eu-
rope. Taken together, the major conclusions of their contributions are
summarized as follows:

I Psychological growth is not only contingent upon strivings for autonomy

and independence, but is also rooted in strivings for connection, attach-
ment, and intimacy.
98 / CH A PT ER 4

I Working life within organizations often generates important relational

challenges, which, if resolved successfully, can help workers to advance
their careers. Thus, conversations with others about career concerns
along with developing mentors have the potential to furnish individuals
with many of the tools to affect positive changes in their work lives.
I Workers can enhance highly stressful organizational settings by striving
to create safe relational havens, thereby replicating a key ingredient in
the relational matrix.

Consistent with the position I advance in this chapter, Hall (1996) argued
that relational connections and influences refer not just to the individual’s
proximal interpersonal context, but also to the entire social milieu. More-
over, Hall’s contributions have been constructed in light of the rapid
changes in the organizational career narrative. Interestingly, Hall concludes
with a concern for older workers and for blue-collar workers who have been
left out of much of the recent discourse on careers, foreshadowing the issues
raised in this book.
In another relevant contribution, Herriot (2001) advanced a position in
which the relationship between employees and employers in corporate set-
tings is viewed as the major factor in helping individuals to engage effec-
tively in their work lives. Moreover, given the heightened nature of
competition among modern corporations, Herriot argues that the employ-
ment relationship ought to be far less conflictual than is currently the case in
many settings. For Herriot, the key relationship at work is the connection
between the individual and the organization; however, Herriot acknowl-
edges that the organization consists of people who need to work out rela-
tionship struggles on a daily basis. The Herriot argument is that inherent
dialectical struggles exist within many organizations in which positive attrib-
utes of an employment relationship are countered by a flip side that under-
cuts the potential assets of adaptive employee–employer relationships. One
possible solution to these challenges is that dialogue needs to take place en-
compassing not just thoughts and ideas, but also emotions and feelings (cf.
Payne & Cooper, 2001).
Also using an explicit relational framework is Sennett’s work (1998), ini-
tially presented in chapter 2, which described the disturbing consequences
that have transformed the lives of workers who face an increasingly dehuman-
izing market-based structure. For Sennett, the key characteristic of modern
capitalism is flexibility, which influences the nature of worker specialization,
production, and organizational structure. In the face of this pervasive lack of
consistency, Sennett proposes that workers have lost a key element of inner
 WO RKING AND SO CIAL CO NNECT IO N / 99

stability and have also lost a profound sense of connection to their commu-
nity. In this insightful analysis, Sennett describes the loss of a sense of “we” in
the working lives of managers and other educated workers. Sennett argues
that the social stigma of interdependence, which has been promoted in part by
many corporate cultures, has led to a sense of shame about strivings for con-
nection, which collude with the changes in organizational life to evoke
feelings of mistrust and alienation.
In a similar vein, Fletcher and Bailyn (1996) advocated that modern orga-
nizations have increasingly diminished the capacity for workers to balance
family and career. With the advent of downsizing and the growing competi-
tiveness of the global economy, many corporate entities have reduced family
benefits and have demanded (either explicitly or implicitly) that workers who
want to get ahead need to devote themselves first and foremost to their work
responsibilities. Fletcher and Bailyn argue that our social structure will suffer
from the loss of available adults to care for others (such as children, the el-
derly, and our communities). Moreover, they suggest that organizations will
ultimately suffer as people are forced to make unnatural choices between
work and family.
In closing, various lines of research and theory development have linked
vocational functioning to the world of relationships, social support, and inti-
macy (e.g., Blustein, 2001b; Flum, 2001). While some of the studies have em-
ployed relatively well-educated samples, an increasing number of
investigations and theoretical innovations are involving participants who do
not have access to rigorous education and upwardly mobile careers (e.g.,
Blustein et al., 2002; Phillips et al., 2001). These studies and conceptual initia-
tives, which are reviewed later in the chapter, form the basis for a relational
perspective on working.

Relational Conflict and Working

As social and behavioral scientists as well as counselors increasingly attend to

the interface of work-related issues and relational functioning, it becomes
clear that the shared space can also contain patches of darkness and conflict.
As an illustration, in a recent study by my research team (Blustein et al., 2001),
we examined the “Getting Down to Cases” series from the Career Develop-
ment Quarterly, which revealed that conflict in relationships does at times in-
terface with working life. A number of career counseling vignettes in this
series described individuals, many of whom experienced little to no volition in
their work lives, as struggling considerably with interpersonal conflict that af-
100 / CH A PT ER 4

fected their work. Another observation, albeit based on a minority of cases

from this series, revealed that social comparison (in which individuals com-
pare their progress with others) had the potential to serve as a motivator in re-
solving difficult vocational tasks.
The next passage, coming from the classic play by Arthur Miller entitled
“Death of a Salesman” (1949), describes the pain and disappointment in fac-
ing one’s family after experiencing work disappointments:

Biff: Hap, I’ve had twenty or thirty different kinds of jobs since I left home
before the war, and it always turns out the same. I just realized it lately. In
Nebraska when I herded cattle, and the Dakotas, and Arizona, and now Texas.
It’s why I came home now, I guess, because I realized it. This farm I work on,
it’s spring there now, see? And they’ve got about fifteen new colts. There’s
nothing more inspiring or—beautiful than the sight of a mare and a new colt.
And it’s cool there now, see? Texas is cool now and it’s spring. And whenever
spring comes to where I am, I suddenly get the feeling, my God, I’m not
gettin’ anywhere! What the hell am I doing, playing around with horses,
twenty-eight dollars a week! I’m thirty-four years old, I oughta be makin’ my
future. That’s when I come running home. And now, I get here, and I don’t
know what to do with myself. After a pause: I’ve always made a point of not
wasting my life, and everytime I come back here I know that all I’ve done is to
waste my life. (p. 23)

This passage is complex in its nuances and feeling about the sense of expe-
riencing oneself as a failure. What is particularly striking about it is that some-
how Biff is exposed to a rather negatively tinged sort of mirroring wherein he
feels empty and depleted in the face of his historic conflicts with his father,
Willy. Indeed, the textual material from Miller’s classic play suggests that, at
times, family relationships may exert aversive influences on an individual’s
working life.

Research on Relationships and Working:

Empirical and Narrative Analyses

A handful of studies in recent years have foreshadowed the psychology of

working with a particular focus on the role of relationships in the work lives of
individuals who generally have not had access to the “grand career narrative.”
For example, my colleagues and I (Blustein et al., 1997) found that support
from parents, teachers, and other important adults predicted job satisfaction
and occupational congruence among non-college-bound young adults. Simi-
lar findings have been identified by Schultheiss, Kress, Manzi, and Jeffrey
 WO RKING AND SO CIAL CO NNECT IO N / 101

(2001) as well as Way and Rossman (1996a, b), who have each concluded that
relational support is of particular importance to working-class adolescents
and young adults. In addition, a review that my colleagues and I (Blustein,
Juntunen, & Worthington, 2000) conducted on the school-to-work transition
for non-college-bound youth revealed that contact with adults and support
from family members are significant factors in the negotiation of the difficult
move from high school to the labor market. These studies suggest that the re-
lational support is potentially quite relevant to a psychology of working. How-
ever, a closer look at a number of recent qualitative studies provides a more
in-depth view of the nature and extent of the relational context of working.
Juntunen and her colleagues (Juntunen et al., 2001) focused on the work
experiences of a sample of 18 Native Americans adults. Using in-depth inter-
views and a rigorous qualitative design, Juntunen et al. found that the working
lives of Native Americans were explicitly nested within their social networks,
particularly their families and communities. For example, decisions about
schooling and work were generally made in collaboration with family mem-
bers. As the following passage from one of the participants conveys, even
thoughts and dreams of success are rooted in one’s feelings for family and
community:

At basic levels, success means being able to feed and clothe my children. To
send them to college. To buy a home. On a higher level, success is getting to a
point where I can contribute to … Native Americans. I can’t honestly say
success for me would be an individual thing. I think my family would be in-
volved. I would hope that success for me would mean success for them also. I
think my success will definitely be shared with the rest of the family and the
community. (Juntunen et al., 2001, p. 278)

This passage describes the interrelated needs that working fulfills in both
ensuring survival and affirming relational and familial connections. The pro-
tagonist in this vignette conveys the deep sense of connection that exists be-
tween one’s work life and one’s relational life in a culture that fosters
collectivist values.
One of the more impressive sets of findings from the growing research on
the role of relationships among working class and poor populations is the re-
search by Phillips and her colleagues (e.g., Phillips et al., 2001). In contrast to
notions of career decision making that are made in an autonomous fashion,
Phillips and her research group have found that working class and poor indi-
viduals generally approach decision points about work and school in a consul-
tative fashion. In short, the working class young adults from these studies,
who were typically in jobs that did not require college training, tended to
102 / CH A PT ER 4

make decisions explicitly in a social context, often obtaining input from their
families and other responsible adults in their lives. The following excerpt
from a participant in the Phillips et al. (2001) study underscores the relational
context of decision making among working class adults who have not
completed a 4-year college:

I don’t make decisions alone. I make them with my family. And if it meets
everybody’s needs then I know it’s O.K. So I mean my family has a big part in
a lot of decisions I make and what goes on. I don’t just have the power to
make decisions by myself, because I have to check everybody’s agenda and to
make sure that everything fits, and then I can go, O.K. (p. 203)

This vignette describes the embedded nature of decision making for a

student who is able to articulate a web of relational connections that have of-
ten been overlooked in traditional career development theory and research.
Moreover, the Phillips et al. (2001) research has effectively raised questions
about the reification of rational decision making in career development the-
ory and practice and the corresponding denigration of relationally embed-
ded decision-making styles. The Phillips et al. study identified an adaptive
mode of decision making known as “consultative,” offering a glimpse of the
potential for the psychology of working to transform some of the conven-
tional wisdom of traditional career development and organizational psy-
chology theory.
In addition to the support of others in decision making, recent research has
identified the role of significant family members and friends in preparing for
work-based transitions. Phillips et al. (2002) interviewed work-bound elev-
enth-grade students in two high schools, one urban and one in a working-class
suburb, with the intention of exploring their views of their lives after high
school. A number of the participants focused on their social supports and at-
tachments as critical factors in how they felt about their futures and how they
were able to handle the responsibilities and challenges of high school. The fol-
lowing participant’s comments describe the relational climate that seems to
support an optimistic and planful approach to the school-to-work transition:

My mother, she’s been helpful. It’s like a lot of things. If it wasn’t for my
mother …. Like cause everybody needs someone to motivate them. Like have
somebody talk to you about good things in life, and if you don’t have nobody
to talk to then it’s like you be straight. You don’t know what’s going on out
there ….

As the previous vignette suggests, when close, supportive and consistent

relational connections are available, the struggles of working may be some-
 WO RKING AND SO CIAL CO NNECT IO N / 103

what less painful. However, the existence of close relationships does not, in of
itself, confer positive attributes to a client, student, or worker. In contrast, it
seems that close connections provide the soil for effective work-based transi-
tions, providing, of course, that opportunities are available and individuals
are able to access these opportunities in a relatively equitable fashion.
A relatively unexplored aspect of the relationship–working interface is the
role of intimate connections in warding off the psychic pain of numbing work
tasks. A conceptual framework for understanding how intense intimate con-
nections can function in life is found in Kohut’s (1977) self psychology. In
Kohut’s formulations, the self is the major organizing structure for human be-
havior and development. The full theoretical richness of Kohut’s work in de-
scribing the psychological antecedents and consequences of variations in self
experience is beyond the scope of this book. (I refer interested readers to A.
Kahn, 1993; Strozier, 2001; Wolfe, 1988, for more detailed descriptions of
Kohut’s work.) In self psychology, human beings are viewed as striving for
self-cohesion, which is characterized by feelings of confidence, healthy self-
regard, and the ability to tolerate the emotional ups and downs of life. The op-
posite of self-cohesion is self-fragmentation, wherein one experiences feel-
ings of depletion, sadness, needs for constant affirmation, and incoherence.
One way of warding off self-fragmentation feelings is to use alcohol or drugs,
or to engage in intense sexual relationships, often with little emotional com-
mitment. The function of such interpersonal experiences has been detailed
quite evocatively in novels and other forms of human narrative. The following
excerpt from Sillitoe’s (1958) novel entitled Saturday Night and Sunday Morn-
ing gives voice to the feelings of despair and alienation at work, which is dealt
with by drinking binges and sexual liaisons with the wife of a co-worker:

Arthur sweated at his lathe, working at the same fast pace as in winter to keep
the graph-line of his earnings level. Life went on like as assegai into the blue,
with dim memories of the dole and schooldays behind, and a dimmer feeling
of death in front, a present life punctuated by meetings with Brenda on certain
beautiful evenings when the streets were warm and noisy and the clouds did a
moonlight-flit over the rooftops. They made love in the parlour or bedroom
and felt the ocean of suburb falling asleep outside of their minuscular coracle
of untouchable hope and bliss. (p. 136)

The protagonist in Sillitoe’s novel is cognizant of his feelings of disengage-

ment and despair about his job. He realizes, though, that without this work,
despite its tediousness and danger, he would have no work at all. As such, he
sees a life of greyness around him, coloring his views of the past, present, and
future. To ward off these feelings and to reach for some meaning in life, he has
104 / CH A PT ER 4

initiated an affair with a co-worker’s wife, who offers him some solace, at least
when they are together. However, Arthur describes elsewhere in the book his
fear of marriage, which he views as creating even more burdens in his life.
While it is obvious that Arthur’s despair is very likely due to more than his
struggles with work, Sillitoe’s novel conveys the way in which the affair with
Brenda, despite its moral compromises, offers at least a brief respite from the
dullness of his factory job.

Concluding Comments

In sum, the various studies and theoretical statements on relational strivings

and working point to a fundamental connection between our relational lives
and our working lives. The precise nature of the linkage is difficult to discern
and is clearly rooted in a cultural and historical context that belies parsimoni-
ous theoretical propositions. However, the framework that this material has
established provides firm scaffolding for a relational approach to working,
which is described further at the conclusion of this chapter.

Caregiving and Working

One of the important contributions of M. S. Richardson’s (1993) seminal arti-

cle on work was her clear endorsement of caregiving as a specific aspect of
work. In this book, caregiving refers to efforts that are devoted to caring for
children, elderly relatives, and other significant people in one’s life (cf.
Fredriksen-Goldsen & Scharlach, 2001). Indeed, consistent with recent find-
ings suggesting far fewer inherent sex differences due to biological disposi-
tion than had originally been considered in the past (e.g., Hesse-Biber &
Carter, 2000; Wester, Vogel, Page, & Heesacker, 2002), there is little biologi-
cal evidence to support a bifurcation of caregiving roles based on gender.
While few would argue that caregiving is a form of work, some debate exists as
to how this aspect of our lives is understood. (Although I advocate that care-
giving be considered a form of working, I also believe that helping others,
whether they be our children, family members, or elderly, represents an in-
herent aspect of being human that includes, but is clearly not limited to the
psychological experience of working.)
The existence of notable gender differences in the division of caregiving la-
bor is a reality that continues to plague many women in Western cultures
(Fredriksen-Goldsen & Scharlach, 2001; Greenhaus & Parasuraman, 1999).
 WO RKING AND SO CIAL CO NNECT IO N / 105

In the psychology of working, one of the goals of scholarly and policy initia-
tives needs to be continued changes toward equalization of gender-based
commitments to caregiving. The growing psychological study of masculinity
and men’s issues (e.g., Levant & Brooks, 1997; Mahalik, 1999) is providing an
important knowledge base with which to develop social policies that will help
to reduce the aversive impact of gender role socialization. As we understand
the nature of men’s socialization, it will be easier to affect change by enhanc-
ing opportunities for men to access, without shame, their natural relational
strivings as boys (Pollack, 2000).
A critical perspective in understanding caregiving is the reality that this
sort of work is not inherently valued (Fitzgerald & Weitzman, 1992;
Fredriksen-Goldsen & Scharlach, 2001). In brief, caregiving work is generally
not compensated with money or explicit access to economic or social power.
As a result, caregivers struggle in many communities in Western cultures to
care for themselves and their loved ones; moreover, working as a caregiver
may leave an individual at a distinct disadvantage when attempting to locate
paid employment. As an example of the way in which caregiving is viewed, the
current situation in the United States offers a number of observations that un-
derscore a lack of respect for caregiving. For instance, child care in the United
States is not offered in a nationally governed or systematic fashion to parents.
In addition, nursery school teachers in the United States are paid consider-
ably less than their peers in elementary and secondary education, often earn-
ing only half of the salary of their peers at higher grade levels (U.S.
Department of Labor, 2004). Moreover, there is considerable evidence sug-
gesting that women continue to do the vast majority of caregiving work, even
when they are working outside of the home full-time (Fredriksen-Goldsen &
Scharlach, 2001).
A particularly evocative exploration of these issues is found in the com-
ment from a husband in Rubin’s (1994) analysis of working class families in
the United States in the late 1980s and early 1990s, who remarked:

I know that my wife works all day, just like I do … but it’s not the same. She
doesn’t have (italics in original) to do it. I mean, she has (italics in original) to
because we need the money, but it’s different. It’s not really her job to have to
be working; it’s mine …. I do my share around the house, only she doesn’t see
it that way. Maybe if you add it all up, I don’t do as much as she does, but then
she doesn’t bring in as much money as I do. And she doesn’t always have to be
looking for overtime to make an extra buck. (p. 85)

While this one illustration certainly does not speak for an entire culture
with respect to the gender differentiation that has occurred in caregiving
106 / CH A PT ER 4

roles, it does capture a time and place that resonates for many in Western
countries. In my view, the first way to redress this considerable source of ineq-
uity is to dignify caregiving by considering it as a legitimate form of working.
Obviously, caregiving is not solely a working activity in a psychological sense;
caregiving also is a relational process in which considerable emotional and in-
tellectual effort is expended. However, caregiving certainly satisfies many of
the criteria of working that are advanced in this book. First, caregiving func-
tions to enhance the social connection of both the giver of care as well as the
recipient of care. Second, caregiving has the potential to foster self-determi-
nation in that it offers individuals a critical expression of inherent motivations
and dreams, often related to family goals or to the intrinsic motivation to be
helpful to others. Third, caregiving has the potential to enhance power in that
one has legitimate and significant social responsibility for the development
and adjustment of other individuals. However, in North America and to a
lesser extent in Europe, caregiving does not confer the sort of power that is as-
sociated with financial rewards and access to power within organizational
contexts (Fredriksen-Goldsen & Scharlach, 2001). As such, the psychological
function of caregiving as offering people access to legitimate economic and
political power actually represents an aspiration as opposed to a description
of the status quo in most Western cultures.
In my view, a consideration of caregiving as working may help social and
behavioral scientists to advocate for more humane and equitable policies for
those who care for children, individuals with disabling conditions, and the el-
derly. Indeed, the lack of status associated with caregiving in the United
States in comparison to the status that it has in other cultures suggests that so-
cial policies and shifting mores may help to change the status quo with respect
to the work lives of caregivers.

Working as a Means of Connecting

to the Broader Social World

In addition to providing people with a means of accessing relationships and so-

cial support, I propose that working helps people to connect to the broader so-
cial and economic world. Given that most adults work and that this collective
effort yields considerable economic and social resources, I believe that the ex-
perience of working functions to connect people to the external world, includ-
ing the economy, political structure, and culture. The process of working,
regardless of the type of job one has, adds to the economic resources and over-
all social structure of a culture. Thus, while a business executive or other highly
 WO RKING AND SO CIAL CO NNECT IO N / 107

trained professional may have more status than an attendant at a car wash or
migrant farm worker, the social and economic fabric theoretically needs each
thread to create the current economic and social structure.
Considerable research has documented the benefits that working affords
in helping people to feel more engaged with their communities. Wilson
(1996), for example, described how the lack of working engendered feelings
of alienation among inner-city African American residents in Chicago, lead-
ing to less family cohesion and to increases in self-destructive behavior. In ad-
dition, Shore (1998) argued that work functioned to help at-risk adolescents
become more engaged in their lives. Similar arguments have been advanced
in rehabilitation counseling in which the experience of working has been
thought to help individuals with disabling conditions feel more connected to
the broader social and economic world (e.g., Szymanski & Parker, 2003). Fi-
nally, Sennett’s critique of the loss of a sense of “we” at the workplace under-
scores the consequences that lack of access to work creates in individuals who
then struggle to fit into their communities.
The social connections described thus far, therefore, encompass the real
relationships that exist at one’s work setting, in the relational spaces sur-
rounding work, and the more symbolic relationships that exist between indi-
viduals and the social world. The symbolic connections that are established,
naturally, are more elusive and subtle than are the real relationships that have
been discussed throughout this chapter. However, I believe that working
plays a valuable, and often understated, role in connecting people to their
communities and to the overall social context. Clearly, more research is
needed to explore the nature of this experience, to identify the extent of indi-
vidual differences in one’s sense of connection to society, and to develop poli-
cies that will maximize the sense of community that working can engender.

Relationships and Working

in Psychological Treatment

Despite Freud’s dictum that one needs to be able to love and work in order to
live an effective life, relatively little clinical literature has focused on the role
of working in psychotherapy. As I noted in the first chapter, the domain of
work issues has been considered secondary to the world of relationships,
which has assumed far more importance in most psychotherapeutic theories
(cf. Axelrod, 1999; Blustein, 1987). Despite this trend to marginalize discus-
sions of work in treatment, Blustein and Spengler (1995) observed at least
some interest in the role of work issues in psychological treatment, with con-
108 / CH A PT ER 4

siderably more attention devoted to this interaction evident in recent years

(e.g., Axelrod, 1999; Blustein, 2001b; Socarides & Kramer, 1997). Yet at the
same time, evidence has been obtained that clinicians tend to overshadow
work issues with relationship issues, even when these issues are relatively
equal in their perceived severity (Spengler, Blustein, & Strohmer, 1990).
Thus, despite the intentions of such important efforts as Axlerod’s (1999)
integration of work into psychoanalytic treatment and Lowman’s analysis of
work-related dysfunctions, the tendency still exists to view work issues as sec-
ondary to relationship issues in treatment.
From my perspective, one of the most important means of reducing this
bias is to explore the interface of work and relationships within psychothera-
peutic discourse. Once counselors think about working outside of the bound-
aries of the career development and organizational behavior perspective, we
are in a much more inclusive position to help our clients who do not have “tra-
ditional” career trajectories attain a meaningful life that ideally includes
more rewarding working experiences and an amelioration of psychological
symptoms. In the section that follows, I describe a fictional client, whose nar-
rative is based on an integration of several themes that emerged in my psycho-
therapeutic practice.

Florence

A client, named Florence, entered into individual psychotherapy with the pre-
senting problems of depression, social isolation, and chronic physical pain. Flor-
ence was a 54-year-old European American woman who lived by herself in a
trailer about 40 miles away from a medium-sized city. Her life at the time she en-
tered treatment was characterized by considerable pain related to rheumatoid
arthritis, which kept her from being able to work. (Her working life had included
caregiving when her children were younger, followed by work in a department
store as a clerk, a job that she had held for about 10 years prior to the recent pro-
gression of her illness 3 years ago.) Florence also had been divorced, leaving her
husband 10 years prior to initiating therapy after a 21-year marriage. Her three
children continued to reside at her home after the divorce, but soon moved out as
they began to work full-time or attend college. After the divorce settlement, Flor-
ence had to sell her home and then moved into the trailer, where she resided dur-
ing the treatment. Her relationship with her ex-husband was still conflictual; the
relationships with her children seemed solid, but were growing increasingly dis-
tant as Florence became more depressed and isolated.
I initially engaged Florence in a relationally oriented approach wherein I
attempted to help her explore her feelings of loss, while also affirming her
 WO RKING AND SO CIAL CO NNECT IO N / 109

still-disavowed strivings for connection (e.g., Jordan et al., 1991; Josselson,

1992; Mitchell, 1988). In the course of treatment that consisted of 5 months of
weekly therapy followed by 10 months of every-other-week treatment, Flor-
ence focused extensively on her feelings of loneliness. She spoke longingly
about her job, which offered her a source of connection in her community and
feelings of support from her colleagues. Her physical pain, however, was most
pronounced when she had to stand for a period of hours, which was the case in
her job, thereby forcing her to leave and go on disability. As the treatment
progressed, we were able to deal with her feelings of anger and betrayal with
respect to her ex-husband, who had left the marriage after starting an affair
with a younger woman from his job (which was in a local factory). She also was
able to confront her feelings of sadness about her “empty nest feelings” and
the resulting sense of aimlessness that filled her days, as she had neither her
caregiving nor her clerk responsibilities to fulfill. At that point, we seemed to
reach an impasse, as her sense of isolation was palpable and pervasive; we
then focused on the loss of paid employment.
Although she was able to support herself, albeit modestly, on her disability
payments, she reported that she missed contact with others on a daily basis.
We then engaged in the exploration of her interests and hopes for her life,
which certainly embraced the work domain. Florence acknowledged that she
had always wanted to learn about computers and that she wanted to consider
returning to work as a programmer. She found a certificate program at a local
community college that offered training for adult learners (including those
without any college background, which was the case with Florence) in com-
puter programming. When she entered this program, her mood became
markedly less depressed; she met other adults in similar situations and began
to feel connected again to her community. In a letter that I received from her a
year after she terminated treatment, she informed me that she obtained a
part-time job at a bank doing computer programming and word processing.
While she still reported considerable physical pain, she was able to work be-
cause she could sit down and because the focused activity of working allowed
her to take her mind off of her discomfort and pain in her joints. She contin-
ued to feel better and reported starting some new friendships with colleagues
from the bank.

Discussion

This case vignette underscores the linkages between social connection and
working. While it is certainly impossible to derive generalizable inferences
from one clinical vignette, the process of treatment parallels a growing litera-
110 / CH A PT ER 4

ture on the importance of working in the development and maintenance of in-

tegrated psychological functioning (e.g., Axelrod, 1999; Shore & Massimo,
1979). In the case of Florence, we observe how the loss of work begins a spiral-
ing process of disengagement from one’s social world. Obviously, Florence’s
physical ailments played a major role in her depression; however, to examine
this case without taking the critical role of working into account is to miss a
major aspect of the treatment picture. The role that work played in Florence’s
life is evident throughout the case presentation; indeed, one of the goals of
therapy was to help Florence find a meaningful way to re-engage in her work-
ing life. In addition, the function of work in furnishing Florence with impor-
tant social connections was a major factor in the progress that she made in her
treatment.
The findings from Blustein and Spengler’s (1995) review of the literature
on the relationships between personal adjustment and vocational functioning
support the sort of therapy described in this case in which a work-based inter-
vention was integrated seamlessly into the treatment. Moreover, the empiri-
cal literature on recovery from psychiatric disorders strongly supports the
social-connection functions of working (Shore, 1998; Shore & Massimo,
1979). For example, Caplan, Vinokur, and Price (1997) performed a litera-
ture review of job loss and found a number of negative mental health conse-
quences that resulted from the diminishment of an active working life. In fact,
Shore and Massimo (1979) developed a vocationally oriented mode of psy-
chotherapy as a means of helping psychiatrically disabled clients move toward
a more active engagement in their lives.
The importance of work in people’s lives has been well articulated by Shore
(1998), who detailed an agenda for professional psychology that is con-
structed in large measure around the distribution of meaningful work to peo-
ple across the social spectrum. As Shore noted, the employment figures tend
to belie “the cynicism, insecurity, and fear (about work) that psychologists
pick up in their everyday social relations and clinical settings” (p. 477). More-
over, he noted that work is often viewed as a source of punishment, as exem-
plified by the movement from welfare to what has euphemistically been called
“workfare.” Rather than helping individuals who had been on welfare receive
training and education that would give them a sense of volition in their lives,
the legislation ended up mandating work in ways that did not consistently
enhance skills and self-determination.
While it is typical for vocationally oriented practitioners and researchers to
criticize psychotherapists for relegating work to a secondary or tertiary level
of importance, the reality is that the practice of career counseling has histori-
cally not been very effective in understanding the space shared by work and
 WO RKING AND SO CIAL CO NNECT IO N / 111

relationships. A telling example of the relative absence of integrative thinking

with respect to work and relationships in career counseling can be found in
the previously mentioned study by my research group (Blustein et al., 2001) of
the 19 “Getting Down to Cases” articles in the Career Development Quarterly
from 1986–1993. This series included a case description followed by recom-
mendations for counseling intervention by notable practitioners and coun-
selor educators. The most common response in this qualitative study was a
call for more information on social connections and relationships on the part
of the discussants. The case descriptions were striking in their focus on work
and career, although a careful reading revealed that it was impossible to con-
sider many of these cases without attention to the client’s inner relational life
and broader interpersonal life. A more recent collection of cases edited by
Niles, Goodman, and Pope (2002) reflects greater sensitivity to the work– re-
lationships interface, perhaps reflecting some positive growth in professional
training in the past few decades.
The lack of understanding about the psychological meaning of work con-
tinues to hamper individual treatment and broader intervention strategies.
Without acknowledging the intense feelings (both positive and negative) that
work can engender, we risk invalidating a very real aspect of human function-
ing. As we expand our thinking from the narrow lens of the “grand career nar-
rative” to the more inclusive notion of working, it is possible to include a far
greater array of experiences in counseling and psychotherapy that would en-
compass all of the domains of human existence. Recent efforts such as the
books by Axelrod (1999), Socarides and Kramer (1997), and Lowman (1993)
have started to fill a gap in our knowledge about the psychotherapeutic as-
pects of work. However, in order for psychotherapists to develop a meaning-
ful framework with which to consider work-related issues in counseling, an
integrative conceptual perspective is needed on the interface of interpersonal
life and working. (See chapters 8 and 9 for further thoughts on this challenge.)

The Psychology of Working

and Social Connections: Conclusion

The material presented in this chapter is rich in its description of the social
embeddedness of working. The literature initially pertaining to the growing
study of family and relational influences in traditional career and organiza-
tional psychology certainly points a psychology of working in an explicitly re-
lational direction. As the growing scholarship in this area suggests, the nature
of work and interpersonal life in modern and post-modern middle-class cul-
112 / CH A PT ER 4

tures is closely intertwined (cf. Flum, 2001; Schultheiss, 2003). In creating the
theoretical scaffolding for a psychology of working, it is important to initially
start with the foundation offered by the traditional areas of vocational psy-
chology and organizational development. When considered collectively, the
literature on the familial and relational linkages to the development and ex-
pression of career interests and plans suggests that relationships and working
share some important areas of overlap. It is important, however, to acknowl-
edge that the working and relationship life spaces are not completely congru-
ent and that life is generally not predictable across these domains of human
experience.
Building on the career development and organizational psychology litera-
tures, I then explored social connections to the working lives of poor, work-
ing-class and otherwise marginalized populations. Although this literature is
still in its infancy, the early phases of this psychological research, coupled with
the passages that were presented from narrative studies, poems, and mem-
oirs, suggest a pronounced connection between relationships and working.
Perhaps the most overriding theme of these social scientific and literary con-
tributions is that working functions as a means of connecting people to their
social contexts. Taken together, the studies and passages presented in this
chapter point to psychological functions of working that are rooted in the so-
cial milieu of contemporary life. Whether the social context is framed within a
highly structured organization or within a small family farm or business,
working is one of the most social activities that we can engage in. As people
engage in work activities, they are connecting to people in a consistent and of-
ten intimate manner, thereby linking themselves to the social fabric and
economic assets of their communities.
As noted earlier, even work that is isolated by nature (e.g., lighthouse
keeper; solitary fishing; writing; “Maytag” repairperson), while perhaps re-
flecting a desire for aloneness, does immerse people into a network of social
exchanges and interactions, even if some of the interactions are symbolic
rather than truly relational. As suggested in anthropological studies of work
around the globe (e.g., Goldschmidt, 1990), coupled with theoretical contri-
butions from career and organizational psychology (Blustein, 1994; Schein,
1990), working confers upon an individual an identity within one’s social con-
text. As we attend carefully to the voices of workers, a broader view becomes
apparent wherein the nature of one’s work is closely linked to the construc-
tion of identity (Gini, 2000; Thomas, 1999). Consistent with extensive schol-
arship in career development and organizational psychology, a critical aspect
of identity is thought to be one’s work role (Blustein, 1994; Schein, 1990).
Indeed, work-based or vocational identity represents a major visible and
 WO RKING AND SO CIAL CO NNECT IO N / 113

socially sanctioned expression of one’s inner psychological identity (e.g.,

Erikson, 1968; Grotevant, 1987; Holland, 1997).
The material presented in this chapter, when considered collectively,
yields some coherent inferences about the nature of working and relation-
ships. First, the working context and relational world do seem to share consid-
erable overlap, although the nature and extent of these interconnections are
difficult to identify or generalize (Blustein & Spengler, 1995; Schultheiss,
2003). The natural fabric of life does not typically differentiate between life
domains; the lived experiences of people across contexts indicates that issues,
challenges, and supports are mutually influential in the working and rela-
tional domains. Second, supportive relationships are very likely helpful to
people as they negotiate with the complexities of work life in two interrelated
ways. Relationships provide emotional support and nurturance, which helps
people to feel safe, secure, loved, and resilient (Josselson, 1992; Schultheiss et
al., 2001). Furthermore, relationships can help people by providing instru-
mental assistance in negotiating work-related tasks, such as locating employ-
ment, furnishing people with role models and connections for jobs, and
providing people with funding for education and training. Third, the nature of
working connects people to the broader social context. In doing so, the
process of working becomes an explicit way for people to feel connected with
the greater social and cultural context of their lives.
Given the powerful relational connections evident in the diverse litera-
tures reviewed in this chapter, it seems critical to infuse a psychology of work-
ing with an explicit relational focus. The nature of this theoretical framework
requires considerably more discovery-oriented and hypothesis-testing re-
search as well as integrative theoretical analyses in order to effectively map
the working–relationships life space. However, what does seem clear is that
working links human beings in a highly complex yet critically important fash-
ion with others, offering opportunities for a sense of community and for the
social support that provides us with the emotional sustenance needed for a
satisfying and meaningful life journey.
 Working as a Means of Self-Determination

The causes lie deep and simply—the causes are a hunger in a stom-
ach, multiplied a million times, a hunger in a single soul, hunger for
joy and some security, multiplied a million times; muscles aching to
work, minds aching to create beyond the single need—this is man. To
build a wall, to build a house, a dam, and in the wall and house and
dam to put something of Manself, and to Manself take back some-
thing of the wall, the house, the dam; to take hard muscles from the
lifting, to take the clear lines and form from conceiving. For man, un-
like any other thing organic or inorganic in the universe, grows beyond
his work, walks up the stairs of his concepts, emerges ahead of his ac-
complishments. This you may say of man—when theories change and
crash, when schools, philosophies, when narrow dark alleys of
thought, national, religious, economic, grow and disintegrate, man
reaches, stumbles forward, painfully, mistakenly sometimes. Having
stepped forward, he may slip back, but only half a step, never the full
step back ….
—Steinbeck (1939, pp. 204–205)

Without realizing it, some two-thirds of the workforce would become

the unwitting guinea pigs in perhaps the most extensive investigation
into human motivation the world has known. The studies didn’t start
that way. Production rates and General Electric’s insatiable desire to
sell more lighting across manufacturing industry were at the heart of
the first experiments. Tests were run in several places, including Gen-
eral Electric’s Bridgeport Works and the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology. The most rigorous experiments, however, appear to have
been conducted at Western Electric’s Hawthorne works, and it was
these tests—three sets of experiments run at intervals between Novem-
ber 1924 and April 1927 that caused the biggest fuss. The first experi-
ments, run by MIT engineers, appeared promising; lighting was
improved in some departments and productivity went up. The prob-
lem was that productivity also went up among workers in a control

114
 WORKING AS SELF-DETERMINATION / 115

group where lighting was not improved. One team managed to main-
tain output even when lighting was dimmed to the level of moonlight.
—Donkin (2001, p. 168)

All I ever wanted to do was write for a newspaper …. I just always

knew what I wanted to do. And it’s always been sort of two things that
have drawn me to it—first of all, I love writing. I love the whole exer-
cise of writing. I love the challenge of putting thoughts to paper, finding
just the right word, the right rhythm, the structure in which that rhythm
flows.
—Bowe et al. (2000, p. 300)

The passages that begin this chapter attest to the rich variation of motiva-
tional experiences that occur in relation to working. The first two functions of
working that I have detailed thus far (in chapters 3 and 4) have gently circum-
vented one of the central tenets of the “grand career narrative” of Western na-
tions pertaining to the implementation of the self-concept or identity in one’s
working life (e.g., Holland, 1997; Super, 1957). The notion that people can
find an outlet for their interests in the world of work has a rich and historic tra-
dition in psychology in industrial and post-industrial societies (e.g., Landy,
1989; Parsons, 1909; Savickas & Spokane, 1999). Underlying many career
choice and development theories is the assumption that part of the motiva-
tion for people at work is that they have an opportunity to manifest or express
their interests in the world of work. Indeed, this premise has formed the es-
sence of vocational psychology, and to a somewhat lesser extent, organiza-
tional psychology. The question that I pose here is how does this hopeful
picture of volitional self-concept implementation or interest expression re-
late to the vast majority of people who do not have significant or extensive
choices in their working lives? Building on the premises that have been pre-
sented in chapters 3 and 4, I seek to chart a new conceptual foundation for the
psychology of working that is centered on the self-determination theory of
Deci and Ryan (1985, 2000; Ryan & Deci, 2000). Using this innovative moti-
vational perspective as a foundation, I describe how working for extrinsic rea-
sons may become a valued and perhaps even meaningful endeavor, provided
that a set of supportive conditions are in place within one’s proximal and more
distal contexts. Moreover, this chapter seeks to give voice to the wide array of
motivational experiences that occur as people grapple with labor markets and
working conditions that are often beyond their control.
116 / CH A PT ER 5

As I have stated throughout this book, the psychology-of-working perspec-

tive that I am advocating does not seek to distance itself from the very com-
monly accepted notion that people strive to express their interests and selected
aspects of their identity in the world of work (Holland, 1997; Lapan, 2004; Lent,
Brown, & Hackett, 2002; Super et al., 1996). Indeed, this aspect of the “grand
career narrative” is a major motivating factor for those people who have the op-
portunity to seek work that is consistent with their interests. Ideally, the notion
of searching for work that allows for the expression of one’s interests and values
is an attractive goal that one would hope would be available to increasing pro-
portions of our global population. In addition, as I detail in forthcoming chap-
ters, my position is that the goal of expanding options so that greater numbers
of people can exercise volition in their working lives is critical and merits the at-
tention of policymakers and government leaders as well as social and behav-
ioral scientists. However, when we consider the experiences of the vast majority
of workers, as reflected in the next passage, it is hard to imagine that interest ex-
pression universally drives the motivation to work:
When I was eight years old, I worked in the cotton fields in the El Paso area.
I used to chop weeds and pick chiles and onions. I averaged ten or twelve
dollars a day. It all depended on how much I would pick. Even though the
child labor laws prohibit kids from working all day long like I was doing, it was
common for parents to take all the family to the field. (Martinez, 1994, p. 169)

Based on this vignette, it seems likely that the character in this passage is
working primarily to satisfy the need to survive. The primary motivation in this
context is likely related to the notion articulated by Maslow (1968) in which the
need for survival functions as the baseline of our motivational system. While
the need for survival is certainly underscored in recent theoretical statements
(e.g., Lent et al., 2002; M. S. Richardson, 1993), the prevailing notion in the
more traditional theories has tended to assume that people could choose work
based on their interests and values (e.g., Dawis, 2002; Holland, 1997). In order
to understand the motivational aspects of working more fully, I now explore
how traditional theories within vocational psychology and I/O psychology have
addressed motivation. I then present a self-determination view that seeks to
carve out a more inclusive vision for the psychology of working.

The Motivational Aspects of Traditional Career

Choice and Development Theories

Embedded within the historic core of the traditional theories of career choice
and development is the notion that people have options and choices in their
 WORKING AS SELF-DETERMINATION / 117

lives about the sorts of work that they could pursue. Indeed, when we consider
the contextual influences of Parsons’ (1909) contributions, the labor market
in early 20th century North America and other Westernized nations was char-
acterized by the growing presence of the industrial era, which increasingly re-
quired workers with greater levels of training and education (Hartung &
Blustein, 2002). During this period of time, an increasing proportion of young
people had the option of a more extended adolescence, which allowed for
greater deliberation and choice with respect to one’s vocational options. It is
important to note, however, that the extent of one’s choices had been (and is
still) circumscribed by factors relating to one’s social class, racial and ethnic
status, and access to the opportunity structure. (These factors are explored in
greater depth in chapter 6.) However, the thrust of Parsons’ contributions was
that people would be more satisfied if they were able to make informed deci-
sions about the sort of work that they chose. Indeed, the title of Parsons’
(1909) book, Choosing a Vocation, underscores the notion that one has an ac-
tive role to play in the direction of one’s working life. The resulting emphasis
on helping people to choose their line of work then began to define vocational
counseling theory and practice, with far less of a focus on the nature of work-
ing lives for people who had little if any input into how they earned their living.
By mid-century, the notion that people worked in large measure to satisfy per-
sonal goals and interests became prevalent (Holland, 1958). Fast-forwarding
to the current era certainly underscores the growing complexity of career
choice and development theories (e.g., Dawis, 2002; Lent et al., 2002;
Savickas, 2002). Yet remaining at the core of many of the most common theo-
ries is the explicit attention provided to people who can develop and imple-
ment their plans about their working lives with little attention devoted to
people who have little or no volition in their choice of occupation.

Person–Environment Fit Theories

Forming the motivational core of person–environment fit theories is the fun-

damental idea that people strive for work settings that are consistent with
their skills, abilities, interests, and values (Dawis, 2002; Holland, 1997). Once
an individual is able to locate a reasonably good fit within the occupational
world, there is an assumption that he or she will be motivated to engage in
these activities because the tasks would tend to be self-reinforcing and intrin-
sically interesting. Moreover, a parallel assumption exists that posits that
young people with goals and plans that are consistent with their interests will
be more engaged with school and will be motivated to extend effort to reach
118 / CH A PT ER 5

their goals (Blustein et al., 2000). In other words, people who work at tasks
that are congruent with their psychological and cognitive attributes will have a
much greater likelihood of being satisfied with their work and will also be
more likely to be intrinsically interested in their job. The school-to-work
movement of the 1990s and similar initiatives in career and vocational educa-
tion have sought to help youth become more motivated in their educational
tasks by helping them to realize that greater levels of education will yield more
choice and satisfaction in their adult working lives (Blustein et al., 2000).
In the theory of work adjustment (Dawis, 2002), a comprehensive theoreti-
cal system was developed that seeks to explain the motivational aspects of
career-choice behavior. Dawis elaborated on the notion of needs, which re-
fers to underlying physiological and/or psychological attributes that can be
deficits or may, if the need is fulfilled, promote one’s well-being. The central
striving among people interacting within the occupational context, according
to Dawis, is to seek out satisfaction and ideally correspondence in the satisfac-
tion experienced by both the person and the work context.

Developmental Theories

A similar set of notions underlies the life-span, life-space developmental the-

ories of Super (1957; Super et al., 1996). In Super’s classic text (1957), he
noted that “opportunity to use skills and knowledge helps to make work activ-
ities interesting” (p. 10). Moreover, Super observed that “opportunity for
self-expression seems to be more important at higher than lower occupational
levels” (p. 9). These statements create the conceptual infrastructure for the
view that work has the potential to allow for expression of one’s inner attrib-
utes, beliefs, interests, and abilities in a work context. However, Super fore-
shadowed many of the premises of my position in this book by noting that this
sort of work life generally is not equally available to people across the socio-
economic spectrum. One of Super’s core propositions, which is reiterated in
the more recent extension of Super’s work by Savickas (2002), is that the de-
gree of job satisfaction that an individual may experience is proportionate to
the extent to which the job provides an outlet for one’s self-concept. Embed-
ded in the self-concept is the unique configuration of attributes, such as inter-
ests, values, skills, and attitudes related to self and work. Yet, the develop-
mental position, in the original version by Super and the updated version by
Savickas, does acknowledge that the good life of a satisfying career is not
available to all workers. The question of how to formally and inclusively con-
struct a psychology of working, however, has not been answered to date,
 WORKING AS SELF-DETERMINATION / 119

thereby leaving traditional vocational psychological theory and practice in a

moral and intellectual quandary. In effect, the challenge that is embedded in
career choice and development theories is that we have neglected the modal
worker in our world—the worker who has little access to adequate schools
and supportive contexts that would allow for the development of skills, knowl-
edge, and talents that might facilitate a working life that can, in fact, satisfy
one’s goals and dreams.

Social Cognitive Career Theory

Recent theoretical contributions by Lent et al. (2002) have sought to incorpo-

rate the context of the individual more explicitly into the motivational expla-
nations of various aspects of career choice and development. In describing
the career choice process, Lent et al. affirmed the central view that has char-
acterized many theories to date—namely, that people will seek out jobs that
are consistent with their interests. However, they noted that contextual influ-
ences may constrain or facilitate one’s capacity to find work that is consistent
with one’s interests. Lent and his colleagues also delved into the realm of task
performance, which has generally been an issue of interest primarily for I/O
psychologists. Deriving some of their core ideas from the work motivation lit-
erature by Vroom (1964), Lent et al. argued that performance attainments,
which are related to one’s self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations, af-
fect a worker’s capacity to perform on the job. As such, the Lent et al. social
cognitive theory has explored the motivational dimension of vocational be-
havior. Unfortunately, this theoretical framework has not yet effectively ex-
plored the lives of individuals whose motivation to work is primarily
externally derived and not related to interests or self-perceived abilities.

Social Constructionist Perspectives

The infusion of social constructionist theories has been a welcome addition to

the intellectual framework of vocational psychology. For example, Young and
his colleagues (e.g., Young, Valach, & Collin, 2002) have articulated a contex-
tual approach to the understanding of career choice and development that
has been instrumental in expanding the conceptual horizons of vocational
psychology. In relation to the motivational questions raised at the outset of
this chapter, Young et al. have developed a contextualist action theory of ca-
reer that contains a number of relevant assumptions about the nature of moti-
120 / CH A PT ER 5

vational processes in vocational behavior. One of the core elements of the

social constructionist position advanced by Young and his colleagues is that
behavior is rooted in a social context that relies on language to furnish mean-
ing to events. In general, Young et al. proposed that a complete understand-
ing of career behavior must incorporate the notion of goal-directed action,
which is defined as “the construct that allows us to keep all the pertinent infor-
mation together so that we can understand the meaning of our own and oth-
ers’ behavior” (2002, p. 214). Another relevant feature of the Young et al.
theory is the inclusion of an explicit role for emotion within the career devel-
opment process. Following Kidd’s (1998) contribution, Young and his col-
leagues suggested that emotion is actually quite interpersonal and deeply
rooted in one’s context. While the precise role that emotion plays in the moti-
vational aspects of work has not been explored in depth, the inclusion of emo-
tions is an important contribution, one that will be critical in creating a rich
perspective within the psychology of working.
Given the assumptions of the social constructionist position (e.g., Gergen,
1999), which so eloquently grounds our understanding of career theory into
an explicitly contextual framework (e.g., Blustein et al., 2004; Stead, 2004), it
seems clear that issues of motivation and the meaning derived from work are
complex and multidetermined. (For further details on social constructionist
thinking and the psychology of working, please see chapter 7.) For example,
one of the hallmark attributes of the social constructionist position is that re-
ality is co-constructed in relationships and within the broader framework of
culture and history. Following the social constructionist position, I suggest
that caution be used in making inferences about such issues as the meaning
that one derives about work. In this context, the notion that people work in or-
der to express their interests or their self-concepts needs to be understood
within the context of the inner experiences of individuals and their cultural
and social milieu. Moreover, the assumption that jobs that require less com-
plex skills and knowledge are inherently disinteresting merits careful scrutiny.
Indeed, one of my hopes is that the psychology of working will stimulate the
needed research on the meaning of work and the motivational aspects of work
experiences.

Conclusion

When considered collectively, the prominent trend that emerges in the exist-
ing bodies of theory in career choice and development is that people who can
find a good fit for their interests and personal attributes are more likely to be
 WORKING AS SELF-DETERMINATION / 121

satisfied and ultimately more intrinsically interested in their work. In con-

trast, people who are not able to find a good match more likely work for ex-
trinsic reasons; in other words, they work to survive and to connect to the
broader fabric of social and economic relations that give structure to many as-
pects of contemporary life (Wilson, 1996). However, people who are involved
in tasks that are not intrinsically interesting or rewarding are less likely to en-
gage in their work tasks without the external rewards of money and the value
of engaging in regular, structured work experiences. The major career theo-
ries that have provided the conceptual infrastructure for vocational counsel-
ing and career development have devoted little attention to the motivational
processes of workers who have not been able to follow the grand career narra-
tive with its trajectory of increasingly more responsible and more satisfying
jobs. In effect, the net result of the nearly exclusive focus on choosing work
based on one’s interests and self-concept is that our field has, for the most
part, ignored the experiences of workers who do not have this option. How-
ever, selected aspects of the motivational experiences of people who are not
able to seek out work that is consistent with their interests have been exam-
ined to a somewhat greater extent within the industrial/organizational litera-
ture, which is explored in the next section.

The Motivational Aspects of Traditional

Industrial/Organizational Theories

Given the focus on selecting personnel who will be dedicated and committed
to their jobs, I/O psychology has developed a number of conceptual frame-
works that may help to delineate the complex nature of motivation within the
workplace (e.g., Landy, 1989; Vroom, 1964). Landy’s view is that the basic
principles of human motivation, which have been developed for the most part
within experimental and theoretical psychology, would be relevant in the
work context. In his text, he describes four basic motivational theories that
have dominated I/O psychology in recent decades.

Need-Based Theories

The first of these models is need theory, which is best represented by

Maslow’s (1943) need hierarchy. This hierarchy, which was reviewed in chap-
ter 3, posits that people are initially motivated to satisfy their needs for sur-
vival (physiological and safety needs), which, if fulfilled, provide people with
122 / CH A PT ER 5

an opportunity to satisfy needs for love, esteem, and self-actualization, re-

spectively. Landy reported that empirical research does not generally con-
form to the overall hierarchy outlined by Maslow (e.g., Hall & Nougaim,
1968). Another need-based theory presented by Landy is Herzberg’s (1966)
motivator-hygiene or two-factor theory. In contrast to Maslow, who proposed
a detailed hierarchy that has been difficult to document in research, Herzberg
argued that two primary levels of human functioning exist—motivation-seek-
ing and hygiene-seeking. The motivation-seeking component refers to activi-
ties that are higher order or more intrinsic to the individual. The hygiene-
seeking component refers to the maintenance needs, which capture such ele-
ments within the workplace as pay, job security, safety, and the like.

Instrumentality Theory

The second set of motivational theories summarized by Landy (1989) falls un-
der the rubric of instrumentality models. Perhaps the best known of these the-
ories within both vocational and I/O psychology is Vroom’s (1964) VIE
theory. In Vroom’s model, the “V” stands for valence, which refers to the psy-
chological attraction or repulsion that a given activity evokes in an individual.
The “I” refers to instrumentality, which is defined as the extent to which a
given activity is instrumental in obtaining an outcome of relevance to an indi-
vidual. The “E” defines the expectancy component, which refers to the degree
to which an individual expects that a particular activity will yield a specific and
expected outcome. As indicated earlier, Vroom’s work has been quite influ-
ential in both I/O psychology and now in vocational psychology as exemplified
by its most recent application to social cognitive career theory (Lent et al.,
1994). In short, Vroom’s model suggests that motivation at work is deter-
mined by the individual’s perception of the extent to which a given effort has a
high probability of leading to a desired outcome. This outcome would, in turn,
result in yet other outcomes, which the individual values. The Vroom model is
relevant in understanding why people might expend more effort in a given job
context as compared with another job context. In that context, the VIE theory
is instructive to organizational psychologists and managers who are seeking to
maximize employee output and reduce turnover.

Balance Theory

The third cluster of motivational theories reviewed by Landy (1989) is repre-

sented by balance theories. These perspectives are based on the assumption
 WORKING AS SELF-DETERMINATION / 123

that people are motivated to maintain a balance in their psychological func-

tioning. Originally derived from cognitive dissonance research (e.g.,
Festinger, 1957), balance theories propose that people strive to reduce ten-
sion. The most prominent of these perspectives in the domain of work motiva-
tion is the contribution by Adams (1965). Using complex statistical analyses,
Adams argued that people create ratios in which their inputs and outputs are
compared with perceived input–output ratios for others. If the individual per-
ceives equality in these ratios, then no tension is thought to exist; however, if
inequality is perceived, the resulting situation is thought to be inequitable,
hence evoking tension.

Reinforcement Theory

The fourth cluster of theories summarized by Landy (1989) is the reinforce-

ment perspective, which is derived from behavioral or learning theories. This
model has not engendered as much scholarly research within I/O psychology,
but it has generated some applications within work settings. The use of differ-
ential reinforcement schedules has been applied to organizations to enhance
productivity (e.g., Pritchard, Hollenback, & DeLeo, 1980). The relative
dearth of research using strictly behavioral models, coupled with the plethora
of cognitive models, underscores the need for complex perspectives that in-
corporate cognitive components of psychological functioning within the I/O
approach to work motivation.

Conclusion

When considered collectively, the major motivational models within I/O

psychology share the overall objectives of their discipline, which is to un-
derstand the behavior of workers within the organizational context. From
this vantage point, these theories are both informative and useful. How-
ever, they do not address the broader macro-level issues of how people
find meaning in their work and how work that is inherently denigrating or
disinteresting can become more meaningful. A major theme that has been
conveyed thus far in this book is that an inclusive perspective of working
necessitates a broad examination of the social, economic, and cultural con-
text of the life experiences of workers. One way of exploring the context is
to place the culture of the worker into the figure of our perceptional field
as opposed to the ground.
124 / CH A PT ER 5

Culturally Informed Views of Motivation

A culturally informed view of work motivation has been articulated by

Triandis, who has sought to differentiate between individualist and collectiv-
ist cultures. The following passage by Triandis (2002) summarizes how the
cultural context likely influences the nature of work motivation:

Individualism and collectivism are reflected in the goals of members of the

culture. People in individualist cultures tend to have self-actualizing goals;
those from collectivist cultures are oriented in achieving for the sake of others.
As goals have important implications for work motivation, culture too has im-
plications for work motivation. (p. 110)

The distinction that Triandis highlights with respect to the individualism-

collectivism dimension of a culture has broad implications for our consider-
ation of work motivation. For individuals with an orientation toward greater
collectivism, such as people in Asian and African contexts, working takes on a
more social tone, with greater emphasis on “cooperation, endurance, persis-
tence, obedience, duty, in-group harmony, personalized relationships, order,
and self-control” (Triandis, 2002, p. 112). In contrast, people who are from in-
dividualist cultures (such as those found in North America and Europe), the
emphasis on working is placed on “self-realization, self-glory, pleasure, com-
petition, and fair exchange” (Triandis, p. 112). Reviewing these cultural at-
tributes reveals that many of the existing models within I/O psychology have
been constructed around individualist assumptions about life. With some no-
table exceptions (see Hall, 1996, for an overview of a relational approach to
careers), I/O psychologists have tended to assume that the individualist
framework is perhaps the most adaptive, albeit not entirely universal. Yet, as
we have seen in recent innovations in the organizational world (e.g., Grant-
ham, 2000; Hall, 1996), the more effective and productive work contexts are
increasingly relying on collectivist assumptions about human behavior. For
example, in the positive vision of the future of work detailed by Grantham,
one of the keys to a successful organization is an affirmation of many of the at-
tributes of the collectivist culture detailed by Triandis. Thus, the workplace
envisioned by Grantham is one in which the focus on individualism is replaced
by a focus on collective values and relational connections. One of the goals of
this approach is to restore an important sense of motivation for working that
has been diminished as the workplace of the 20th century moves into a
different shape and form in the 21st century.
The contributions of Triandis (2002) certainly help to advance our thinking
about the motivational aspects of working within an organizational context.
 WORKING AS SELF-DETERMINATION / 125

However, many of the same problems inherent in the vocational psychologi-

cal analyses of working are also evident in the I/O perspectives. Even with the
infusion of Triandis’ cultural perspective, we are still left wondering how
workers can feel connected to their tasks if their tasks are not intrinsically in-
teresting or fulfilling. One of the conceptual tools that can help to fill this gap
is the motivational model by Deci and Ryan (1985), which has the potential to
explicate the motivational elements for workers across the spectrum, includ-
ing those with hierarchical careers and those who work primarily to make a
living for themselves and their families.

A Self-Determination View of Working

In contrast to the motivational theories that have been detailed thus far, Deci
and Ryan (1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000) have developed a theoretical framework
for motivation that is constructed with careful attention to both human
agency and the critical importance of social, cultural, and relational contexts.
The work by Deci and Ryan, which is generally known as self-determination
theory (SDT), began initially as a counterpoint to the deterministic views of
the radical behavioral theories that were prevalent a number of decades ago.
Rather than viewing behavior as an outcome of external events or inner drives
(which were reflected in learning theory and psychoanalytic theory, respec-
tively), Deci and Ryan argued that many (but certainly not all) aspects of hu-
man behavior are potentially motivated from an intrinsic or internalized
position. For example, some of the early research by Deci (e.g., 1975) found
that extrinsic rewards often diminished intrinsic motivation.

Assumptions of Self-Determination Theory

Building on these findings, Deci and Ryan (1985) articulated a comprehen-

sive theory of self-determination. SDT has a direct allegiance to the move-
ments in the 1960s and 1970s, often falling under the rubric of humanistic
psychology, which sought to understand the full scope of human functioning
without the constraining lens of determinism that had characterized major
psychological theories of the era. The contribution of Sheldon, Williams, and
Joiner (2003) provides an informative and illuminating understanding of the
striving for self-determination:

Self-determination theory is particularly interested in what humanistically and

existentially oriented theorists might call “authenticity.” The theory proposes
126 / CH A PT ER 5

that people sometimes act out of their deepest, most wholehearted and
growth oriented motives and needs, while at other times they act out of
feelings of pressure, coercion, or bad faith …. (E)arly versions of SDT simply
contrasted intrinsic (that is, authentic) motivation with extrinsic motivation
(behavior undertaken to obtain anticipated rewards or avoid punishment).
But this dichotomy proved to be too simple; obviously, people can still feel
authentic even while engaging in nonintrinsically motivated behavior. For
example, a man might feel considerable autonomy and sense of choice even
as he changes his baby’s (disgusting) diaper! (p. 20)

The points highlighted by Sheldon et al. underscore one of the clear attrib-
utes of SDT and its relevance to a psychology of working. As I have noted
throughout this book, working often can be quite disinteresting, physically ar-
duous, and even painful as well as psychologically denigrating. (Work is not,
however, unidimensional. Work also has the potential to satisfy and indeed,
when supportive conditions are in place, work can create the context for genu-
ine self-expression.) Naturally, many people work in order to pay their bills
with little or no hope of any more pleasure, satisfaction, or meaning. The
question that SDT raises, however, is to what extent our knowledge about the
motivational processes inherent in human behavior can help psychologists,
educators, social scientists, and policymakers to create working environments
that are more conducive to authentic and self-determined functioning. Prior
to exploring this issue in depth, some additional assumptions of SDT are
reviewed in the following points:

IIntrinsic motivation is thought to be an evolved attribute of human

development. In other words, human beings are naturally curious and seek
out new activities, tasks, and experiences.
I Intrinsic motivation is best sustained in a context that facilitates au-

tonomy, competence, and relational support.

I Intrinsically motivating activities can be undermined if they are

linked to external contingencies.

I Individuals use specific self-regulation processes to integrate extrin-

sically motivated activities into their psychological structures.

As reflected in these points, SDT seeks to describe a wide array of behav-

iors that range from highly intrinsically motivating to behaviors that are far
less interesting and compelling. In effect, SDT furnishes a conceptual
framework for understanding how extrinsically motivated behavior can be-
come part of a self-determination motivational system. Thus, self-determi-
nation does not refer exclusively to those behaviors that are regulated by
 WORKING AS SELF-DETERMINATION / 127

intrinsic motivation. In reality, many activities that people initiate are done
primarily to fulfill some external need or influence, including, naturally,
many aspects of working. The SDT framework includes a broad spectrum of
differences in motivation ranging from amotivation to the highly intrinsi-
cally motivated state that is characteristic of activities that we engage in
solely out of interest and curiosity. In the work domain, the “grand career
narrative” view of career choice and development assumed that people had
access to working activities that could be intrinsically motivating. Indeed,
this aspiration is still evident in various literatures, ranging from self-help
books (Bolles & Bolles, 2005), to traditional vocational psychological theo-
ries (e.g., Holland, 1997; Lent et al., 2002), and to the prevalent perspectives
within I/O psychology (e.g., Landy, 1989). Yet, the material that has been
covered thus far in this book, coupled with a growing literature in the social
sciences and popular press (e.g., Bowe et al., 2000; Gini, 2000; Harmon,
1994; M. S. Richardson, 1993; Sennett, 1998; Wilson, 1996), suggests that
work is far from intrinsically motivating for many people around the globe.
Although it would be ideal if the world could provide opportunities for self-
expression and interesting tasks for all contemporary workers, this vision is
far from realization. (As I detail further in chapter 10, I believe that more
can be done by government officials, educators, business leaders, policy an-
alysts, and social scientists to expand the proportion of people who have ac-
cess to work that is rewarding and meaningful.)

Applications of Self-Determination Theory

Recent research and theoretical efforts have applied SDT to the understand-
ing of success in organizational contexts (e.g., Baard, 2002) and educational
efforts (e.g., Reeve, 2001), underscoring the potential of SDT in applied,
real-life contexts. The contribution by Baard, for example, described the use
of SDT in a study conducted at a major investment banking firm. Using a
post-hoc, cross-sectional methodology, Baard found that workers who were
primarily motivated by intrinsic needs and who reported autonomy reported
higher levels of work performance and adjustment. This finding has been cor-
roborated in numerous other studies in which variations in motivational ori-
entations, using the SDT rubric, have been associated in predictable ways
with work-related attitudes and behaviors (Deci & Ryan, 2001). However, for
the most part, these investigations have been conducted from the macro-level
perspective of I/O psychology in which the focus has been on the overall func-
tioning of an organization (see Baard, 2002, for further details).
128 / CH A PT ER 5

In the educational context, Reeve (2002) reviewed an extensive literature

that has documented the impact of SDT in teaching and learning. The major
themes of the research on educational applications of SDT are that teachers
benefit from autonomy-based instruction, which seems to motivate students
in their academic tasks. In addition, Reeve observed that the research and
theory in this area has indicated that students who are placed in autonomy-
based learning environments do, in fact, perform better in educational envi-
ronments. These findings, when considered collectively, do suggest that SDT
has significant implications in understanding motivation in applied contexts.
In fact, the Deci and Ryan (2000) collection documents extensive examples of
how SDT can be used in a host of settings. Moreover, SDT has been found to
be instrumental in facilitating growth in people within specific contexts. In the
section that follows, I review the processes that facilitate greater internaliza-
tion of extrinsically motivated activities so that they can help to promote self-
determination.

The Internalization Process

In SDT, internalization refers to a process whereby individuals seek to trans-

form external expectations or demands into internally consistent values,
beliefs, and self-regulating processes (Deci & Ryan, 2000). The internaliza-
tion process does not transform an extrinsically motivating experience into an
intrinsically motivating experience; rather, assuming that certain conditions
are fulfilled, extrinsically motivating experiences may become less onerous
and, indeed, may become more meaningful as they are internalized into one’s
psychological and cognitive structures. Ryan and Deci (2000) charted a pro-
cess of four stages of internalization, which are summarized in the following
sections.

External Regulation. The most externally oriented mode of extrinsic mo-

tivation in the SDT model is known as external regulation. Relying primarily
on an external locus of causality, the external regulation mode is the dialecti-
cal opposite of intrinsically motivated behavior. Individuals who are moti-
vated by external regulation essentially behave because of external rewards; if
they do not, aversive consequences may result and/or the individual may not
obtain the resources needed to survive (Ryan & Deci, 2000). External regula-
tion would describe many working people who obtain no inherent satisfaction
or rewards from their tasks. Rather, they work primarily because they are ob-
 WORKING AS SELF-DETERMINATION / 129

ligated to, by circumstances such as the need to earn money to survive, or by

authorities who may punish them if they do not work. The following passage
by a Mexican immigrant to the southwestern part of the United States cap-
tures some of the sense of external regulation that is characterized by this mo-
tivational status:

The silver mine where I worked was about 900 meters deep. It had fourteen
or fifteen levels. It was very hot down there, and we would work half naked,
carrying sacks all day long. At times there was no air. The water would run
though the ditches, and it was so hot that it would vaporize. It was dangerous
work. My father ruined his life working in the copper mines of Arizona ….
(Martínez, 1994, p. 151)

As this narrative suggests, some jobs exist that are purely unpleasant and
even painful. Working in a hot mine in the hot dessert of Arizona clearly
sounds like the sort of activity that one would have trouble ever experiencing
as an authentic, self-determined task. Yet people do jobs like this each and ev-
ery day. The Deci and Ryan (1985) theory, while clearly contextual in its as-
sumptions and manifestations, does not offer easy answers to this man and to
his countless peers throughout the world. However, the SDT perspective does
underscore the challenges that exist for people who are working in jobs that
are primarily externally regulated. As we shall see shortly, there are some op-
tions, suggested by SDT, for providing greater support for a worker like the
one in this vignette. The reality, though, is that work that is this arduous may
be difficult to internalize into a self-regulating system without access to
external rewards.

Introjected Regulation. The next phase of the internalization process,

known as introjected regulation, also is based on an external locus of causal-
ity, albeit it is somewhat less extrinsic than the external regulation phase. Indi-
viduals who are functioning from an introjected regulation position are
motivated by psychological dimensions such as self-esteem and the avoidance
of guilt and anxiety (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Moreover, the tasks are still not yet
integrated into a self-regulating system in that people are motivated to avoid
painful feelings or to enhance vulnerable aspects of their sense of self.
A number of unemployed clients I have worked with would comment on
how they often enjoyed the freedom that came with the loss of an especially
tedious or arduous job. However, given the social press to work and the sense
of guilt for using their savings or relying on family members for their suste-
nance, they would often reflect on feelings of shame and despair about not
130 / CH A PT ER 5

working, despite the pleasure of pursuing some of their hobbies and social
activities.

Identified Regulation. The third phase in the internalization process is

known as identified regulation, which is characterized by an increasingly
more internalized locus of causality. The essence of this phase is that the indi-
vidual engages in a given activity because of the outcomes of the activity. For
example, an individual who is engaged in work that allows her to support her
family and to receive medical benefits may in fact begin to identify with her
goals in a manner that will become more self-regulated. The following vi-
gnette reflects comments from a participant in Newman’s (1999) book enti-
tled No Shame in My Game. This book, which was described earlier in chapter
3, describes the adaptive features of inner-city youth who work in fast-food
restaurants. Latoya’s comments reflect some degree of identification with her
job, which is framed to a large extent by her awareness of the challenges of her
current life circumstances:

This was my first real job …. I take it seriously, you know …. It means a lot to
me. It give you—what’s the word I’m lookin’ for? Security blanket. ‘Cuz, a lot
of married women, like when I was married to my husband, when he left on
me. If [Jason] leave now, I can deal with the load because I work. [Jason] help
me—we split the bills half and half. But if he leaves, I’m not gonna be, well,
“Oh my God, I have no money.” No, I have a little bank account; I got my
little nest egg. You know, so it does mean a lot to me. I wouldn’t just up and
leave my job. (Newman, 1999, pp. 69–70)

As Latoya recounts in this vignette, she has identified with the security as-
pects of her job, which have helped her to feel safer in her world. While she
does not necessarily enjoy all of her tasks at work, there is an aspect of her nar-
rative that suggests that she is deriving some inherent structure for her life via
her work. However, it is important to note that her job is very likely not intrin-
sically interesting to her and may not ever be intrinsically interesting.
Although I am exploring some of the ways in which Latoya’s work life can
be part of her self-regulation system, I am not suggesting that SDT be used to
placate poor and working class people with limited vocational choices that
will be inherently unrewarding with only the most modest of financial re-
wards. In contrast, my position is that our society needs to do more to consider
the overall life experiences of all workers and potential workers, not just the
privileged and affluent. The use of SDT theory, as is detailed later in this
chapter, requires careful attention to the development and maintenance of
 WORKING AS SELF-DETERMINATION / 131

supportive contextual factors. As such, SDT theory provides valuable knowl-

edge for the development and implementation of systems and policies that
can enhance working experiences.

Integrated Regulation. Integrated regulation reflects the most autono-

mous and regulated of the phases of the internalization process. Characterized
by an internal locus of causality, integrated regulation describes behaviors and
efforts that are fully integrated into one’s self-regulating systems. These behav-
iors are generally enacted because the individual has integrated the values and
outcomes into one’s motivational processes. However, the actual tasks are still
not intrinsically interesting, although they are autonomously initiated. The fol-
lowing excerpt from a hat saleswoman, recounted in the Bowe et al. (2000) col-
lection, conveys important aspects of integrated regulation:

Surprisingly, though, I kind of like it [working in a hat shop]. I like being busy,
I like helping people—if they are nice—and I like the excitement of the sale.
I’d never had a sales job before, but I think that I am kind of a natural …. I
don’t know how to explain how I ended up here. I just don’t know. When I was
young, I thought that I was going to be a dancer. But realistically, I can’t be a
dancer. I was a fabric designer for a long time, but I hated that industry. I
think that, unfortunately, the fact that I have been here as long as I have is a
testament to the quality of the job as it is to my complacency. I mean, this job
is only meaningful to someone who needs my assistance. I don’t think that
being a salesperson has any meaning at all …. If I really figure out what I want
to do, I can do it. I’ve learned that from working here. (pp. 163, 166–167)

This vignette describes a woman whose job is not inherently interesting; at

the same time, her experience at work is not terrible or disdainful. Rather, her
working experience lies in the netherworld between the positive valence that
we all hope to experience in our work and the sheer pain of tedious activity or
exposure to aversive conditions or people that many people dread in their
working lives. The hat saleswoman describes some internalized aspects of her
working life that are satisfying, such as making a sale. Yet, she is able to reflect
on her own questions of the meaning of her job, which is reflective of the lack
of intrinsic motivation that she experiences. Although the hat saleswoman de-
scribes her interest in style and fashion, she claims that she is not a “hat per-
son.” In some sense, one might suggest that this individual is ambivalent
about her job, which indeed may be the case. However, in relation to the moti-
vational questions that are raised in this chapter, the hat saleswoman has in-
ternalized many important features of her job, including a commitment to her
role as a competent saleswoman and her dedication to being helpful to her
132 / CH A PT ER 5

customers. The locus of her regulation at work, therefore, seems to be primar-

ily located within herself, although it is clear that she is engaging in these tasks
in order to make a living. At this point in the internalization process, individu-
als are motivated increasingly out of interest in the activity itself. Although
the activity may not have originally evoked intrinsic interest, integrated
regulation results in an experience wherein the external rewards are far less
prominent and the activity or task becomes internally motivating.

Implications of Internalization. Ryan and Deci (2000) are clear in stating

that the phases of internalization are not a hierarchical developmental pro-
cess in which individuals pass through each stage on their way to a more au-
tonomous and self-regulating life. Rather, they view the internalization
process as a way of describing variations in the extrinsic motivation process,
thereby avoiding simplistic dichotomous distinctions among motivational
orientations. The internalization process offers a heuristically and conceptu-
ally solid foundation for considering how humans manage to engage in the
wide array of tasks that are necessary to earn a living, with the acknowledg-
ment that many of these tasks are not intrinsically interesting.
The implications of the internalization process for the psychology of work-
ing are extensive. As reflected in the material presented thus far, some aspects
of extrinsically motivating experiences may, in fact, be internalized into one’s
overall value and belief system. For example, workers who have been engaged
in activities or tasks that result in actions that contradict one’s own value sys-
tem may be less likely to experience rewards and satisfaction in their working
lives. Moreover, the SDT framework has detailed specific contextual ele-
ments that need to be in place in order for an experience to become more
self-determined and self-regulating. By applying these contextual factors to
our analysis of the psychology of working, it may be possible to develop ideas
about how to construct working experiences that may be more rewarding and
satisfying.

The Contextual Frame of Self-Determination Theory

A central tenet of SDT is that individuals who are able to engage in activities
that are self-regulated are more likely to experience greater satisfaction and
are also more likely to relate these activities to their broader life goals (Ryan
& Deci, 2000). In the research that has emerged from SDT, greater internal-
ization has been associated with “more behavioral effectiveness, greater voli-
 WORKING AS SELF-DETERMINATION / 133

tional persistence, enhanced subjective well-being, and better assimilation of

the individual within his or her social group” (Ryan & Deci, 2000, p. 73). Ryan
and Deci are clear, however, that internalized externally motivating activities
are still very distinct from intrinsically motivating activities. Intrinsically moti-
vating activities are characterized by the experience of authenticity and an in-
ternalized sense of commitment to the given task.
Ryan and Deci have developed an empirically supported model of specific
contextual attributes that facilitate the internalization of motivational orien-
tations. In short, they have proposed that individuals are more likely to inter-
nalize externally regulated behaviors, provided that three specific needs are
fulfilled: autonomy, relatedness, and competence. SDT offers the psychology
of working a potentially viable means of thinking about the lives of people
who have not had opportunities to seek out jobs that are intrinsically interest-
ing. Moreover, I believe that an exploration of the three contextual attributes
of internalization may furnish scholars and policymakers with the conceptual
tools to improve the conditions of working, which may in turn enhance the
overall quality of life for many workers across the globe.
Motivation, therefore, is contingent upon the array of resources from
one’s social, familial, and psychological contexts. In effect, the internalization
process is dependent on the context and how the individual interprets it.
Moreover, I contend that the availability of these contextual factors may be a
positive attribute for many individuals who are confined to jobs that are not
intrinsically interesting, provided that the supportive needs outlined by SDT
are in place and that the job tasks and goals of the organization are consistent
with the worker’s values. However, I want to caution that internalization, in of
itself, cannot change many of the realities that exist in the world of work cur-
rently, including harsh and unsafe environments, lack of sufficient work for
people, abusive supervisors, and inadequate pay and benefits. Still, exploring
the relevant aspects of SDT has the potential to help many workers find ways
of making their working lives somewhat more relevant in their lives. As we
shall explore later in this chapter and in subsequent chapters, many of the
contextual factors involve considerable social and economic reforms. In the
sections that follow, I review these contextual attributes in greater depth and
relate them to the working lives of people who have not had an opportunity to
seek out intrinsically interesting jobs.

Need for Autonomy. Ryan and Deci (2000) proposed that the need for au-
tonomy is important for an individual to experience a sense of authenticity in
a given task. The essence of the Ryan and Deci’s position is detailed in the fol-
lowing quote:
134 / CH A PT ER 5

The experience of autonomy facilitates internalization and, in particular, is a

critical element for a regulation to be integrated. Contexts can yield external
regulation if there are salient rewards or threats and the person feels compe-
tent enough to comply; contexts can yield introjected regulation if a relevant
reference group endorses the activity and the person feels competent and re-
lated; but contexts can yield autonomous regulation only if they are autonomy
supportive, thus allowing the person to feel competent, related, and autono-
mous. To integrate a regulation, people must grasp its meaning and synthesize
that meaning with respect to their other goals and values. Such deep, holistic
processing (Kuhl & Fuhrmann, 1998) is facilitated by a sense of choice, voli-
tion, and freedom from excessive external pressure toward behaving or think-
ing a certain way. In this sense, support for autonomy allows individuals to
actively transform values into their own. (Ryan & Deci, 2000, pp. 73–74)

As reflected in this description, the experience of autonomy in the inter-

nalization process has the potential to transform an externally regulated ex-
perience into a far more self-determined experience. Perhaps the best
example of autonomy at work can be found by those whose responsibilities
are very much linked to their intellect and creativity. In the study by Gardner,
Csikszentimihalyi, and Damon (2001), the lives of geneticists and journalists
are explored to discern the meaning of “good work.” According to Gardner et
al., good work reflects high-quality contributions that result in positive im-
provements in society. Both geneticists and journalists, naturally, would be
likely to have access to the “grand career narrative,” thereby offering them an
opportunity to develop meaningful and rewarding work lives. In an excerpt
from the Gardner et al. volume, James D. Watson, the famous geneticist, was
one of the participants in their narrative analysis of the meaning of good
work. Watson’s description of his working life, as follows, conveys autonomy
in a very evocative manner:

One of the great things about this job is that I can have a meeting about any-
thing that interests me. Because we were given this estate nearby where we
have sort of thirty person meetings … so I think that I’ve got the best job ….
The wonderful thing was that I was the boss and you didn’t have to worry
about whether the Dean felt the Department should have balance ….
(Gardner et al., 2001, p. 82)

In relation to many other passages in this book, the comments from Wat-
son provide a sharp contrast to the passages from workers who do not experi-
ence such extensive and pervasive feelings of control and autonomy in their
work lives. Yet Watson and other scientists, scholars, writers, and artists also
form part of the complex tapestry of workers and merit our attention in an in-
clusive psychology of working. Indeed, the type of autonomy reflected in Wat-
 WORKING AS SELF-DETERMINATION / 135

son’s passage suggests intrinsic motivation, representing the “gold standard”

of motivational experiences. It is important to note that Watson’s experience
conveys the vast potential for self-determination and inner satisfaction that
working can provide. And indeed, Watson’s voice and others with his talents
and knowledge clearly belong in the complex mosaic of workers’ voices that is
presented in this book. Yet, the level of privilege that Watson has in his job is
certainly not common, as is conveyed in the following passage from an
automobile parts specialist in the Bowe et al. (2000) collection:

I sell Honda auto parts. That’s my job, and I’ve been working with automo-
biles in one way or another for twenty years, but I don’t consider it my life.
Not by a long shot. It keeps my family fed, but it interferes with what I’d like
to be doing, which is painting, drawing, sculpting, making little airplanes.
I wanted to be an artist. And I did pursue that for a while, but I became dis-
illusioned with it in college …. So I gave it up and moved to Dallas, came
here and got married …. What I do is sit behind a counter and I sell parts,
just Honda parts for Honda cars. I get a salary and a little commission on
each sale.
It’s a good job. There’s problems, but it’s not a perfect world. There’s prob-
lems with everything. I’ve done enough different things to know what works
for me. And what’s good about this job is, first of all, I make a good income.
Second, it’s honest—I know my parts and I know Honda makes them well ….
And third—and this is very important to me—I have a lot of downtime, lots of
slow time that I can devote to my projects—just little things to keep my
creativity alive. Lately, I’ve been making little airplanes. I make the wings out
of plastic from warranty bags …. I build ‘em then take ‘em home, and put ‘em
up in the cabinets around the house …. We’ve [my boss and I] reached a point
where he doesn’t usually bother me as long as I do everything I’m supposed to
do, all my duties ….
You don’t need to work yourself to death to be happy. I’ve got a good retire-
ment package. I’m looking forward to that. I’ll have more free time to do my
projects and be myself. It’ll be sweet. (pp. 79–84)

This example contrasts sharply with the Watson vignette, yet the compari-
son also offers insights into the complexities of motivation at work. In Wat-
son’s case, the interest is intrinsic and is clearly a major driving force in his
work life. The Honda employee represents a more internalized pattern of mo-
tivation in which the actual tasks are not particularly interesting. However,
the autonomy provided to him in his job has given him a great opportunity to
pursue intrinsic interests. This passage from the Honda employee eloquently
describes the experiences of an individual who was able to create a sense of
autonomy in his work life literally out of material that is considered “waste” in
136 / CH A PT ER 5

his job. He is not very interested in the actual tasks of this job, but he has man-
aged to find a position that allows him to engage in activities that he finds
more intrinsically interesting. The fact that this worker has an opportunity to
engage in tasks that he is curious about is not always possible, but it does sug-
gest some of the ways that extrinsically motivating jobs may become more
self-regulating for people. This individual has managed to create a combina-
tion of leisure and work that is subtly woven together and tolerated by his
supervisor, provided that he is able to complete his tasks in the auto parts
office.
In both of these examples, the opportunity for autonomy at work has the
potential to engage the worker in a profound and meaningful manner. Both
James Watson and the auto parts specialist have been able to manifest their
own career interests at work, in effect, enacting their own version of the grand
career narrative. It is important to note that the possibility of expressing one’s
own interests at work is not always necessary for one to experience autonomy
at work. The following example from a steel worker describes the role of her
union in helping her to feel autonomous at work:

I’m a Heister operator. That’s really just a generic name for steel hauling ….
When I started it was just a job, and it paid well. I’d never really had too much
experience with unions. I knew you got jobs; I didn’t know what unions really
had to do with them. But when ‘95 hit [a strike], that was it. I saw what the
union meant to my job. Since then, it’s been part of my job.
You have to organize to have a good work environment. You make it a good
place to work. You make it a place without rumors, but with information ….
Whatever you do, I’ve always taught my kids, you’re not doing it for them,
you’re doing it for yourself. You have to respect your work, not who you’re
doing it for. This job is no more meaningful than any other job except it means
something to me. (Bowe et al., 2000, pp. 37, 41–43)

This passage describes the development of autonomy in perhaps a more

traditional fashion within industrial and post-industrial nations. The develop-
ment of labor unions certainly has played a major role in furnishing workers
with a context that values and ideally manifests autonomy (MacDonald &
Sirianni, 1996). The degree to which labor unions are still able to provide this
critical role in the lives of unskilled and semi-skilled workers has increasingly
diminished over the past few decades within the United States, Britain, Aus-
tralia, Korea, and Japan along with other countries (Bamber & Lansbury,
1998). However, in other parts of the world (e.g., Norway, Sweden, and Aus-
tria), labor unions have maintained their strength (Bamber & Lansbury,
1998) and offer opportunities for not only autonomy, but for safer and per-
 WORKING AS SELF-DETERMINATION / 137

haps even more stable working conditions. The three preceding passages sug-
gest the complex pathways that individuals and organizations can take to
foster autonomy at work. Furthermore, these vignettes convey the central
role that autonomy plays in the process of developing a self-determined level
of motivation at work.

Need for Relatedness. Similar to the need for social connection that forms
one of the three pillars of the psychology of working (Blustein, 2001a, 2001b;
Flum, 2001; Schultheiss, 2003), Ryan and Deci (2000) proposed that internal-
ization can be facilitated when individuals feel connected to others in a mean-
ingful way within their specific context. Based on considerable empirical
research both within the SDT tradition (e.g., Deci & Ryan, 2000; Ryan,
Stiller, & Lynch, 1994) and within career development and organizational
psychology (e.g., Blustein et al., 1995; Hall, 1996; Schultheiss et al., 2001), the
experience of relatedness and interpersonal connection has been associated
with positive outcomes in work-oriented contexts. With respect to the inter-
nalization process, Ryan and Deci follow the tradition of Bowlby (1988) in
arguing that our need for relatedness is an outgrowth of our evolution, which
has blossomed in large measure due to our success as social organisms. The
need for relatedness, which was detailed in chapter 4, provides one of the
building blocks of a context that supports the development of internalization.
Ryan and Deci believe that people have an inherent need for connection
and that the availability of this connection helps to create the conditions for
the internalization of self-regulation. A clear and discernible sense of related-
ness functions to provide individuals with the emotional support that is
needed to feel connected within a given context. Individuals who are working
in a particular environment in which their needs for interpersonal relatedness
are affirmed and fulfilled have a greater likelihood of experiencing greater
self-regulation. For example, a worker from a Pacific Rim nation who is in-
volved in the manufacturing of textiles in her home country may find her job
to be quite dull when considered without attention to her context. However, if
she enjoys her colleagues and has supportive and caring supervisors, one
would think that this worker would have an easier time internalizing the exter-
nal regulation that functions to modulate her motivation. Thus, the factory
worker with greater emotional support at work may feel fulfilled in a psycho-
logical sense and may be better able to engage in work tasks that are not inher-
ently rewarding. It is not uncommon to hear workers describe their
satisfaction in seeing friends and co-workers as being one of the only joys in
their otherwise meaningless tasks. The following vignette from the Bowe et al.
138 / CH A PT ER 5

(2000) collection describes what the experience of lack of relatedness feels

like to a public utilities specialist who conveys the experiences of a contempo-
rary federal government worker:

There’s something lacking. I don’t think that people know how to make lasting
friendships, or to put the work in, you know, to follow up or see how people
are doing, to keep the friendship going and things of that nature. And it’s
probably society-wide, because there’s no excuse for it where we work. You
know, a lot of us live in the same area. And we won’t get together at all. I
guess we don’t want to be friends with each other. I don’t know. It’s just all
strange to me. The way we have it, people just chitchat at work and then go
their separate ways …. I just don’t want my tombstone to read, ‘Here lies a
lifelong bureaucrat.’ (pp. 587–588)

This passage conveys the sense of isolation and lack of interpersonal con-
nection that increasingly characterizes many occupational settings, which was
described in previous chapters. While the lack of relatedness is very likely not
entirely responsible for this individual’s sense of alienation and disconnec-
tion, the absence of relational support may be contributing to the protago-
nist’s difficulty in developing a level of internalized self-regulation that might
add greater meaning at work. Consistent with the emerging relational per-
spectives in the psychology of working (Blustein, 2001b; Flum, 2001;
Schultheiss, 2003), the presence or absence of meaningful interpersonal con-
nections is important to the process of internalizing selected aspects of one’s
motivational context.

Need for Competence. Ryan and Deci (2000) also have described the im-
portant role that competence serves in fostering internalization. Consistent
with social learning models of human motivation (e.g., Bandura, 1986; Lent et
al., 2002), the experience of competence in a given task is associated with
greater internalization of self-regulating functions. Support for this inference
also has been demonstrated in considerable research within the motivation
literature (e.g., White, 1959) and within vocational psychology (Lent et al.,
2002). From an intuitive and logical sense, the experience of competence
would seem to promote internalization. People who are able to learn the rele-
vant tasks involved in a given work setting are more likely to experience suc-
cess and feelings of mastery, which have been associated with a number of
positive outcomes, such as greater effort in a task (e.g., greater levels of ex-
ploratory behavior; Blustein, 1989) and persistence in the face of obstacles
(Lent et al., 2002). For example, let us consider a woman who takes a job as a
 WORKING AS SELF-DETERMINATION / 139

bus driver and reports feeling very disconnected from the job, with particular
difficulty in negotiating the large vehicle within relatively crowded city
streets. As she becomes more familiar with the tasks involved in operating the
bus, managing the passengers, and negotiating urban traffic, the job may be-
come more internalized, less stressful, and less alienating. I should note that
improved competence, in of itself, would not necessarily lead to a highly satis-
fying job, one that is congruent with one’s personality, or one that allows for
expression of one’s self-concept. Rather, the experience of competence may
be associated with a greater sense of self-regulation, which may help the job to
become somewhat more comfortable.
Some of the more prominent aspects of a context that provides opportuni-
ties for the development of competence can be found in the Bowe et al. collec-
tion, in which an adhesive company sales representative describes a sale in a
vivid and passionate manner:

[After four and a half years of working in technical services, the protagonist
finally lands a sales job in her firm.] I just badgered the hell out of my district
manager and finally after a year and a half of continually asking, the company
put me into a sales territory in Kansas City …. I love it. What’s hard is con-
vincing them [the clients] that you know what you are talking about. Whereas
a salesguy in this has more of a tough time getting in to see the person, once
they get in, they really do not have to prove their credibility as much as a
female does.
But this doesn’t bug me—I enjoy the challenge, absolutely, absolutely enjoy
the challenge …. I’ve been very successful at convincing people to go with us.
Generally, if I can get into a plant, and do a trial …, I’ve won the account.
And I’ve been even more successful—and this is really my forte, I think—at
getting them to stay with us once they’re on board. My technical background
definitely helps me because I know the products really well. But, what’s more
important, I think, is that I know what to do to service the client …. (Bowe et
al., 2000, pp. 141–143)

This vignette describes a job (i.e., sales) in which interpersonal skills are
generally viewed as the key to success. And, while this individual presents her-
self in a way that suggests a comfort in working with and influencing others,
she also conveys a level of competence about the product that is well inte-
grated into her knowledge base. Indeed, as this individual progresses in her
narrative, her sense of enthusiasm about her working life is clearly evident
and compelling. Whether this sense of joy and excitement is entirely due to
her competence in sales and in the product she is selling is impossible to dis-
cern. Consistent with the tenets of internalization that have been articulated
by Deci and Ryan (1985, 2000), this narrative gives voice to the importance
140 / CH A PT ER 5

that competence plays in the development of adaptive self-regulating mecha-

nisms at work.

Interface of the Contextual Conditions. Deci and Ryan (2000) have com-
mented on an observation about the potential conflict inherent in a simulta-
neous need for autonomy and the need for relatedness. Ideally, the need for
relatedness and the need for autonomy can complement each other in a man-
ner that is similar in some ways to the attachment paradigm. As Bowlby
(1988) described, children who are securely attached will actually be more
likely to venture out into the world, thereby enhancing their competence and
their sense of autonomy. In fact, the connection between attachment theory
and SDT was explored in a series of studies by LaGuardia, Ryan, Couchman,
and Deci (2000), who confirmed the notion that the need for autonomy and
relatedness can function in tandem to promote adaptive behavior. Adding the
need for competence to the mix is also consistent with mainstream models of
motivation (e.g., White, 1959) as well as social learning theory (e.g., Bandura,
1986). However, it is important to note that SDT has considerable conceptual
differences with social learning theory. In particular, SDT focuses strongly on
the role of the individual as the agent in his or her life. The environment is
viewed as containing the nutrients to promote a natural striving for self-deter-
mination. This position contrasts with social learning theory in that SDT is
constructed upon humanistic assumptions about human behavior, which lie
in sharp distinction with the learning assumptions of social learning theory.
More specifically, individuals are viewed as having the innate striving for
self-regulation and ultimately for self-determination. Their motivation for
these states is not contingent upon direct or vicarious learning; rather, the
context is viewed as furnishing the necessary psychological and relational ele-
ments that can nourish the individual’s innate motivation to maximize oppor-
tunities for self-determination.

Self-Determination in the Working Context

When considered collectively, SDT provides the psychology of working with a

conceptually rich foundation to enhance the quality of working experiences.
However, several other conceptual elements are necessary for a more com-
plete understanding of the motivational complexities of working. One of the
key elements that is needed for a more thorough understanding of working is
a consideration of the consistency between an individual’s values and the val-
 WORKING AS SELF-DETERMINATION / 141

ues of one’s work organization (cf. Brown, 2002a, 2002b; Mitchell &
Krumboltz, 1990). A second element is a clear understanding of the realities
of the broader social, economic, and political environment, which has a con-
siderable impact on the availability of work that is even remotely facilitative of
self-determined functioning.

Need for Value Congruence. Another factor that I would add to the con-
textual framework of the SDT view of working is value congruence. Brown
(2002a, 2002b) has articulated a theoretical framework that is based on the
critical importance of values in the career choice and development process. In
a similar vein, I believe that individuals who share values with their work orga-
nization or employers will be more likely to become self-determined in their
working lives. Brown (2002a) has defined values in an integrative manner that
is linked to the broader discussion of values in psychological research. For
Brown, values represent one’s beliefs about the optimal means of functioning
in society. Values emerge as cognitive structures that have implications for be-
havior and emotions. In addition, values often are manifested overtly via con-
scious choices or may be manifested covertly as embedded beliefs that subtly
guide behavior and attitudes.
In addition to the need for relatedness, competence, and autonomy, I
would add value congruence to the list of factors that ideally may foster in-
ternalization and lead to greater self-regulation in the working context.
Whereas Brown (2002a) views values within the context of traditional ca-
reer choice and decision-making questions in vocational psychology, my
concern is more circumscribed; that is, I am interested in exploring how
value congruence may enhance or detract from one’s ability to work in a
self-determined fashion. The striving for value congruence, naturally, is a
complex, individualistic process that is shaped by the broader context. As
Brown highlighted, values vary based on culture, socioeconomic status, in-
dividual life experiences, and a host of other variables. The social learning
theory by Mitchell and Krumboltz (1990) also described the importance of
values in career decision making. Despite the recent interest in understand-
ing the role of values in vocational psychology, Brown (2002b) noted that
very little direct research has been conducted to assess the precise role that
values play in various aspects of the career choice and development pro-
cesses. As such, the role of values in career development and, more specifi-
cally, the function of value congruence in the motivational experiences of
workers needs to be examined in future research.
142 / CH A PT ER 5

In relation to understanding motivation in the working context, I propose

that workers ideally would prefer to connect to organizations that have val-
ues that are consistent with their own. Indeed, the search for value congru-
ence may offer more of a viable opportunity for people who do not have
extensive choice in their educational opportunities or vocational choices
than the traditional focus on interest congruence. As an example, consider
the working experiences of farmers who work in the cultivation of tobacco as
opposed to farmers who are cultivating wheat. I would argue that the former
might have greater difficulty in experiencing self-regulation because the val-
ues of their activities may be inconsistent with their own values (assuming
that one values working in the production of life-enhancing products as op-
posed to products that have been associated with illness and premature
death). A similar argument may be developed for a given psychologist who
does not value the role and impact of intelligence testing in society. I would
argue that if this psychologist worked for an organization, such as a school,
that placed a strong value on the predictive role of intelligence testing, he or
she would be less prone to experience intrinsic motivation or even self-regu-
lating mechanisms at work.
Another way in which individuals can attain value congruence is when their
values about working are consistent with the affirmed attributes within their oc-
cupational context. For example, value congruence can be attained when a
worker values the process of exerting effort in his or her job and this effort is
valued by that person’s employers and co-workers. In reviewing narratives of
workers, one of the common themes is the value that people hold in relation to
putting forth maximum effort and energy in their job tasks (Bowe et al., 2000).
If a work context is able to manifest its values about effort and initiative in an
explicit and coherent way, it would seem more likely that people would be able
to internalize self-regulating processes, thereby yielding greater levels of moti-
vation. The comments and writing from workers across the socioeconomic
spectrum are rich with narratives that convey the importance of having their
work ethic or work values affirmed by their employer. For example, the follow-
ing passage from the Bowe et al. (2000) volume describes the experiences of a
construction foreman whose values about working are affirmed in his daily life
and within his more immediate circle of co-workers and supervisors:

I never say no to work. I’ve always had a fear that if you say no, and it slows
down, you’re not going to get the chance to say yes …. So, I find myself work-
ing a lot. But I like it. I find it very rewarding. Just building something, creat-
ing something, and actually seeing your work. I’ve never had an office job or
anything, but I don’t think everybody gets the same gratification. You start
 WORKING AS SELF-DETERMINATION / 143

with a bare, empty lot with the grass growing up and then you build a house.
A lot of times you’ll build a house for a family, and you see them move in,
that’s pretty gratifying. (p. 36)

This vignette describes the satisfaction that the foreman has in seeing the
product of his efforts. Yet, prior to this statement, he indicated that his work
“was not necessarily an attractive job” (Bowe et al., 2000, p. 33). In fact, he de-
scribed several challenges and problems with his work; nevertheless, he
seemed to value the product of his efforts, creating housing for people, and
also the value of experiencing the connection between his efforts and his out-
put. This vignette, coupled with the literature reviewed in this section, sug-
gests that the infusion of a values perspective in the working context would
seem potentially informative for subsequent research.

Need for Access to the Opportunity Structure. Consistent with the move-
ment in psychology to incorporate the broader context more fully into con-
ceptualizations about working (cf. Helms & Cook, 1999; Martín-Baro, 1994;
Prilleltensky, 1997; Wilson, 1996), a complete understanding of the motiva-
tional experiences of people at work needs to include a discussion of the op-
portunity structure. The opportunity structure reflects one’s access to the
resources and supports that frame the process of planning, training, locating,
and adjusting to work. Included in the opportunity structure, therefore, is
one’s access to adequate housing, supportive family members, safe neighbor-
hoods, effective education, and financial support for post-high school educa-
tion and training.
In mapping the contextual framework of self-determined functioning at
work, I propose that we also need to consider the degree to which access to the
opportunity structure is available. People who have greater access are more
likely to find jobs that offer greater opportunities for rewarding work. For ex-
ample, the participants in the Albany school-to-work studies who had greater
access to the opportunity structure, as indexed by their socioeconomic status,
were more likely to view work in a positive light (Blustein et al., 2002). Indeed,
similar findings are evident throughout the social and behavioral science lit-
erature (e.g., M. T. Brown, Fukunaga, Umemoto, & Wicker, 1996; Fouad &
Brown, 2000; Riverin-Simard, 1991). In effect, the three attributes of inter-
nalization that Deci and Ryan (1985) have articulated may be more available
in situations where people have greater access to other fundamental re-
sources, such as the basic needs cited earlier (i.e., housing, good schools, etc.).
Thus, I am arguing that the contextual framework of SDT needs the same sort
144 / CH A PT ER 5

of explicit infusion of contextual factors that I am seeking to provide for the

psychology of working.

Conclusion

The addition of the need for value congruence and access to the opportunity
structure to the Deci and Ryan (2000) model regarding the contextual quali-
ties needed for internalization and self-determination continues the move
that social and behavioral scientists are making in holding the context or envi-
ronment accountable for some of the variations that we observe in psycholog-
ical functioning (e.g., Helms & Cook, 1999; Helms et al., 2005; Prilleltensky,
1997). The value congruence notion provides an additional dimension of per-
son–environment fit that seeks to include the match between the values of the
employer and of the individual worker in the mix of elements that play a role
in motivation and self-determination. The discussion about the broader so-
cial, economic, and educational context follows one of the core tenets of the
psychology of working. In effect, the infusion of these ideas into the SDT
work helps to move the question of motivation and self-determination to a lo-
cation in which aspects of individuals, their proximal contexts, and their more
distal contexts all interact in a complex, recursive way. Mapping the precise
nature of these interactions, naturally, awaits further research. However, it is
hoped that these initial ideas provide future scholars of working with some
pivotal notions about how to understand motivational processes.

Motivational Issues and Working

in Psychological Treatment

The discussion of motivational issues at work has typically occurred in rela-

tion to questions about productivity and turnover, generally within an I/O psy-
chology framework (Landy, 1989). In the psychology-of-working framework
that I am proposing in this book, I believe that the motivational framework
that I have presented thus far would be informative to counseling and psycho-
logical treatment. Prior to presenting a case, I first explore the potential of
SDT to inform our thinking about work-related issues in clinical practice.
One of the common hallmarks of psychological functioning has been one’s
ability to effectively handle the tasks of working, including locating a job, ad-
justing to the interpersonal and cognitive demands, and balancing work with
other life roles (Blustein & Spengler, 1995; Neff, 1985; Shore & Massimo,
 WORKING AS SELF-DETERMINATION / 145

1979). Yet, little attention within the counseling and psychotherapy literature
has been devoted to the individual experience of motivation at work that peo-
ple experience. Counseling clients and others receiving mental health treat-
ment often face daunting challenges in confronting and resolving some of the
pressing problems that may be evoking psychological discomfort or pain. A
key challenge in all sorts of treatments, including psychotherapy and even
medical care, is motivating people to engage in activities that may not be in-
trinsically interesting or compelling. Sheldon and colleagues have addressed
these challenges in their book (Sheldon et al., 2003), in which they have
sought to describe how SDT can be used to enhance effectiveness of clinical
treatments in both psychological and health-related contexts. (They did not
address work-related issues in any way, a trend that continues to plague most
contributions in clinical psychology and other mental health fields.) Sheldon
et al. argued that promoting autonomy support is the most critical aspect of
infusing SDT into treatment venues.
Autonomy support is a mode of interaction in which individuals have free-
dom to determine their own course of action. Autonomy support is con-
text-free in that it can be applied to any social interaction, regardless of what
type of information or persuasive communication is being exchanged, as con-
veyed in the following passage by Sheldon et al. (2003):
Deci and Ryan conceptualize autonomy support as having three distinct com-
ponents. First, the authority should take and acknowledge the perspective of
the subordinate. That is, as much as possible within the limits of their
empathic ability, authorities should address and honor their subordinate’s
worldview …. Second, the authority should provide choice whenever he or she
can. That is, as much as possible within the limits of the situation, the author-
ity should allow the subordinate to determine what to do …. Third, the
authority should provide a meaningful rationale when choice cannot be
provided. (p. 30)

These recommendations are certainly consistent with most of the tenets of

effective counseling and psychotherapy. Indeed, Sheldon et al. (2003) actu-
ally believe that these guidelines are congruent with good manners. However,
they note that many medical treatments—and, increasingly, many psycho-
therapeutic treatments (as reflected, for example, in some of the manualized
treatments for circumscribed disorders that have appeared in recent
years)—do not adhere to these elements of autonomy support. In my adapta-
tion of SDT to the world of counseling and psychotherapy, I am also empha-
sizing the other two supportive elements (competence and relatedness) as
well as value congruence and access to opportunities to the clinical challenges
of working therapeutically with clients. The following case, which is based on
146 / CH A PT ER 5

an amalgam of clients with whom I have worked in my clinical practice, de-

scribes the vast potential that can be attained by thinking more carefully
about motivation and working.

Angelo

Angelo is a 45-year-old attorney who was born in Italy and migrated to the
United States prior to attending college. He has just been laid off from his po-
sition in a non-profit agency and is also experiencing considerable marital dis-
tress. The loss of his job, which was caused by budgetary problems and was not
due to his performance, was a very painful event for Angelo. He loved his job
and he was always very motivated at work. He used to wake up early some days
in order to get to work and begin his day. He was very committed to the values
of the non-profit group (which was involved in consumer rights) and he also
enjoyed the connection he developed with his co-workers. In fact, the joy he
felt at work helped to compensate for his sense of aloneness in his marriage.
He and his wife, Maria, had grown apart over the past few years and their rela-
tionship was characterized by growing apathy and even bitterness. They had
talked about divorce, but they both felt that they should stay together to sup-
port their children. Angelo and Maria have two children (both boys), ages 12
and 14, who are doing reasonably well in their own development, although
they have been more anxious since Angelo lost his job.
Angelo sought treatment with me because of my skills in vocational coun-
seling and psychotherapy. Indeed, in the first few sessions, we developed a
treatment contract that included an integration of vocational counseling
and psychotherapy. I was careful to offer Angelo choices about how to pro-
ceed, which is consistent with the tenets of SDT (Sheldon et al., 2003) and
domain-sensitive treatment (Blustein & Spengler, 1995). After reviewing
the nature of Angelo’s depression, I determined that he was not experienc-
ing a major depression, but that he was indeed dysphoric. I discussed with
Angelo the utility of developing a timetable for his job search that simulated
his work schedule, again underscoring his sense of choice and volition. We
both concurred that he would be better off conducting his job search from an
office provided by his state’s Department of Labor (One-Stop Career Cen-
ters). In addition, he started a regimen of physical exercise, which offers cli-
ents a means of improving mood regulation along with enhanced levels of
agency. The increased level of activity, both in his job search and his work-
outs, functioned in tandem to reduce his depressive moods and he soon re-
gained feelings of hopefulness.
 WORKING AS SELF-DETERMINATION / 147

The sluggish job market in the region where Angelo lived, coupled with his
lack of financial security, led him to apply for and receive a job in a small pri-
vate law practice. The private practice involved a fair amount of family law as
well as small business law, fields in which Angelo was not particularly inter-
ested. Also, Angelo’s bosses in the law practice were clear that his evaluation
and continued employment were contingent to some extent on his ability to
generate business for the firm. So, rather than spending time with his children
or engaging in his hobbies (which included painting and music), he had to
move into social circles that would help him to develop leads for his firm. In
addition, the lack of satisfaction at his new job changed the delicate balance
that he and Maria had carved out of their troubled marriage. Angelo was no
longer very satisfied at work and his lack of engagement at work made the
pain of the marriage more salient to him. This, in turn, increased the level of
conflict in the marriage, which was instrumental in helping Angelo and Maria
initiate couples counseling.
Within 6 months after the start of counseling, Angelo was still struggling.
While he had a new job, he was not particularly happy with his current posi-
tion or his future career options. His marriage was rocky; however, he and
Maria were now working on their issues rather than denying them or avoiding
them. As we assessed his status at this juncture, I explored a number of issues
with Angelo. First, with respect to his level of depression, Angelo was still
somewhat dysphoric; however, each of the sources of despair were all rooted
in specific issues that he was addressing. For example, the marriage counsel-
ing had resulted in a clearer level of awareness for him of how he was contrib-
uting to the distance with Maria. Second, the problems at work represented
complex life choices that Angelo faced in an honest and open fashion. For
Angelo to continue his work in the consumer rights area, he and his family
would likely have to move out of the medium-sized northeastern city where
they and their extended family lived. This option was not conceivable at this
point, but might be as their children became older and moved onto college or
post-secondary training. Therefore, we decided to focus on identifying ways
for Angelo to find more satisfaction at work.
The ensuing treatment, which took place weekly and then once every other
week for the next 10 months, focused on Angelo’s working experiences and
his marriage. One of the important observations from the counseling was
Angelo’s tendency to become overwhelmed by his emotionality. In both the
work and family contexts, Angelo tended to reach very quick, often impulsive
conclusions, generally after feeling hurt or bruised in a given interpersonal in-
teraction. We explored the use of meditative and mindfulness interventions
(Epstein, 1995), which were designed to help Angelo accept his feelings with-
148 / CH A PT ER 5

out necessarily acting on them. (For a review of these interventions, please

see Epstein, 1995, and Safran, 2003.) In addition, Angelo realized that his in-
tense reactions to challenging situations had left him feeling disconnected at
his new job. Rather than viewing the comments of his bosses as helpful and in-
structive, he tended to experience them as denigrating and hurtful. In the
same vein, the marital sessions revealed a similar pattern of over-reaction,
which was a pattern that both Maria and Angelo used throughout their
marriage.
While there was improvement in the marriage, Angelo continued to feel
empty and disengaged at work. He longed for the non-profit organization that
he worked for and he described feeling lonely and incompetent at work. The
final stage of our work, therefore, focused on helping Angelo to feel more
competent at work and to feel more connected to his colleagues. The issue of
competence at the job was resolved to a great extent by the reality that he was
gaining more skills and knowledge as he worked in these relatively new areas
of family law and small business law. The issue of connectedness to his col-
leagues was more complex. Angelo did not share some of the core values of
his colleagues, who were fairly conservative politically and who viewed law as
a means of earning a good living as opposed to Angelo’s idealistic views. How-
ever, he was able to make one solid friend at work who helped to create the
sense of connectedness that had been missing. In addition, Angelo joined the
local Democratic party to expand his social networks and explore other ways
of contributing to the social good.

Discussion

The end of treatment for Angelo brought some improvement, but his working
situation and his marriage were still not ideal. From the perspective of SDT,
this case offers an illuminating opportunity to explore how motivational pro-
cesses can intersect with the counseling process. One of the realities of
Angelo’s job loss is that he was forced out of a working environment that of-
fered him intrinsic motivation and an almost idealized opportunity for opti-
mal self-determination. However, as with many workers in the early part of
the 21st century, the golden era of stable jobs that are hierarchically related
and ever more challenging and satisfying is not always possible. Of course,
Angelo and Maria had to make a difficult decision about family issues in their
deliberations about moving to a new location so that he could pursue his
dreams. The ending of the treatment for Angelo was not as rosy as it could be,
but it was far more hopeful than it could have been.
 WORKING AS SELF-DETERMINATION / 149

One of the important characteristics of this case is that I was very cognizant
of the importance of working for Angelo. Rather than viewing his work-re-
lated struggles exclusively or even primarily as a manifestation of biologically
oriented depressive states or unresolved family dramas, I affirmed his con-
cerns and sought to understand them from his perspective. (Of course, I did
explore the other hypotheses, but I did so in a way that acknowledged the real-
ity of Angelo’s concerns about working.) The issues that emerged in examin-
ing Angelo’s work life are very clearly illuminated by SDT. The new position
for Angelo was not ideal for him; it was not very congruent with his socially
minded interests and with his values. Therefore, Angelo was now faced with
the task of adapting to an extrinsically motivating job. However, as Deci and
Ryan (1985, 2001) have detailed, changes in the context can help people to be-
come more self-regulating and ideally more content in extrinsically motivat-
ing situations. Consistent with the recommendations of Sheldon et al. (2003),
I sought to enhance Angelo’s autonomy support throughout the treatment.
Angelo had felt disempowered by his job loss, a feeling that is, of course, very
common among the unemployed. As such, his sense of autonomy in his life
was notably diminished. I consistently offered Angelo choices about the next
steps in his treatment. In addition, by having him adopt a “full-court” ap-
proach to the job search (involving 40-plus hours a week in the process of de-
veloping leads, writing letters and resumes, and going on informational
interviews), Angelo naturally became more autonomous with respect to his
vocational life. The improvements in his marriage also helped him to feel
more in control of his life. Moreover, the development of tools that he
employed to manage his emotional life also functioned to enhance his
feelings of autonomy.
Furthermore, I worked with Angelo to enhance his relational supports,
both at work and outside of work. The value differences between Angelo and
his colleagues made this a difficult task, but it was not impossible. And, in-
deed, Angelo managed to develop a solid friendship at work that provided
him with some of the relational resources needed for internalization. I also
worked with Angelo to enhance his competence at work. We explored the
possibility of his taking graduate level courses or advanced law courses to im-
prove his skills in these new areas. Angelo became aware of the need to en-
hance his competence and, in effect, began to reframe his cases as
opportunities for advanced training. He consulted with colleagues about his
cases and also frequented the law library of the local law school to improve his
knowledge.
In sum, Angelo’s case reflects the potential that exists in using SDT in psy-
chotherapy about working. As indicated earlier, the benefits of SDT in tradi-
150 / CH A PT ER 5

tional psychotherapy have been detailed by Sheldon et al. (2003) with very
similar approaches used to help people move forward. This case and the ensu-
ing discussion extend the applicability of SDT to counseling and psychother-
apy that is affirmatively inclusive of working. In some ways, adapting SDT to
the work context offers counselors with a potentially valuable opportunity to
help clients find ways to enhance their overall level of satisfaction with their
lives. Naturally, the case of Angelo offered far more access to the opportunity
structure than would a case involving a migrant farm worker or unskilled fac-
tory worker. These sorts of challenges involve attention to the individual (via
activist and empathic counseling that will maximize one’s autonomy and
self-regulation) as well as attention to the social and economic context. Some
of these issues, which are explored in depth in chapter 10, are foreshadowed
in the next section.

The Psychology of Working

and Motivation: Conclusion

The material presented here has vast potential to inform the psychological
study of working. SDT has provided a powerful, empirically supported coun-
terpoint to deterministic theories of motivation that have emerged from psy-
choanalytic theory and behaviorism. In contrast to these richly informative,
yet dogmatic theoretical perspectives, Deci and Ryan have offered a means of
thinking about human beings as active agents who exist in a fluid, dynamic,
and complex environment. The implications of SDT for our purposes are that
it may furnish counselors, scholars, and policy analysts with a means of en-
hancing the quality of life for an increasing proportion of workers who have
little to no choice in what they do for their livelihoods.
Applying SDT to the psychology of working frames working in the broad
array of activities in which human beings engage to survive. By exploring the
extrinsic motivations that drive people to do things that they do not find in-
trinsically interesting, I am arguing that the psychology of working needs to
consider the full spectrum of workers and potential workers. Naturally, SDT
is relevant to those who do have choices about what they do to earn a living.
People who engage in activities that they find intrinsically interesting have the
opportunity for self-determination at work as well as all of the other positive
outcomes that our research has identified over the years (congruence, job sat-
isfaction, etc.). However, for the rest of humanity, SDT offers some poten-
tially powerful means of enhancing self-regulation. If we follow the advice of
 WORKING AS SELF-DETERMINATION / 151

Deci and Ryan (1985, 2000), we may be able to identify ways of improving the
quality of life for many workers across the globe. More precisely, the afore-
mentioned supportive elements of internalization each provide useful guide-
lines for employers and government leaders who may wish to enhance
working conditions. By designing work contexts such that they offer
opportunities for autonomy, relatedness, and competence, it may be possible
to create more satisfying work for people.
A more complete view of the conditions necessary for self-determined
functioning at work, however, ought to include attention to values congru-
ence and to access to the opportunity structure. In my application of SDT to
the world of working, I have explicitly included attention to the importance of
congruence of values between workers and their employers. While this sort of
congruence may not always be feasible, especially for people with few options,
it would seem important to explore the utility of this factor in future research
on working. The second attribute that I added to the SDT perspective is ac-
cess to the opportunity structure. In this case, I have attempted to sketch a
more complete impression of human motivation at work, including the very
real issues that are reflected in the complex array of economic, social,
political, and historical factors that frame our lived experiences.
Detailing the full complement of implications of the SDT for the psychol-
ogy of working awaits further research. However, the integration between the
vibrant theoretical model offered by Deci and Ryan (1985; Ryan & Deci,
2000) with the nascent psychology of working reveals the potential for a viable
long-term relationship. As I have argued, SDT offers a way of thinking about
enhancing the meaning and satisfaction that working can yield, even in situa-
tions where the tasks in which one is engaged are not even remotely interest-
ing. In addition, by providing a careful analysis of the contextual factors that
support internal regulation and self-determined functioning, SDT has given
us a valuable tool to map the policy implications of a psychology of working.
While these policy implications are examined in depth in chapter 10, I can
foreshadow them briefly here as they provide a perfect coda to the material
covered thus far.
In short, one of the most prominent implications of SDT for the psychol-
ogy of working is its identification of contextual factors that support self-de-
termination. Using these attributes as a foundation, it would seem important
for scholars to delineate how self-regulation can be promoted, particularly for
workers who do not have intrinsically interesting jobs. While the details of this
scholarship are difficult to discern at this juncture, it does seem likely that the
implications of transforming externally regulated working conditions to more
152 / CH A PT ER 5

self-regulated conditions would involve significant investments into educa-

tion, training, and other contextual factors that support and nurture human
development.
In the realm of working, investments in education would obviously yield
greater levels of competence among workers, especially in the current era
where such a vast premium is placed on knowledge. In addition, programs
that foster greater relatedness at work and in one’s communities are indi-
cated, which would help to counter many of the isolating trends in contempo-
rary society (Putnam, 2000; Sennett, 1998) as well as facilitating greater
comfort and support at work. Autonomy support is far more complex, as it
would entail a broad and far-reaching analysis of authority relations at work.
However, if the payoffs of autonomy support are as robust as they appear (cf.
Sheldon et al., 2003), it may be timely to rethink some of our assumptions
about a well-organized work environment.
In closing, the motivational framework for the psychology of working pro-
vides the guideposts for sustained research, theoretical endeavors, and policy
reform. The precise linkages among these guideposts have yet to be deter-
mined, but with the inclusion of SDT, future explorers of the psychology of
working have the advantage of a theoretical framework that meshes with the
humanistic objectives of an inclusive and affirming psychology of working.
Social Barriers and Working: Exploring Race,
Gender, Sexual Orientation, Disability Status,
and Social Class at Work

Black teachers if they are in the school [a contemporary school in the

South] at all are teaching for the most part remedial courses that are all
black. Very few blacks are teaching courses that you would value, litera-
ture, history or social studies. They are teaching remedial reading for
blacks or home ec. Schools are segregated within. In one high school
that so-called has all the wealthy kids—the city high school as such,
they’ve got one black teacher. She teaches home ec or gym or something
like that …. Well, initially especially, they didn’t want any black princi-
pals down there and they trumped up charges against a lot of them and
that sort of thing. And then the coaches. And it’s not too subtle.
—Foster (1993, p. 284)

Having experienced the surgeon’s daily doses of racism and sexism dur-
ing working hours, I had no desire to confront homophobia as well; I
was more determined to keep my personal life private. I would have pre-
ferred working elsewhere on the UCLA campus, yet in 1982 I had ac-
cepted that job because it had been the only one available ….
Meanwhile, in 1983, I began the equally difficult process of coming out
to my family, at the same time as I was building a relationship, attending
evening college classes, and attempting to find time to write fiction. I
found myself caught between my Chicano-Catholic family and my
closeted white lover. My family preferred to continue thinking of me as
their celibate and unmarried daughter, not as sexual, certainly not as
lesbian …. Exhausted from these conflicts, not to mention my long
hours of work and school, I had little time to write fiction and even less
to ponder the feasibility of being out in the workplace. On that point, I
agreed with my family and my lover; in the already stressful environ-
ment of the medical center, I would not be safe being out.
—de la Peña (1995)
153
154 / CH A PT ER 6

As I have noted in previous chapters and as further conveyed by the vig-

nettes cited herein, access to the world of work is far from equal. Within the
past few decades, psychologists and social scientists have described various
social filters or barriers that function to inhibit equal access to the resources
necessary for a satisfying work life (e.g., Arbona, 1995; Betz, 1989; Chung,
2003; Fassinger, 1996; Helms & Cook, 1999; Wilson, 1996). In this chapter, I
explore these social filters, building on the advances of scholars who have in-
vestigated these difficult questions. The purpose of this chapter is to examine
the impact that social barriers have in diverse working contexts. The argu-
ment that I seek to develop here is that the various means by which people are
categorized in contemporary society functions to inhibit and even prevent the
full expression of natural strivings to engage in meaningful and rewarding
work. As I explore each of the major social filters, the unequal distribution of
resources and barriers to people across the globe will become increasingly
clarified. While this theme has been explored elsewhere (e.g., Helms et al.,
2005; Lott, 2002; Sue, 2004), the focus of the present discussion is on the in-
terface of these forms of social oppression in the working context.
The literature on social barriers has a rich tradition in psychology, with
contributions emerging from various specialties. Given the wide array of so-
cial barriers that are reviewed in this chapter, I have elected to use social cate-
gorization theory (Devine, 1995) to help organize the material that follows.
Social categorization theory provides a means of understanding how human
beings establish various sorts of out-groups within their individual and collec-
tive social, economic, and political interactions. The functions of these
out-groups vary considerably. On one level, social categorization helps peo-
ple to organize vast amounts of stimuli, which facilitates our ability to process
information in stimuli-rich social and interpersonal situations. However,
Devine noted that human beings often tend to organize their perceptions of
people into meaningless categories that have no inherent value. As Helms
and Cook (1999) suggested, human beings use phenotypes (i.e., observable
physical attributes) in many of their social perceptions, resulting in the devel-
opment of categories with little or no inherent meaning.
One of the outcomes of social categorization is that people develop preju-
dices about others, based on observable differences in appearance or other ir-
relevant attributes (such as sexual orientation). These inferences or
observations about others then affect judgments about individuals’ capacity
to function in the world (Devine, 1995), including the educational,
work-based, and interpersonal contexts. For example, in the workplace, peo-
ple of color have been (and continue to be) pre-judged in relation to their in-
 SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WORKING / 155

telligence, work ethic, and linguistic skills, often with no corroborating

evidence other than their appearance. As I detail in this chapter, the process
of social categorization is pervasive and has functioned in both overt and co-
vert ways in the occupational world. The development of social categories in
our society has resulted in the evolution of groups that have greater social sta-
tus and groups that have less social status. The implicit hierarchy in which
groups are viewed has created social barriers in which some groups have
greater advantages than others generally based on demographic characteris-
tics. The existence of these social barriers functions to create inequity in edu-
cation, access to the supportive conditions needed to achieve the full range of
one’s talents, and employment and advancement opportunities. My position
is that an inclusive psychology of working needs to incorporate the full scope
of these social barriers. Ideally, understanding the social barriers in relation
to the natural human strivings to work may create the framework for effective
psychological practice and public policy.
The choice to begin this chapter with a discussion of racism reflects the
pervasive role that social constructions related to racial and ethnic character-
istics have played in the maldistribution of wealth and resources in the United
States and in other Western countries (Carter & Cook, 1992; Devine, 1995;
Helms & Cook, 1999; Tatum, 1999; Thompson & Neville, 1999; Wilson,
1996). This discussion is followed by an exploration of other major forms of
social and political oppression, including the role of sexism, classism, disabil-
ity status, and heterosexism in relation to the psychological experience of
working. The final section of the chapter presents a case vignette that seeks to
capture some of the more challenging elements in understanding how these
social filters impact on an inclusive counseling approach that integrates
explicit attention to the experience of working.

Race and Racism

Recent psychological analyses have considered race to reflect a social con-

struction as opposed to a biological or physiological characteristic (Clark, An-
derson, Clark, & Williams, 1999; Helms & Cook, 1999; Helms et al., 2005).
Following the Helms and Cook perspective, race is presented here as a
phenotypic attribute that has the potential to evoke a host of social reactions
and consequences. As Helms and Cook (1999) stated:

When a person is perceived as being a member of a racial group, then the per-
son’s “racial” demographic identity typically obliterates his or her membership
156 / CH A PT ER 6

in other demographic categories or social affiliations. That is, one’s access to

society’s rewards and punishments is more often based on one’s alleged racial
characteristics than on any other real or fictive human characteristics. (p. 16)

This view, which is echoed by other scholars (e.g., Carter & Cook, 1992;
Tatum, 1999), creates a situation in which people are judged based on the
color of their skin. The use of skin color or other phenotypic attributes as a ba-
sis for making inferences about the internal characteristics of an individual
has a long, and unfortunately, pernicious role in human history (Helms &
Cook, 1999). That this cognitive bias still exists, even within some intellectual
circles (cf. Rowe, 2005), is disconcerting and morally challenging for social
and behavioral scientists who are interested in human welfare and the
elimination of social and political oppression.

African American Experiences of Racism

The economic disadvantages that are associated with African attributes in the
United States have been well documented in numerous other sources (e.g., M.
T. Brown & Pinterits, 2001; Pope-Davis & Hargrove, 2001; Thompson &
Neville, 1999; Wilson, 1996). In short, African Americans, Latino, Native
Americans, Asian Americans and other people of color (also known as visible
racial and ethnic groups; Helms & Cook, 1999), experience pronounced dis-
crimination in nearly every aspect of their social and economic interactions.
People of color in the United States earn less money for essentially the same
work (Phelps & Constantine, 2001), are exposed to more violent and unhealthy
housing (Wilson, 1996), are provided with less than adequate education
(Arbona, 2000), and experience bias in nearly every aspect of their educational
and vocational development (Helms & Cook, 1999; Walsh, Bingham, Brown, &
Ward, 2001). The reality for people of color in the United States is that their
working lives have been consistently characterized by a lack of volition in their
working lives (Smith, 1983). Dating back to the slavery experience, African
American people have faced a working life wherein the option of implementing
one’s self-concept has remained an elusive dream. In many ways, the interface
of working and racism provides a vista into perhaps one of the most painful as-
pects of living in a society that stratifies access to opportunity based on skin
color. For many visible racial and ethnic minority group members, the entire
process of working, beginning with educational preparation and the job search
process as well as the actual day-to-day working experience, forces a reckoning
with the subtle and often overt sequelae of racism (Carter & Cook, 1992; Helms
& Cook, 1999).
 SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WORKING / 157

Despite the considerable obstacles that exist for people of color in Western
cultures, relatively little attention has been devoted to these issues in the vo-
cational psychology and organization psychology literatures. The earlier work
in this area, as exemplified by E. J. Smith’s (1983) contribution, began to chart
the numerous ways in which traditional career development theory and re-
search were of questionable relevance to the experiences of visible racial and
ethnic minorities. Carter and Cook (1992) developed a conceptualization of
the vocational lives of people of color by using systems theory as an organizing
framework. Their analyses encouraged a wide-angle examination of existing
and historic prejudices and barriers that function to inhibit the development
of volitional and satisfying careers for African Americans, Latino/as, Asian
Americans, and Native Americans. Helms and Cook (1999) expanded on the
Carter and Cook contribution by articulating a means of integrating racial
identity perspectives into our understanding of vocational behavior of visible
racial and ethnic group peoples. The racial identity paradigm, as articulated
by Helms and Cook, proposes that living in a multicultural context forces all
of us to contend with the social construction of race, both individually and col-
lectively. A key element in understanding racial identity theory in the voca-
tional realm is the notion of racial salience, which is defined as “the extent to
which a person conceives (correctly or incorrectly) of race as a significant de-
finer of one’s work options” (Helms & Piper, 1994, p. 129). For people of
color, racial salience is exemplified by the awareness that selected vocational
options are not easily accessible to people due to their skin color. For
European Americans, racial salience might be manifested by the belief that
African American people cannot perform high-level analytical work because
of differences in intelligence or disposition.

Racial Identity Theory. Helms and Cook (1999) argued that the process of
developing a racial identity intersects with pre-implementation and post-im-
plementation working life. (Because Helms and Cook view race as a social con-
struction, they have increasingly used the term “sociorace” as opposed to
“race.”) According to Helms and Cook, racial identity models “are descriptions
of hypothetical intrapsychic pathways for overcoming internalized racism and
achieving a healthy socioracial self-conception under varying conditions of ra-
cial oppression” (p. 81). The Helms (1990) model of racial identity, which actu-
ally represents one of a number of interrelated theoretical paradigms, has a rich
empirical tradition and a great deal of relevance to the present discussion. In
the Helms model, people of color ideally pass through the following racial iden-
tity ego statuses as they adjust to living in a racist society:
158 / CH A PT ER 6

I Conformity: This status is characterized by devaluing one’s own racial

and ethnic group, and affirming instead the standards of the oppressor and
privileged group, typically the world of European American people.
I Dissonance: This status is defined by ambivalence and confusion

about one’s own socioracial group.

I Immersion: This status is characterized by an idealization of one’s

own socioracial group and a corresponding denigration of the White cul-

ture and community.
I Emersion: This status is reflected by a sense of connection and identi-

fication with one’s own socioracial group.

I Internalization: As individuals move forward with their racial iden-

tity, they emerge into this status, which is typified by positive feelings and
acceptance of one’s own socioracial group and by a capacity to objectively
evaluate people from the majority culture.
I Integrative awareness: At this point, the individual is able to value his

or her own collective identity, encompassing identity domains of other cul-

tural groups, and to collaborate with members of other groups.

The racial identity paradigm also has been applied to the development of
White people. One of the strongest aspects of Helms’ work (e.g., Helms &
Cook, 1999) is that she has argued convincingly that much of the important
work on racial issues needs to be done by White people so that a more equita-
ble society can be constructed. The stages of White racial identity focus pri-
marily on the understanding of privilege and the processes by which people
are able to give up their privilege in the hopes of developing more just
attitudes toward others.
Racial identity theory, therefore, provides a means of reducing the human
tendency to rely on social categories, many of which are irrelevant, in making
judgments about others. Furthermore, Helms and Piper (1994) argued that
the process of racial identity development would have meaningful interac-
tions with the career development process. They have proposed that the atti-
tudes and behaviors across the spectrum of human diversity would have a
predictable impact on the way in which people approach their working lives.
For example, individuals of color in the conformity status would approach
their work tasks in dramatically different ways in comparison to individuals in
the internalization status. Individuals in the conformity status might have a
more difficult time in exploring themselves in an honest and open fashion; in
contrast, individuals in the internalization status might be able to engage in
extensive exploration and would likely have considerable confidence in
approaching work-related tasks.
 SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WORKING / 159

Additional insights about the impact of race in career development were

detailed by Walsh et al. (2001). The authors of the chapters of this edited book
confirmed the views of other scholars (e.g., Carter & Cook, 1992) in noting
that the available literature is woefully inadequate to deal effectively with the
complex problems faced by African Americans as they confront racism in so
many sectors of the United States. Moreover, Walsh et al. noted the lack of co-
herent theoretical models to guide individual and systemic interventions. In
my view, the problems that confront many African American citizens in the
United States may mirror the modal working experiences of many people
around the globe. Without access to the resources that support and nurture
the development of a truly volitional work life, African Americans may con-
tinue to struggle to find their way in one of the richest societies in the world.
By advancing the psychology of working perspective, I want to be clear that I
am not suggesting in any way that African Americans will not or should not
pursue volitional careers. In contrast, by attempting to get a closer connection
to the lived experiences of people of color, we have a greater opportunity to
understand the very real external obstacles that reduce opportunities. In fact,
scholarship emerging from the psychology of working may allow for the devel-
opment of systemic and public policy changes (see chapter 10) that ideally will
contribute to reducing social barriers and obstacles so that people have
greater equality as they embark on their life journeys.

Racism in the Working Context. The actual experience of working for

people of color is perhaps best understood by reading the words of people
who have had to face the unequal playing field of preparing for work. Wilson
(1996) captured the existence of prejudice among employers in his research
on the loss of jobs within urban communities. One respondent, who was the
chairman of a car transport company, replied as follows when asked about his
views on differences in the work ethic of different racial and ethnic groups:

Definitely! I don’t think, I know: I’ve seen it over a period of 30 years. I have it
right in here. Basically, the Oriental is much more aggressive and intelligent
and studious than the Hispanic. The Hispanics, except the Cubans of course,
they have the work ethnic (sic) …
Interviewer: You mentioned the case of native-born blacks.
Respondent: They’re the laziest of the bunch.
Interviewer: That would relate to your earlier remarks about dependability.
What is the reason for that?
Respondent: The parents are that way so, what the hell, they didn’t have a
role model to copy, that’s part of it. (p. 131)
160 / CH A PT ER 6

This passage powerfully conveys one of the realities of the lived experi-
ences of poor or working class African Americans. The remarks of this re-
spondent give voice to the internalization of racist attitudes and the pervasive
way that they are manifested in the employment process. Other respondents
in Wilson’s (1996) study, as exemplified by the following comment, attempted
to contextualize their views of the issues faced of African Americans in the
workplace:

A lot of times I will interview applicants who are black, who are sort of lower
class …. They’ll come to me and I cannot hire them because their language
skills are so poor. Their speaking voice one thing is poor … they have no ver-
bal facility with the language … and these … you know, they just don’t know
how to speak and they’ll say “salesmens” instead of “salesmen,” and that’s a
problem …. They don’t know punctuation, they don’t know how to use correct
grammar, and they cannot spell. And I can’t hire them. And I feel bad about
that and I think that they’re being very disadvantaged by the Chicago Public
School system. (p. 138)

The overwhelming message that comes through in the preceding passages

and in other passages in Wilson’s (1996) book is the sense of fear, social dis-
tance, and at times pure antagonism, that is manifested by employers who are
considering African American candidates. The brief review here, naturally,
does not even begin to cover the broad array of issues that pervade the work-
ing experiences of African Americans. Indeed, far more research and theory
is needed in this area. The material presented here, however, puts the inner
experiences of African Americans at the center of the conversation, which has
the potential to powerfully inform the social science literature and public
policy pertaining to work and education.

Native American Experiences of Racism

The impact of racism, unfortunately, has not been exclusive to African peo-
ples living in the United States. Considerable evidence exists that social cate-
gorization has been fairly widespread in human history (Devine, 1995; Helms
& Cook, 1999). As we continue in our exploration of working and power, it is
important to discuss the experiences of Native peoples in the Western Hemi-
sphere who also have faced considerable racism as Europeans invaded their
land and soon destroyed much of their culture. The story about the vast
changes in the working experiences of Native peoples is too detailed for full
explication here. However, the basic outlines merit some attention. Native
 SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WORKING / 161

peoples lived in the Western Hemisphere in a wide array of cultural contexts,

ranging from elaborate urban societies to rural hunting and gathering or tran-
sitional contexts (Zinn, 1980). When Europeans introduced land ownership
in the Americas and the Caribbean, Native peoples reacted in a number of
ways, including courageous fighting, passive resistance, and then resignation,
assimilation, or in some cases, continued struggle. In South America as in
North America, Native peoples often were relegated to the lowest rungs on
the socioeconomic ladder. In the following excerpt from Barrios de
Chungara’s (1978) powerful memoir about being married to a worker in the
Bolivian mines, we move closer to the experience of working in a job that re-
mains one’s only option for earning a livelihood:

When the worker is on the first shift [there are three shifts a day as the mine
runs 24 hours a day], we women have to get up at four in the morning to pre-
pare our compañero’s breakfast. At three in the afternoon he gets back from
the mine and he has not eaten anything yet. There’s no way to take any food
into the mine. It is not allowed …. With only breakfast in their stomachs, the
miners go from five in the morning to three in the afternoon, when they get
back home. The average life expectancy of a miner is 35 years. By then, he’s
totally sick with mine sickness. Since there are so many explosions to get the
ore out, these dust particles are breathed into the lungs, through the mouth
and nose. The dust consumes and finally destroys the lungs. (Barrios de
Chungara, 1978, pp. 26–27)

This sort of experience of working is far from the “grand career narrative”
that is described in the vocational psychology and organizational develop-
ment literatures. In the sparse literature that exists on the working experi-
ences of Native peoples (e.g., M. J. Johnson, Swartz, & Martin, 1995;
Juntunen et al., 2001), little attention has been devoted to the indigenous
ways in which work has been constructed within given tribes. Another chal-
lenge that confronts scholars and practitioners is the reality that Native tribes
vary extensively in their cultural attributes (M. J. Johnson et al., 1995). Given
the sparse literature on the working lives of Native peoples in the Western
hemisphere, one of the most important directions for an inclusive psychology
of working is to explore how indigenous cultural beliefs about working among
native communities affect views of education, training, and working in gen-
eral. By integrating knowledge of how work is constructed among Native peo-
ples, public policy recommendations may be developed that are consistent
with existing belief systems, perhaps providing new opportunities to reduce
the pervasive existence of poverty and despair that continue to plague many
native communities.
162 / CH A PT ER 6

Asian-American Experiences of Racism

Within the United States, Asian American people also have suffered under
the yoke of racism and discrimination (Leong & Serafica, 1995). Indeed,
there is a considerable history of racist attacks directed toward Asian people
that has been evident in nearly every region of the United States in which
Asians interact with people from other racial and ethnic groups (Liang, Li, &
Kim, 2004; Young & Takeuchi, 1998). Although a myth exists about Asian
Americans being the model minority group (Chun & Sue, 1998), the reality of
the situation is far from ideal. Recent research has indicated that people from
Asian backgrounds face racism, prejudice, and stereotyping in their educa-
tional and working lives (Leong & Serafica, 1995). For example, Asian Amer-
icans often believe that they need to conform to stereotypes that suggest that
they pursue technical or scientific careers. At the same time, the existing
scholarship on Asian Americans does not embrace the highly diverse working
experiences that Asian peoples manifest in their native countries. When we
consider these diverse views in tandem, it is difficult to arrive at any
generalizable ideas that would guide research and theory. As in the visible ra-
cial and ethnic groups that we have explored thus far, I advocate that we need
to move closer to the lived experiences of Asian peoples in order to create a
meaningful psychology of working. One relevant vignette from a Chinese
American young adult recalling high school describes the vivid barriers that
racism engenders:

When I was growing up, in high school, people used to tease me all the time
about being Chinese. I was the “Chink.” So that kind of response gets a reflex
in me, where I’m just kind of immune to it …. I guess it’s because I grew up
having people swear at me. Tell me that I was no good because I was Chinese
…. (Cohn, 1997, p. 166)

The vignette from this Chinese American individual attests to experiences

of being marginalized and made to feel the object of scorn and rejection.
While these interactions are all too common for many people of color in West-
ern cultures, the myth of Asian Americans is often that they do not experience
such overt expressions of discrimination. By exploring the inner experience of
students and workers as they reflect on their struggles to obtain access to ade-
quate education, meaningful social connections, and rewarding work, it is far
more likely that we will be able to identify the profoundly painful feelings of
denigration that are evoked by cultures that are still immersed in racist
practices.
 SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WORKING / 163

Another narrative found in the Bowe et al. (2000) collection of American’s

responses to open-ended interviews about their working lives describes the
experiences of an Asian American tofu manufacturer. This individual’s story
includes an evocative overview of how he approached the task of moving into
the world of work as a young man.
Me and my brothers were the first generation of our family born in America.
And from when I was a kid, I knew we were expected to take over our father’s
business, because my father has this mentality which was justified in those
days—not necessarily now—that we didn’t have a “Chinaman’s chance” in this
country. In other words, you were Chinese, you couldn’t do anything. Suppos-
edly, the American government put shackles on you and you could only do
certain work, like be a laundryman or work in Chinese restaurants, and we
weren’t allowed to do anything else. So we were expected to take over the
business …. But I didn’t have any choice in this matter. After college, I just
went into the family business. And you know, that didn’t bother me. That was
just the way it was. Certain rules were accepted. (pp. 107–108)

In this case, the protagonist is reasonably successful in his working life.

However, even for this individual, with access to education as evidenced by his
attendance in college, racial barriers clearly limited his options. The most
prominent theme in this vignette is the reality that this individual experienced
virtually no volition in considering vocational options. The existence of “cer-
tain rules” in determining career trajectories represents a part of the picture
of working among people of color and of others who face very real barriers in
their working lives. These “rules” result in a complex array of influences, both
overt and covert, that function to reduce access to the sources of survival and
power that are one of the key hallmarks of contemporary working.

Latin American Experiences of Racism

People from Latin American countries living in North America also have faced
considerable racism in obtaining access to the resources that facilitate entry to
rewarding working lives (Arbona, 1990, 1995). Arbona’s (1990) review cited
the extensive network of barriers, including racism, language issues, and immi-
gration histories, which have culminated in Latino/a peoples being on the out-
side of the American dream of equal access to opportunity. The following
excerpt from a qualitative study by Farmer (1997) of a Latino high school stu-
dent describes how racism is manifested in educational contexts:

We didn’t get treated very well by our fellow students and we didn’t get
treated very well by the administration [of the high school] … Even our teach-
164 / CH A PT ER 6

ers … we didn’t get treated very well by them either … It was racial. I mean, it
wasn’t any lower expectations, it wasn’t anything (italics in original) … You
weren’t given the opportunity to do what they did. We were degraded the
whole time we were there. (Cohn, 1997, p. 164)

This vignette conveys a pervasive quality of racial discrimination that

seems to pervade the protagonist’s inner experience in school. Given the
strong connection between achievement in school and success at work
(Blustein et al., 2000; Marshall & Tucker, 1992), the comments of this young
man serve to inform our knowledge about the considerable barriers that dif-
ferentially and arbitrarily inhibit one’s access to rewarding work.
Another important aspect of the working experience within the United
States is the plight of Mexicans who move north to find employment. The
broad implications of this migration are too complex to detail here given the
political, social, and economic ramifications of such dramatic shifts in popula-
tion over the past decades (Arbona, 1995). However, the psychological as-
pects of this migration are clearly integral to an inclusive psychology of
working. The following passage describes an individual’s migration to the
United States and then highlights his experiences in a chicken factory:

I’m from Mexico, Veracruz. I paid a “coyote” to bring me here—that’s what

we call the guides. It cost me one thousand and two hundred dollars. To come,
you have to cross a desert, so it is pretty hard and it is dangerous. It takes four
days and three nights and you can’t get out of the truck. You can’t stop. You
are in these trucks, packed like sardines, very tight, and the trucks keep mov-
ing and turning around with us inside …. The coyote brought us straight to the
work contractors who hire us and then the farmers hire us from them. A
farmer brought me up to North Carolina from Texas …. I work very fast, and I
am not always checking what I’m doing even while I’m doing dangerous work,
like deboning with the disk saws. We are slaves. They don’t care. If we are not
done with the truck full of chickens, we cannot leave work at the end of our
shift. Sometimes it’s because of mechanical breakdown, machinery malfunc-
tion—nothing that we did, but it doesn’t matter. We can’t leave …. Another
thing—racism. The large majority of the workers here are illegal Hispanics,
like me. There’s also some legal Hispanics, some Haitians, and black gringos.
But most of us are illegal Hispanics. The bosses know we’re illegal, and it’s
illegal for them to hire us, but we’re the cheapest so they don’t care …. And
they always yell at us Hispanics. (Bowe et al., 2000, pp. 229–230)

The excerpt from this Mexican American worker in the chicken factory in
North Carolina describes how many people of color live in impoverished con-
ditions, often resulting in their need to leave their homes to look for work
elsewhere. Moreover, the vignette describes how the intense deprivation as-
 SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WORKING / 165

sociated with lack of work, culminating in chronic poverty, can lead to situa-
tions where people lose their dignity and freedom. As I have sought to convey
throughout this book, access to work is one of the central strivings in our lives,
and the absence of work leads to a chain of despair that affects entire
communities.
In the next section of this chapter, I explore the impact of sexism, which has
also evoked considerable creative and thoughtful research and policy innova-
tions as well as powerful and compelling narratives from workers and
potential workers.

Gender and Sexism

The study of sexism in vocational psychology and organizational psychology

has a rich tradition of scholarship that has considerable implications for coun-
seling practice and public policy (e.g., Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987; Fitzgerald &
Weitzman, 1992; Gutek, 1987; Walsh & Osipow, 1994). In fact, the study of
how women have prepared for and engaged in work has provided one of the
most prominent means of infusing a social and contextual focus into the psy-
chological study of working (Blustein, 2001a; M. S. Richardson, 1993). In this
section, I focus on the role of sexism as a social barrier, which has functioned
and continues to function to reduce the access that women have to a meaning-
ful and financially secure working environment.
The prevalence of sexism in the workforce has been established in a num-
ber of broad and far-reaching analyses (see Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987; Phillips
& Imhoff, 1997; Powell, 1999; Walsh & Osipow, 1994). Since the early 1970s,
studies in vocational psychology (e.g., Harmon, 1972) have presented com-
pelling evidence that women have faced considerable barriers in their educa-
tional preparation and in their ability to attain occupations that match their
talents and interests. The early scholarship in this area tended to highlight the
fact that women confronted more complex career decisions in large measure
because they needed to make choices about their working lives in conjunction
with decisions about their degree of involvement in family caregiving tasks
(Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987; Harmon, 1972; Powell, 1999). (Of course, men also
face family–work conflicts, but socialization within Western nations has typi-
cally placed the primary responsibility for the caregiving of children on the
shoulders of women. However, shifts in the distribution of caregiving and
housework responsibilities are finally changing, albeit slowly; Kikoski &
Kikoski, 1996; Silverstein, Auerbach, & Levant, 2002.) Empirical research in
vocational psychology has conveyed a picture of a world in which women have
166 / CH A PT ER 6

had to choose between having children and having a meaningful career (Betz
& Fitzgerald, 1987; Ireland, 1993). Indeed, one of the most often cited studies
in the literature on women’s career development is the longitudinal investiga-
tion by Terman and Oden (1959) in which the lives of gifted men and women
were followed over the course of much of their life spans. This study revealed
that the decision to focus on marriage and child care emerged as the most im-
portant predictor of a woman’s occupational attainment. Naturally, one may
argue that gifted women who opt out of the labor market are, in fact, making a
conscious life choice. However, a closer look at the socialization forces that
have been functioning in Western cultures about women and work reveals
that, for many women, the experience of free choice on this issue has not been
the case (Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987). Rather, women very often faced hostility
from their families and in the workplace if they did not conform to the rigid
sex roles that governed life throughout Western cultures during much of the
20th century. Höpfl and Atkinson (2000) have argued that many of the
broader public policy decisions that have led to such a dramatic bifurcation of
gender roles have been made by men without much consideration of their
impact on women.
Historically, social changes evoked by labor shortages during World War II
are typically viewed as one of the primary causes of the shift in the labor mar-
ket that allowed and, in fact, encouraged the involvement of women. Because
men were needed for military service, women increasingly were needed to
work in factories that were producing supplies for the war effort. Once the
war ended, women were once again expected to return to their homes, subor-
dinating any aspirations that they may have had about marketplace work to
the aspirations of their husbands. However, women working outside of the
home began to appreciate the benefits that working provided, particularly the
independence and access to resources. It is important to note, however, that
not all women in Western cultures have faced the same set of expectations.
For example, African American women have historically worked outside of
the home, which has been described by scholars as a logical outgrowth of
women’s work during slavery times (Carter & Cook, 1992). By the 1960s, fem-
inist thought emerged as an important social movement throughout many
Western nations, resulting in significant changes in the way in which women
related to work both inside and outside of the home (e.g., Friedan, 1963).
The feminist movement, which actually has several different theoretical
and ideological strands (see Brabeck & Ting, 2000, for a review of these lines
of thought), has encouraged women and men to take a closer look at the so-
cialization process that has resulted in such starkly distinct gender roles.
Among the most obvious manifestations of gender role socialization is the
 SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WORKING / 167

way in which women and men perceive and confront their responsibilities to
both work and family. Beginning in large measure during the 1960s, many of
the tenets about how women and men should deal with work and career were
reexamined. Like their colleagues in the multicultural arena, feminist schol-
ars in counseling psychology in particular have had an enormous impact on
the social landscape in the domains of educational and career development
(e.g., Astin, 1984; Betz, 1989; Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987; Farmer, 1985; Gilbert,
1988; Hackett & Betz, 1981; Harmon, 1972). For example, one of the most
important lines of work emerging from this intellectual current has been the
focus on self-efficacy beliefs. In the early 1980s, Betz and Hackett (1981)
demonstrated that self-efficacy beliefs (which reflect one’s beliefs about one’s
ability to accomplish specific tasks) are a stronger predictor of female college
students’ aspirations to pursue careers in science and technology than are
their abilities). The importance of self-efficacy beliefs in career development,
which are determined primarily via interpersonal and contextual factors
(Betz, 1992; Lent & Brown, 1996), underscores the powerful role of social fil-
ters as major factors in one’s working life. Moreover, the literature on self-ef-
ficacy, which has stimulated the development of a social cognitive theory of
career choice and development (Lent et al., 2002), has helped to explain the
fact that women often disavowed their abilities and interests in seeking out
options in the world of work.
By the 1980s, a fully formed literature emerged that addressed women’s ca-
reer development and organizational life (e.g., Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987;
Gutek, 1987). This body of work clearly has acknowledged the pervasive im-
pact of sexism in the social fabric of many cultures. This literature has been
critically informative in understanding how gender influences the develop-
ment of vocational interests (e.g., Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987; Hackett & Betz,
1981) as well as the career decision-making and vocational adjustment pro-
cesses (Fitzgerald & Weitzman, 1992). One of the most important implica-
tions of the feminist infusion of new ideas and perspectives has been the
argument that personal and psychological issues have broader political con-
texts and meanings (L. Brooks & Forrest, 1994). Indeed, the contribution by
Brooks and Forrest has outlined a compelling set of assumptions about the
sociopolitical factors that shape so many aspects of working life. Foremost
among these assumptions is the observation that women face significant
power differentials in many aspects of their lives, with substantial implica-
tions in the working context. Following this line of reasoning, the lack of ac-
cess to the most productive and facilitative conditions that would promote
satisfying and rewarding work lives is a function of a system that differentially
distributes resources based on demographics and not on merit or effort. In re-
168 / CH A PT ER 6

lation to gender issues, women face various manifestations of sexism in their

schooling, preparation for careers, and in the occupational context (cf. Betz &
Fitzgerald, 1987; Fassinger, 2000). While this observation is fairly well ac-
cepted among many within the social sciences, the Brooks and Forrest analy-
sis of career issues for women, with its explicit political and social arguments
and its clear linkage of working to power, fits well with the conceptual
foundation of an inclusive psychology of working.
Another aspect of women’s experiences at work is sexual harassment. The
existence of sexual harassment has continually emerged as a major social and
personal crisis for women (Fitzgerald, 2003; Fitzgerald & Rounds, 1994; Rus-
sell, 1994). Fitzgerald and Weitzman (1992) noted that sexual harassment af-
fects women psychologically, physically, and financially. The impact is
typically quite intensive and pervasive, often reaching into families and cut-
ting across generations (Riger, 1991). The following vignette describes some
of the inner experiences of a woman who has faced sexual harassment; this vi-
gnette is also informative about the plight of workers without proper citizen-
ship, who may have to engage in relationships that strike at the core of their
values and identity:

This man hinted that I could lose my job if I didn’t agree. He also said that if I
went out with him, I could get a better job and a higher wage. Finally, I
agreed. I was with him until two months ago. He’s the father of my two chil-
dren. When my family realized what I did, they told me never to return home.
A few months ago, he was transferred. I don’t know how I’m going to maintain
my children. (C. Richardson, 1999, p. 101)

The recent analysis by Höpfl and Atkinson (2000) assessing the future of
work for women culminated in conclusions that are analogous to the positions
that I present in this book about the psychology of working. Höpfl and
Atkinson eloquently described how power lies at the root of many of the ineq-
uities found in the working context. Thus, men have typically been in the posi-
tion of power to define work in a given culture and to distribute the resources
that affect access to working. Moreover, Höpfl and Atkinson noted that the
traditional career narrative, particularly for men, is based to a great extent on
the exercise of volition or choice. Taking the work of Höpfl and Atkinson to-
gether with the seminal contributions of Betz and Fitzgerald (1987), Farmer
(1997), Fassinger (2000), Harmon (1972) and others affirm the perspective
outlined in this book about the centrality of work in people’s lives and the in-
equitable distribution of access to meaningful, secure, and rewarding working
experiences.
 SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WORKING / 169

Outside of Western cultures, the impact of sexism has been differentially

experienced, depending on a host of factors, including the way in which given
cultures define work and gender roles. However, it is important to note that
women, for the most part, have been exposed to sexism in various forms (e.g.,
Stockman, Bonney, & Xuewen, 1995). Furthermore, the vast majority of
women around the globe still confront multiple demands from working within
the home and working outside of the home (Andersen & Collins, 1992). For
example, recent volumes on women’s work in such diverse places as Russia,
the Ukraine, and Sri Lanka (e.g., Andersen & Collins, 1992; Jain & Reddock,
1998) all point to the reality that women face significant obstacles with respect
to their occupational attainment and treatment at work. The following vi-
gnette describes the experience of women in Afghanistan living under the
Taliban’s rule and their struggle to organize into a structured group (i.e.,
Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan; RAWA):

Those days, not only in Afghanistan, but in other regions too, women were un-
der great pressure, not only from social problems and other oppressions but
also in their family. So women suffered multilayer oppressions. Obviously
those who came together to establish RAWA were aware of the plight of
women in Afghanistan …. We all had our own experiences, either personally
in our family, or seeing our neighbors …. We were daily witnesses of rape, of
domestic violence in families, and oppressions in work and all aspects of life.
It was obvious that women always had the inferior role in family, society, and
everywhere. And we thought that one woman cannot change all of this; there
needed to be many women coming together, establishing a group movement
to get rid of these inequalities. (Brodsky, 2003, p. 44)

As reflected in this vignette, the nature of totalitarian societies can have an

enormous impact on the work lives of citizens, particularly individuals who
may be easily categorized based on appearance and then targeted for oppres-
sion. In this case, the Taliban rulers effectively disempowered an entire cohort
of the population by denying women the right to work. The preceding vignette
underscores the importance of relational connections (Flum, 2001; Josselson,
1992) as a means of developing resilience in the face of social barriers, thereby
fostering the very difficult and dangerous work of seeking to change
oppressive social and political conditions.
As conveyed thus far, the social scientific literature highlights the role that
sexism has played in women’s career development (e.g., Brooks & Forrest,
1994; Fitzgerald & Weitzman, 1992). Because of sexism and because of other
social filters, women often have had to consider work that involves their own
sexuality as a commodity. (Men also have become sex workers throughout
170 / CH A PT ER 6

history, primarily within same-sex contexts, which has a different set of power
issues.) Indeed, an inclusive psychology of working will need to come to terms
with the sex industry, which has a global reach and has considerable implica-
tions for women’s physical and psychological health, power, and welfare
(Dalla, 2002; Sanders, 2001). (It is important to note that by including sexual
work in this discussion, I am not implicitly or explicitly endorsing it as a viable
source of work or income. Indeed, from moral and psychological perspec-
tives, sexual work presents significant and very troublesome problems relat-
ing to power inequities and sexual abuse. Sexual work, however, is part of the
landscape of the contemporary working world. The subordinate role that
women face at work, particularly in sexual work, calls for a focus on women’s
experiences in this section.)
Called “the oldest profession,” prostitution has been and continues to be a
source of work for some women. Obviously, prostitution presents many prob-
lems for women, most of which revolve around the vast power differential that
exists between women and men in these roles, the implied or explicit threats
of violence, and the overall subjugation of women’s bodies to the needs of
men (Dalla, 2002; Sanders, 2001). In addition, men, who seek to disempower
women to maintain their control, often manage prostitution, thereby further
enhancing the power differential. Currently, the sex industry, most of which is
underground, has expanded to include the Internet, video productions, and
other technological venues. Nevertheless, the experience of working for
women in the sex industry merits our attention as we strive to expand the
scope of inquiry in the psychology of working. The following vignette from the
Bowe et al. (2000) volume of a stripper’s working life gives voice to at least
some aspects of sex work:
My office job didn’t pay all of the bills—especially the $2,000 one that Visa
kept sending me—I was already thinking about taking a second job waiting
tables, which I had way too much experience at for my liking. So I thought
about this stripper thing …. I took the bus to the Lusty Lady, a generic club
near the financial district. I told the bouncer at the door that I was there to
become a stripper, and asked to talk to the manager. He looked me over
from head to toe …. I supposed I passed his test, because he brought me to
the stage manager, Shannon, who took me into the dressing room …. There
wasn’t any kind of typical customer—I dealt with everyone from frat boys to
a [fast-food chain] counterman to a school teacher to an ex-con to a lot of
stockbrokers. And every one of them was capable of turning violent. It
started to really warp my sense of men. Every guy I saw walking down the
street turned into a customer in my eyes …. I quit stripping after about a
year. It was a very smart decision. Certain people can’t handle it—obviously
I’m one of them. I think it really depressed and disturbed me. It was much
more tiring than I had imagined. And much, much more sleazy that I had
 SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WORKING / 171

imagined. When I first started, I felt in a sense, it was theater. I was made to
feel like a performer when I walked into the dressing room. There were
overstuffed couches, makeup lights. Toward the end, I walked into the same
room and felt completely different about it. I saw dirt I hadn’t seen before,
grime I hadn’t seen before—the place felt so slimy I just wanted to throw up.
(pp. 449–454)

This vignette describes many aspects of sexual working that had previously
been on the margins of discourse in social scientific analyses of working. The
actual experience of working in the sex industry, as conveyed by this protago-
nist, is characterized by the implicit threat of violence and by the objectifi-
cation of women. Rather than attempting to generalize from this one specific
narrative, our task is to move closer to the inner experience that is evident in
this vignette. In doing so, we gain access to a psychological world where work
is linked inexorably with abuses of power. In this case, the function of work in
providing access to the sources of survival and power is manifested in multiple
levels. People engage in sex work, as in many other types of work, to earn a liv-
ing—to obtain the resources needed to survive. This striving for power and re-
sources, which is a core function of working across occupations, is then
confounded with the power differentials in sex work, which are highly charged
and tinged with implicit and explicit threats of violence (Sanders, 2001).
In moving closer to the broad array of inner experiences of women at work,
the striving for power is evident in both the traditional research and theoreti-
cal literature as well as in women’s narratives. One of the major themes within
the career-psychology-of-women literature is the notion that working outside
of the home represents a viable means of attaining power and equity in the
world (Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987). A number of senior scholars in this area have
openly advocated for women to engage in work outside of the home (e.g.,
Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987; Fitzgerald & Weitzman, 1992), noting that men who
are caregivers at home are viewed as unemployed in Western contexts. The
rationale for the argument raised by Betz, Fitzgerald, and others becomes
even more compelling in light of the rapid changes in the world of work. Fol-
lowing Rifkin’s (1995) argument (summarized in chapter 2), it would seem
critically important for everyone to prepare for work and not to depend on
others. Moreover, the dramatic changes in the structure of families (Hether-
ington, Bridges, & Insabella, 1998), with increases in divorce, single-parent
families, and lesbian and gay parents, underscore the need for women and
men to strive to work in the market economy. The core of the argument artic-
ulated by Fitzgerald and Weitzman (1992) is that work offers access to the re-
sources that are needed to survive and flourish in society, a position that is
similar to the one advocated in this book.
172 / CH A PT ER 6

As we adopt the psychology-of-working perspective, the next step is to ex-

plore how female workers understand challenges that touch on the connec-
tion between work and power. The next vignette, taken from S. A. Friedman’s
(1996) contribution on women and working, describes a technical writer for a
bank in the financial district of New York City:

I can be a very timid person. I was in a convent as a novice. I’ve sat in a thera-
pist’s office for weeks on end, staring at the floor and not saying a word. I have
let men walk all over me. But when it came to needing money, I always took
risks. I was always very aggressive.
The only way I could ever get anything I wanted was if I earned the money
myself. I never wanted someone to come and rescue me. It never occurred to
me. I would much rather take care of myself. I wouldn’t have to depend on
anyone else. I wouldn’t owe anyone anything.
My parents were hurt by the Depression. Money became a power tool. My
mother had to ask my father for money every day, and they were married for
forty years. She had to tell him what she was buying that day and he would
give her what she needed. As a child I felt poor …. (p. 157)

This vignette describes the struggle to survive in a way that is often over-
looked in academic contexts. In this woman’s story, it is possible to discern
how sexism can play such a pernicious role in the lives of women. Without ac-
cess to work, women are clearly left in a subordinate position, one that main-
tains power hierarchies that privilege men. However, access to work and the
consequent connections to social and economic power can radically shift the
status quo, a point that has been a central tenet of feminism during the past
few decades.
The vignettes presented here, coupled with the selected review of relevant
empirical and theoretical literature on women and working, reveals that the
struggle to survive and attain the socially sanctioned means of power in soci-
ety (via working) has been significantly constrained by sexism. The literature
on the career psychology of women has, in many ways, foreshadowed the in-
clusive psychology of working that I am advocating in this book (cf. Betz &
Fitzgerald, 1987; Fassinger, 1996; Harmon, 1994; Harmon & Farmer, 1983;
Höpfl & Atkinson, 2000). This literature has highlighted the vast inequities
that impact differentially and aversively on the lives of girls and women as
they prepare for work and as they seek to engage in meaningful working lives.
The struggle for equality and the consequences of not attaining a level playing
field have led to the feminization of poverty, in which women are very often
disproportionately engulfed in economic circumstances that offer little hope
and little access to upward mobility (Jain & Reddock, 1998; Höpfl &
 SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WORKING / 173

Atkinson, 2000). In the section that follows, I explore poverty in further depth
by exploring how social class functions to filter access to opportunity.

Social Class and Classism

Although social class has been discussed in the social sciences for genera-
tions, especially within sociology (e.g., Roberts, 1978; Willis, 1977), psychol-
ogy has had an ambivalent relationship to exploring the role of social class in
human behavior. On one hand, applied psychologists in the early part of the
20th century were quite aware of the impact of social stratification on individ-
ual behavior, including many thoughtful analyses of the influence of social
class in relation to work (Bell, 1938; Dearborn & Rothney, 1938). Yet the in-
fusion of thoughtful discussions of social class has only recently become part
of the intellectual landscape in psychology (e.g., Kliman, 1998; Liu, 2001,
2004; Lott, 2002). In actuality, the impact of social class, both in intellectual
discourse and in real life, is highly complex and embedded within other social
filters and sources of discrimination.
Scholarly discussions of social class have historically been placed within a
macro-level analysis of social systems (e.g., Giddens, 1983; Milner, 1999; Wil-
lis, 1977). Numerous definitions of social class have been advanced, ranging
from strictly economic variables, such as parental income or educational level
(e.g., Sewell & Hauser, 1975) to more complex definitions involving the
broader array of influences that frame one’s social and economic affordances
(Fouad & Brown, 2000; Giddens, 1983; Liu, 2001; Willis, 1977). One particu-
larly illuminating definition from a sociological perspective is offered by
Milner (1999), who proposed that class “denote(s) a social group, conceived
as located within a hierarchical order of unequal such groups, the identity and
membership of which is primarily determined by ‘economic’ considerations
such as occupation, income, and wealth” (p. 1).
A major debate within the social sciences has to do with how social class ac-
tually affects the course and trajectory of one’s working life. On one side of
this debate are scholars who argue that social class functions as a structural
factor, determining access to resources and supports that would foster high
levels of occupational attainment (e.g., Blustein et al., 2002; Rossides, 1990;
Sewell & Hauser, 1975). In contrast, cultural production scholars (e.g., Willis,
1977) suggest that various aspects of a given social class are manifested in
one’s culture and are therefore internalized into one’s beliefs and values sys-
tem. The approach that I endorse is closer to the structural position, which I
believe tends to underscore the vast impact that social and economic factors
174 / CH A PT ER 6

play in one’s access to the antecedents of a rewarding and empowering work-

ing life. However, I am not adopting a dogmatic position that ignores the fact
that various elements of social class are, in fact, transformed into cultural and
psychological attributes and no doubt affect how one relates to school, educa-
tion, and, indeed, to oneself. As is evident from these definitions and the cor-
responding debate about the meaning of social class, the function of working
in giving people access to the means of survival and power clearly needs to
incorporate an explicit focus on social class.
Another complication that needs to be included here is the reality that so-
cial class is confounded with race and gender (e.g., Helms & Cook, 1999;
Höpfl & Atkinson, 2000; Liu, 2001). The distribution of resources within the
United States has historically and currently been determined to a great extent
by race and gender (Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987; Carter & Cook, 1992; Helms &
Cook, 1999). That African Americans and women are disproportionately rep-
resented within poor and working class populations is a well-known attribute
of American life (Helms & Cook, 1999; Loury, 2001). The complication that
has arisen in public policy and intellectual circles has to do with unpacking
racism, sexism, and social class. For example, some scholars have argued that
racism is secondary in importance to social class (e.g., Lewis, 1966). Following
this perspective, African Americans are thought to be struggling with a “cul-
ture of poverty” and therefore are primarily reacting to the historical influ-
ences of their impoverished social milieu and not to the impact of racism
(Lewis, 1966). One of the problems with this position is that it functions to
foster a treatment of racism as a minor annoyance or historical anachronism
as opposed to a contemporary factor in life. Attempts to view race, social
class, and gender without attention to their overlapping impact are unrealistic
and obscure the reality of life in Western cultures. As such, I adopt a position
in this book that considers the impact of race, gender, and social class as inter-
related influences, which have complex and often enmeshed relationships.
While some will argue that most of the poor in the United States are Euro-
pean American, the harsh reality is that the proportion of poor people
increases dramatically for people of color (Helms & Cook, 1999; Danziger &
Haveman, 2001).

The Impact of Social Class in the Working Context

Extensive research has been conducted on the impact of various elements of

social class in relation to one’s access to the resources needed to obtain work
(e.g., M. T. Brown et al., 1996), educational transitions (McDonough, 1997),
 SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WORKING / 175

and occupational attainment (e.g., Sewell & Hauser, 1975). One of the most
important findings in this body of work is that social class functions to facili-
tate or inhibit access to the resources and barriers that influence the options
that people have in their lives (Sewell & Hauser, 1975). Taken together, these
empirical reports reveal that access to the correlates of satisfying and empow-
ering working experiences is powerfully framed by the circumstances of one’s
birth. If an individual is born into a wealthy family with access to good hous-
ing, adequate health care, and the sanctioned social attributes of a given cul-
ture, s/he is far more likely to negotiate a work life that will parallel the grand
career narrative of the post-World War II period (Super, 1957). In contrast,
people whose families of origin have not had access to jobs that offer lucrative
or even sufficient salaries face far greater obstacles in their occupational at-
tainment and fulfillment of their aspirations (M. T. Brown et al., 1996).
An interesting vista into the impact of social class in the transition from
school to work can be found in a study that my colleagues and I conducted to
explore how social class functions in a population of young people who were
working in jobs that did not require college or specific skills (Blustein et al.,
2002). Using a structured interview format, we examined the responses of 20
young adults; 10 of these individuals came from relatively lower socioeco-
nomic backgrounds, and the other 10 came from middle-class backgrounds.
The results of this investigation revealed that the individuals from the more
affluent backgrounds had greater access to resources and supports within
their families and schools. In contrast, the poorer youth who were at relatively
similar jobs as the more affluent group tended to report far more barriers in
their immediate familial and social contexts. The authors concluded that the
relatively unskilled jobs may have been a resting point for the youth from the
more affluent backgrounds, while these jobs may have been the final destina-
tion for the working class and poor youth. The experiences of the working
class youth in their jobs tended to be characterized by a sense of hopelessness
and frustration. The following comments from a few of the participants in our
study give voice to the perceived functions of work that seemed to be evident
within the cohort of young people from lower socioeconomic status:

[T]he LSES [lower socioeconomic status] participants viewed reasons for

working almost exclusively in terms of survival—receiving money and meeting
basic needs. When Participant #38 was asked to describe the importance of
money, he replied, “Very [important]. It’s the only way you’re going to survive.
Can’t go out and live off the land nowadays.” This same participant viewed
career success solely in terms of money. He stated, “I guess money, it’s kind of
shallow, but money had to be a big part of it.” Participant #26 echoed these
sentiments when he expressed, “Money is important …. It’s just that’s why I
176 / CH A PT ER 6

want to get out of here and make some money. I don’t care what it is. I’ll do
anything to make some money.” (Blustein et al., 2002, p. 315)

The comments of these two participants convey a set of attitudes about the
function of working that is often overlooked in contemporary analyses of
career development. These observations from working class young adults un-
derscore one of the core functions of working that is integral to the human ex-
perience—that is, the need for survival. The comments from the participants
from more affluent families, illustrated next, tended to give voice to the
“grand career narrative” that formed the essence of the career development
movement of the second half of the 20th century:

Another HSES [higher socioeconomic status] participant (#27) identified rea-

sons for working in terms of satisfaction. He stated, “I think you could earn a
lot of money in a job … and everything; you’re not going to be happy so it’s
not like even worth it …. So as long as you’re satisfied, that would be the main
thing.” HSES participant #33 defined reasons for working as “interest in what
I do. I like to come to work and like what I’m doing. Um, that’s what I get the
most out of.” (Blustein et al., 2002, p. 315)

These participants seem to be describing the function of working in a way

that more closely resembles the views articulated in the vocational psychol-
ogy and career development literatures; that is, they are motivated by the
desire for self-expression in their work lives. In a general sense, the findings
presented in this investigation suggest that social class does, in fact, influ-
ence access to opportunity, but it also affects how people construe their
working experiences. These findings also underscore how social class inter-
sects with the need for self-determination. As these results suggest, individ-
uals from higher socioeconomic classes would likely have greater access to
work that would be more intrinsically interesting. Although our study in-
cluded a small sample from a circumscribed region of the United States, the
findings were consistent with many other investigations and theoretical for-
mulations regarding the pervasive role of social class in the attainment of
meaningful and rewarding occupational goals (cf. M. T. Brown et al., 1996;
Fouad & Brown, 2000).
Emerging from sociological studies of work, Halle’s (1984) study of work-
ers at an automated chemical plant in New Jersey provides an illuminating
glimpse into the role of social class in working life. First, this 6-year ethno-
graphic project furnished Halle with a clear sense of how jobs for the working
class differ from jobs for the middle class. Halle’s analysis revealed that work-
ing class jobs have the following characteristics:
 SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WORKING / 177

I Jobs for the working class tended to require only modest levels of for-

mal education.
I The class structure regenerates itself in the observation that working

class men were most likely to engage in relationships with others from simi-
lar backgrounds.
I Most working class jobs are relatively distant from the decision-mak-

ing power within organizations.

The second and perhaps most noteworthy conclusion reached by Halle

pertains to his notion of a class consciousness that he observed among the
working class participants in his study. In short, Halle noticed that the men in
his study seemed to maintain a clear sense of themselves as “working men,”
an aspect of their identities that transcended other identity domains. For
Halle’s participants, the fact that they worked and earned a living defined a
core aspect of their lives. The following dialogue between a mechanic and a
researcher, from Halle’s study, attests to this notion:

Worker: Am I a working man. You bet! I’m standing here freezing and
breathing in all of these fumes [a reference to the fumes crowding out of vents
in the ground].
Researcher: Are big business working men?
Worker: No. They don’t have to stand out here in the cold.
Researcher: How about lawyers and doctors?
Worker: No, they’re not working men. They don’t have to breathe in this shit
[the fumes]. You’re not a working man if you work in an office …. (Halle,
1984, p. 207)

Halle’s (1984) analysis of this internalized identity takes on two standard

views of working class life in contemporary life. One of the main explanatory
means of understanding working class life is via the lens of Marxist theory (see
Giddens, 1983, for a concise overview of this position). From this perspective,
the experience of a coherent identity as a worker represents the natural out-
come of a legacy of oppression and despair, which is the logical outcome of
people being used as a cog in a capitalist system where profits are considered
as the ultimate value. The alternative perspective is one in which the working
class is viewed as content with their opportunities and their lives. Halle argues
that neither of these two options entirely captures the inner experience of
working men. Rather, he suggests that “the concept of the working man im-
plies a moral critique of the distribution of income. But that is not the same as
178 / CH A PT ER 6

losing a belief in the possibility of attaining material benefits within the

system” (Halle, 1984, p. 299).
Halle’s study suggests that one viable means of explaining the pervasive
loss of structure and coherence within urban communities may be related to
the loss of the identity of the “worker.” For people who have been poor and
have had little, if any, access to the resources needed for a job that is an ex-
pression of one’s interests, the choice of the sort of work to pursue is often
made based on availability. Yet, an analysis of social class barriers would not
be complete without examining the way in which work functions in contexts
where access to traditional market-based jobs is severely restricted. When we
compare the working lives of folks from lower socioeconomic backgrounds
with more affluent people, the poorer workers seem to struggle to find mean-
ing and psychological sustenance in their work. Yet, the picture looks a bit dif-
ferent when we explore the dialectic of working versus not working at all. The
participants in Newman’s (1999) evocative study of young workers in a
fast-food restaurant in Harlem (in New York City) gives voice to a complexity
of experience that is often missed in more traditional academic discussions of
work and social class. The following participant, an adolescent living in an ur-
ban community and who has been working in a hamburger restaurant,
describes how she deals with her job in public and social contexts:

Regardless of what kind of work you do, you still can be respected. Ain’t say-
ing I’m ashamed of my job, but I wouldn’t walk down the street wearing the
uniform …. Guys [who] know you work there will say, “Hi, Burger Barn.” I
ain’t gonna lie and say that I’m not ashamed, period. But, I’m proud that I’m
working. You know, my daughter’s father … used to grab pigs and clean pigs
all day. But he was respected for his job. I respected him because he worked,
regardless of what kind of work it was. (Newman, 1999, pp. 99–100)

This narrative describes a sense of pride in work, despite the lack of pres-
tige that is evoked by the well-known uniform of a fast-food worker. This
one perspective provides one of the notes in a highly variegated song about
working and social class. The impact of social class is further explicated in
Wilson’s (1996) book about the impact of the loss of employment in Chi-
cago’s urban core. For workers with few transferable skills, the diminished
manufacturing base in the United States, particularly in urban centers, has
led to a chain of events that is devastating. As detailed in chapter 2, Wilson
argues that the loss of work for the adults in urban communities leaves peo-
ple with little connection to their social worlds. The impact of social class is
particularly noteworthy in Wilson’s study in that the urban workers had few
resources to cope with the loss of employment opportunities. From the most
 SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WORKING / 179

basic means of transportation to the social capital needed to obtain further

education and training, the entire life space of the urban working class de-
scribed in Wilson’s study is filled with obstacles. These obstacles include the
impact of classism, racism, and sexism, which function in tandem to create
essentially two, unequal worlds in the urban/suburban landscape of the
United States (cf. Reich, 1991, 1999).
Provided that one can obtain a job, people face continued struggles in ne-
gotiating the power dynamics of occupational contexts, which often reinforce
rigid hierarchical patterns between workers and supervisors. This theme is ev-
ident in the following excerpt from a poem by Tom Wayman entitled “Boss”:

The boss who stands behind you

watching you work.
The boss who insists
“I’m sure I told you to do that.”
The boss who, after you’ve made nine trips
Carrying an extra-heavy load of boards,
sees you walking with a light load
and tells your foreman to order you to work harder
The boss who commands you to look busy.
The foreman who can’t resist showing you a better way.
The foreman who won’t let you
do something a better way.
The one who is also head
of the union’s grievance committee.
The foreman who is unable or forgot to
requisition enough parts
and orders you to “make do with what you have.”
(found in Oresick & Coles, 1990, p. 234)

The passage from Wayman’s poem describes a power hierarchy at work

that generally leaves people from lower social class origins in a subordinate
position. Thus, the struggle for survival and power, which forms one of the
core elements in the psychology of working, takes shape, often quite sharply,
within the day-to-day experience of one’s occupational context. In contrast to
Halle’s description of working class culture within a production plant in the
1980s, current occupational shifts are likely creating greater contact between
workers from different backgrounds. The relatively circumscribed work con-
texts of the industrial era, in which factory workers and clerical workers main-
tained a sort of unique culture within larger organizations, are now being
replaced by more horizontal settings. The advent of a service labor market
within a global economy may result in less insulated occupational contexts
180 / CH A PT ER 6

that may result in a number of possible implications. On one level, people

from different social classes may interact more freely, thereby reducing class
boundaries. Alternately, the scenario conveyed in the Wayman poem may be-
come more prominent as language, social and occupational position, and
other indices of background create highly stratified and complex power dy-
namics in work settings. It is difficult to make an informed prediction about
how social class will be manifested in the rapid waters of contemporary
changes in working.
A recent set of contributions by Liu and his colleagues has helped to ad-
vance psychological treatments of social class (Liu, 2001; Liu, Soleck, Hopps,
Dunston, & Pickett, 2004). Liu et al. noted appropriately that social class has
not been defined in a careful or theoretically informed way in psychological
research. Liu (2001) has proposed that the definition of social class revolves
around the concept of worldview. The social class worldview (SCW) “is de-
fined as the beliefs and attitudes that help the individual to understand the de-
mands of one’s economic culture, develop the behaviors necessary to meet
the economic culture demands, and recognize how classism functions in one’s
life” (Liu et al., 2004, p. 9).
The Liu et al. (2004) social class worldview model offers some useful im-
plications for the psychology of working. The social class worldview model
(SCWM) is based on the assumption that strictly economic or sociological
definitions of social class do not adequately capture the depth of inner ex-
periences of social class. A key attribute of the SCWM is that it seeks to
capture such emotional experiences as envy, guilt, and entitlement. In ad-
dition, Liu et al. developed a compelling case for considering the subjec-
tive experience of class differences as being central to psychological
considerations of social class. As such, the Liu et al. model brings the study
of social class closer to the psychological studies of race and racism, which
have been significantly facilitated by the use of racial identity status mod-
els (Helms & Cook, 1999).
In defining the SCWM, Lui et al. (2004) described three specific attributes,
which are detailed below:

First, people are assumed to live in economic cultures, which are local envi-
ronments (e.g., a neighborhood, a work environment) that place demands on
them to survive and maintain their perceived position within that particular
social class group (i.e., homeostasis). Hence, people attempt to live up to ex-
pectations placed on them by their economic culture. Meeting expectations
successfully implies homeostasis both cognitively and affectively, but failure to
meet the economic culture’s expectations may lead to feelings of depression
and anxiety, which we term internalized classism.
 SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WORKING / 181

Second, the SCW is the intrapsychic framework (i.e., lens) through which peo-
ple make sense of the economic cultural expectations and filter the demands
into meaningful actions to meet expected economic culture goals. The world-
view consists of a person’s relationships to property (materialism), social class
behaviors (e.g., manners and etiquette), lifestyle choices (e.g., vacation time),
referent groups (family, peers, and a group of aspiration), and consciousness
about social class. Consider the domains in the worldview to be apertures, and
depending on the saliency of these various domains in the worldview, a person
enacts and interprets classism in his or her life. That is, not everyone is classist
in every possible way, but rather people tend to act out and experience
classism in meaningful ways that are individualistic, related to their economic
culture, and connected to their SCW.
[The third attribute is] classism [which] is defined as prejudice and discrimina-
tion directed at people engaged in behaviors not congruent with the values
and expectations of one’s economic culture. The types of classism described in
the SCWM include upward (feelings against those perceived to be snobs and
elitists), downward (feelings against those perceived worse off), lateral (“keep-
ing up with the Joneses” because the Joneses keep reminding you that you are
falling behind), and internalized. Internalized classism is defined as the nega-
tive emotional and cognitive consequences experienced by the individual re-
sulting from that individual’s inability to meet the demands of his or her
economic culture. (p. 10)

The contributions from Liu and his colleagues have significant potential to
reshape scholarship and theory development in relation to the psychology of
working. The focus on understanding the subjective nature of class-related ex-
periences is certainly consistent with the position that I have been outlining in
this book. In addition, the SCWM identifies classism as a sister construct to so-
cial class, much as racism and sexism have been corollary concerns in the study
of race and gender, respectively. By exploring the impact of classism, the bur-
den of changing one’s class-related worldviews to suit the superordinate group
is potentially transformed. Much as Helms and Cook (1999) have so powerfully
argued that the work of “change” needs to focus on those in power, a similar
view can be inferred from the SCWM literature. That is, instead of efforts being
devoted to diminish selected attributes of a given social class membership (such
as a mode of dress, way of speaking), it may be more fruitful to explore how
classism is perpetuated in overt and covert ways. Furthermore, the SCWM of-
fers researchers in the working realm a viable conceptual tool that can help to
standardize studies of social class and classism.
The literature on social class and working, like the other social barriers that
I am exploring, is extensive, yet inconclusive. Without question, we know that
social class functions as a major factor in creating an unequal playing field for
people in their educational and working lives. We also know that social class,
182 / CH A PT ER 6

race, and gender all contribute in complex ways in tandem to the experience
of working for individuals. And, while some authors have used intensive inter-
viewing and other qualitative methods to obtain an experience-near sense of
working (e.g., Newman, 1999; Rubin, 1994; Wilson, 1996), there is still much
to be learned about how people understand and construct the relationship
between social class and work. Moreover, scholars who work from a psychol-
ogy-of-working perspective will need to understand the implications of
classism (cf. Liu et al., 2004; Lott, 2002), which very likely functions in subtle
yet powerful ways to maintain the structural attributes of society that privilege
one group of people over others.

Disabling Conditions

Another highly complex social barrier that profoundly affects working life is
ability/disability status. Following the insights of Wright (1983), later echoed
by Neff (1985), the term “disabled” is considered inaccurate and even poten-
tially stigmatizing in that it does not consider the reality that a disabling condi-
tion does not necessarily dominate a given person’s life. For example, an
individual who is paralyzed from the waist down may in fact be able to func-
tion quite well in a wide array of domains and will therefore not experience
the sense that his or her condition is the sole focal point of identity or self-con-
cept. Disabling conditions may impact on a wide array of biological, physical,
and developmental contexts. Consistent with the views that are prevalent in
rehabilitation counseling (e.g., Szymanski & Parker, 1996), I am adopting a
definition of disabling conditions that includes individuals whose physical,
psychological, or developmental functioning impairs their functioning in a
consistent and maladaptive fashion.
The role of disabling conditions as a social barrier has a historic and dis-
concerting history in human evolution. As Neff (1985) observed, one of the
major problems faced by individuals with disabling conditions is the sense of
social stigma that has been part of human history throughout the millennia.
Harkening back to the Middle Ages in Europe, Foucault (1965) described
mentally ill people being sent up and down rivers in France, with the pro-
scribed role of “fool” or “buffoon.” More recently, social stigma theory has
been applied to our understanding of individuals with disabling conditions.
Following the work of Goffman (1961), the application of sociological and so-
cial psychological theory to our understanding of individuals with disabling
conditions has proven to be quite fruitful. Specifically, Goffman observed
that the existence of an overt disabling condition evokes social distance in the
 SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WORKING / 183

behavior of others within one’s social space. In effect, the experience of a dis-
abling condition often evokes a sense of distinctness in others. This feeling
then becomes transformed into social stigma, which often leaves people with
disabling conditions in an isolated or disconnected social space.
The literature in vocational rehabilitation (e.g., Szymanski, Hershenson,
Ettinger, & Enright, 1996; Szymanski & Parker, 1996, 2003; Wright, 1983),
which has an extensive tradition in counseling, provides important insights to
understanding the impact of disabling conditions for the psychology of work-
ing. In contrast to the focus on “grand career narratives” that characterized
much (but clearly not all) of the vocational psychology and organizational
psychology traditions, rehabilitation counseling has maintained a focus on
work and working as opposed to focusing solely on hierarchic careers. For
many of the clients who confronted a work environment that was not particu-
larly accepting of diversity in ability/disability, the goals were to obtain em-
ployment as a means of ensuring survival and not necessarily as a
manifestation of one’s interests or abilities. In the United States and other
Western nations, people with very pronounced disabling conditions were gen-
erally supported by government payments that provided a modest means of
surviving. However, disability coverage has been available only to people who
generally have no viable means of supporting themselves, which has not re-
solved the issue of survival for individuals with disabling conditions that did
not result in a complete loss of functioning in a work context.
One of the more thoughtful contributions to emerge from vocational reha-
bilitation is Neff’s (1985) work. As one of the first psychologists who sought to
study working in a manner that is similar to the one I am advocating in this
book, Neff adopted psychodynamic and social psychological perspectives to
study work and human behavior. (Neff’s contributions have been reviewed in
chapter 1.) In relation to the study of disabling conditions, Neff focused pri-
marily on the challenges of individuals with long-term psychiatric conditions.
Neff argued that psychiatric impairments do not necessarily lead to impair-
ments in the work domain. He proposed that a major goal of psychiatric reha-
bilitation is to restore the client’s ability to work, even if the underlying
disorder remains untreated. He also noted that the process of adapting to
work involves more than simply the acquisition of specific skills or interper-
sonal attributes. Neff aptly observed that individuals need to acquire skills,
attitudes, and values that are consistent with contemporary working environ-
ments. He also acknowledged that not everyone would be able to obtain the
requisite skills needed to work in a competitive work context.
One of the hallmarks of the vocational rehabilitation movement has been
the exploration of the meaning of working for individuals with disabling con-
184 / CH A PT ER 6

ditions (e.g., Black, 1988; Cinamon & Gifsh, 2004; Rubin & Roessler, 1987).
For example, a debate has ensued within rehabilitation circles about the ex-
tent to which working represents a positive attribute on its own, above and be-
yond the extrinsic rewards that are available to workers (such as pay, benefits,
etc.). Some scholars (e.g., Black, 1988) have argued that working provides a
means of connecting an individual to a broader social context and may offer
possibilities for feelings of accomplishment. Yet at the same time, other schol-
ars have argued that it is not critical for individuals with pronounced disabling
conditions to work, particularly because many of the rote tasks that were dele-
gated to sheltered workshops and other noncompetitive occupational envi-
ronments are now being accomplished via technology (see Black, 1988, for an
overview of this position). Following this argument has been the suggestion
that having individuals with disabling conditions working at highly routine
tasks may reflect a form of oppression or discrimination. This point is worth
exploring, particularly as some individuals are working who have little cogni-
tive means for understanding what they are doing and why they are in fact en-
gaging in selected tasks. For example, requiring that individuals with very
minimal intelligence engage in mundane occupational tasks ought to be dis-
cussed and debated, particularly if the individuals have no viable means of in-
dicating their feelings and beliefs about working. This debate, which has
generated very thoughtful insights into the sociological and philosophical na-
ture of working (Black, 1988; Neff, 1985), has considerable relevance to an in-
clusive psychology of working. The debate about the meaning of work that is
not inherently interesting or rewarding is a critical issue in the psychology of
working, as detailed in chapter 5. With technology replacing so many of the
rote tasks that have characterized work in the early industrial era, I advocate
that we immerse ourselves in the sort of thoughtful dialogue and debates that
rehabilitation scholars have contributed to psychological discourse. (See
chapter 2 for further discussion of the meaning of work in the face of changing
job opportunities.)
Like the other sources of social barriers, the existence of disabling condi-
tions has generally been examined from an experience-distant perspective.
Indeed, for those practitioners and scholars without the sort of abling/dis-
abling conditions that might impair functioning, the world of disabling condi-
tions is conveniently placed at a distant pole in our internal psychological
maps. I believe that the focus on the inner experience of workers and others
who are confronting these social filters is necessary for a fully inclusive psy-
chology of work. In the excerpt that follows, a worker who was born deaf de-
scribes her experiences as a merchandise handler in a department store:
 SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WORKING / 185

I’m forty-eight years old. I was born deaf. And I have a condition called
Usher’s Syndrome. Most people who have it are born with normal vision and
then later on in their lives they develop tunnel vision and then their vision
starts to get smaller and smaller. When I was about thirty-seven or
thirty-eight, my vision started to get a lot smaller, and it started to get blurrier
until it just faded away. So right now, I have no vision whatsoever—well, I can
see if somebody might turn on a light maybe. But that’s it. So to communicate
I’m using tactile signing where I’m actually having to hold on to people’s
hands when they sign me. So I can feel them making the signs.
I’ve been working here for two and a half years. It’s the first real job I’ve ever
had in my life. Before this, I was a housewife. Things didn’t work out with my
husband and I—and I was really sad that we got divorced …. My children
were getting older, they’d gone off to college. I was by myself. I felt lonely. I
couldn’t really afford to pay my bills plus food, transportation ….
I really enjoy my job. I like it because it’s something that I can do with my
hands. It’s easy for someone like me to do, and I can do it continuously. It’s
not complicated. It’s not dangerous ….
And the people here are so nice. When I first started, there was one time I got
lost, and I was wandering all over the place for a long time, and I kind of
yelled out loud and someone came, a salesgirl, and she was able to guide me
to where I was going, you know, and I was safe.
It’s not like I don’t have problems at work, though. I’m not saying that. Most
of the time, I’m very organized—everything has its place and I’m used to
things being in their place. But it’s just nice the way they treat me. They’re car-
ing. They’re very caring. They just seem sensitive to my needs.
I want to work. I think having a job is good for people—especially someone
with a disability. It gives you a goal, something to get up and look forward to
in the mornings and it gives you things to do. Without anything to do, I think
you get more closed-minded. You feel more and more like there’s not any-
thing you can do. It hurts your self-esteem. Working is wonderful for your
self-esteem. (Bowe et al., 2000, pp. 84–85)

This vignette describes an account of a woman who has lost two of the
most vital senses. Yet, despite these losses, she seems to thrive at work, with
the structure of working and the sense of social connection emerging most
prominently. Lest we forget about the social stigma of disabling conditions,
the next vignette conveys a somewhat less optimistic scenario. In this next
contribution, a woman with polio describes an incident during her profes-
sional training:

I had applied for an internship and at the end of the interview, [the inter-
viewer] said, ‘Well, I’ve got to admit you know your stuff, but … you have
186 / CH A PT ER 6

polio and no matter what I read in the reports about polio, I still think it’s
neurological, it’s brain damage … I can’t entrust our clients to a brain-dam-
aged person.’ I was really furious and upset and I went to my advisor and the
head of the clinical division … and their response was to sort of pat me on the
shoulder and say, ‘That’s really tough, that’s not fair, maybe next year you’ll
get an internship.’ They wouldn’t go to bat for me, they wouldn’t encourage
me to fight it or anything. I was very alone. (Noonan et al., 2004, p. 74)

The complexity of working life when one is faced with a disabling condition
is one of the more common threads in the material reviewed thus far. In both
the theoretical material and in the vignettes, working presents both special
challenges and opportunities for people with disabling conditions. For some
individuals, working represents a connection to the social world (which is de-
tailed in greater depth in chapter 4) as well as a source of self-esteem. Yet, at
the same time, working can systematically expose people to the pain of the
stigmatization and denigration that often characterizes the lives of individu-
als with disabling conditions. Furthermore, we are confronted with many
thorny philosophical issues about working when we consider the reality that
many individuals with severe cognitive deficits are placed in working contexts,
often without their full volition. Thus, exploring the work lives of individuals
with disabling conditions offers us a vista into issues about working that are
often at the margins of consideration in most accounts of working within psy-
chology. In the development of a psychology of working, I would hope that we
would create space for inclusion of individuals with disabling conditions.
From a conceptual standpoint, there is much for social and behavioral scien-
tists as well as counselors to learn from our colleagues in the rehabilitation
professions. Moreover, as counseling practice, prevention, and policy change
emerge from this nascent field, we will need to incorporate tools and methods
from rehabilitation counselors and psychologists who have increasingly
developed activist roles not only within the professional world, but also within
the political arena.

Sexual Orientation Diversity and Heterosexism

The marginalized status of individuals who are not heterosexual comprises a

form of social categorization that is often excluded from discussions of hu-
man diversity and social justice. However, recent contributions, especially
in counseling psychology (e.g., Chung, 2003; Dunkle, 1996; Fassinger, 1996,
2000; Pope, Prince, & Mitchell, 2000) have created a groundswell of interest
 SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WORKING / 187

in the working lives of lesbians, gay men, and individuals with bisexual or
transgendered orientations. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered
(LGBT) individuals have been in the workforce since the advent of working
life. However, within the past 30 years, greater attention has been devoted
to identifying the challenges and opportunities that LGBT individuals face
as they seek to explore viable vocational options and develop a rewarding
work life.
Fassinger’s (e.g., 1996, 2000) contributions on sexual orientation have
helped to elevate awareness about the diverse sources of categorization and
stigmatization that LGBT individuals face at work. Fassinger (2000) observed
that the actual selection of careers (for those who have some choice in this
matter) may be compromised by a number of internal and external factors.
For example, some LGBT individuals may not be developmentally ready to
make informed choices if they are still in the midst of sorting out their sexual
orientation. In addition, some people who are exploring their sexual orienta-
tion may purposely select a given career (such as an abstinent religious
vocation) as a means of warding off uncomfortable sexual strivings.
Once LGBT individuals move into the workforce, they continue to experi-
ence socially determined barriers that may impact their safety, security, and
overall comfort in a given occupational context and more generally within
their lives. First, given the reality that there is a history of physical abuse ema-
nating from homophobic co-workers or peers, it is important to note that
LGBT individuals continue to face potential physical danger as they venture
in the workplace. Second, LGBT individuals may face marginalization or ter-
mination if they are open about their lifestyles and sexual orientations. Third,
LGBT individuals often have to learn how to live two types of lives, one within
an accepting community of peers and loved ones and a second within a
workplace that may be homophobic or even physically threatening.
The intersection of roles in the lives of LGBT individuals as they relate to
working underscores many important points about the psychology of work-
ing. The implausibility of circumscribing working from other aspects of life
becomes immediately evident when one considers the lived-experience of
LGBT workers. The following vignette by Rudel (1995) describes the experi-
ences of an environmental health scientist as she seeks to find a way to be
herself in her work life:

Despite my core sense of my gayness as being okay, I have struggled with the
issue of how to be out at work—and have felt very much alone in this
endeavor. I am struck by the absence of role models, instruction books, or
other resources for figuring out how to manage the process.
188 / CH A PT ER 6

My job at the neuroscience research laboratory was particularly pleasant,

largely because of the fact that the three professors in the department were
women and that most of the students and staff in the lab were women. [This
job preceded her current job, which is described next.] Despite the fact that
my coworkers were nice, I typically did not bring up the fact that I am gay in
general conversation. For example, when I moved in with my lover, I simply
noted that I was moving and, if asked, gave her name without describing her
as either a friend or a lover. While my coworkers did things outside of work
with boyfriends or husbands or friends, I always did things with “friends.”
And while they talked about new love interests or a hot date or the painful
end of a relationship, I was silent about my romantic pursuits. As a result of
my reluctance to bring up gay-related parts of my life, I ended up censoring
a lot about my life outside of work ….
Just before I left that job [at the neuroscience lab], I promised myself that in
my next workplace I would be different. My guiding principle was going to
be that I would be just as out about my sexual orientation as straight people
were about theirs. I wanted to be myself, sharing what I would have shared
had I had been straight. For example, in my new job at Gradient, I would use
“we” all the time or say “Lisa did” this or “Lisa said” that without explaining
who my partner Lisa was—just the way straight people did in referring to
their spouses, who didn’t require explanation ….
I soon began to realize that it was impossible for me to be out in the way I
intended …. I cannot be myself without making a statement, because being
myself means coming out, and coming out means defying the social order to
be straight or be quiet. And so, I began to accept that I would often feel as if
I was making a statement, and that the price I would pay for not making my-
self bring up the issue was continued invisibility. (pp. 53–58)

It is important to note as we examine working from a global perspective

that many cultures still do not tolerate any variations at all from a sexual ori-
entation that is fully heterosexual. The implications of being LGBT in a cul-
ture of this nature are no doubt dramatic and far-reaching, ranging well
beyond one’s access to work. Yet when we consider that work functions as
one of the primary means by which people obtain power to ensure their sur-
vival, the stakes of being open in a homophobic work environment become
far more potentially devastating for people. As in other sources of social
barriers, diversity with respect to sexual orientation functions as a barrier
that reduces access to the full array of education and work opportunities
that might be available within a given community. In many ways, the struggle
for LGBT people to attain equal access to the requisite skills and opportuni-
ties for a rewarding work life remains one of the great challenges that face
those of us interested in social justice.
 SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WORKING / 189

Social Barriers and Working

in Psychological Treatment

As noted earlier in this volume, issues related to working have not had a clear
or explicit place within most theories of psychotherapy. Despite the lack of ex-
plicit attention to issues pertaining to working and access to opportunity in
clinical contexts, the process of psychotherapy encourages people to open
themselves up to the deeply felt experiences that they may face as they strug-
gle to obtain work, sustain themselves economically, and find meaning at
work. As I have suggested earlier, the very process of preparing for, engaging
in, and negotiating one’s work life often embeds people most saliently with
the social forces that function to stratify opportunity. In the case that I sum-
marize next, issues pertaining to the role of social barriers in the development
of a rewarding work life are presented in the context of a counseling case.
(This case is fictional, but is based on themes that have emerged in my own
clinical work.)

Mary Jane

Mary Jane was a 31-year-old European American woman who had sought
therapy to work on issues related to the recent knowledge that she had been
diagnosed with multiple sclerosis. In addition, she reported that she has strug-
gled in some ways with her sexual orientation. Mary Jane presented with con-
siderable depressive affect, anxiety, and interpersonal problems. The initial
stages of treatment focused on ameliorating her depressive moods, which had
interfered with her daily functioning and her ability to seek a job. Within the
first few sessions, I referred Mary Jane to a psychiatrist, who concurred that
Mary Jane would be a good candidate for anti-depressant treatment. Within
the first two months of treatment, Mary Jane initiated a course of treatment
with Zoloft and had begun to feel less depressed and anxious.
In this weekly treatment, which lasted for 18 months, Mary Jane initially
worked on issues pertaining to her adjustment to the multiple sclerosis diag-
nosis. Although the disorder was not yet having a disabling impact upon her
life, she was still quite worried about its impact and the potential that existed
for more serious health problems. Mary Jane also had initiated a course of
the new medication regimen that has been developed for people with multi-
ple sclerosis, which was well tolerated and not causing major side effects.
Within the first few months of treatment, Mary Jane discussed her concerns
190 / CH A PT ER 6

about her sexual orientation and her struggles at work. Since she was an ado-
lescent, Mary Jane realized that she was attracted to women. Indeed, in col-
lege, she had initiated a long-term relationship with another woman, which
had lasted for several years after college. However, her partner ended this
relationship reportedly because her partner had felt that Mary Jane was not
able to sustain an intimate relationship. Within the 5-year period since this
relationship had ended and Mary Jane had initiated treatment with me, she
was not involved in any serious long-term relationships. In fact, she had pre-
sented with feelings of loneliness and despair related to her sense of feeling
isolated and unloved.
Mary Jane’s family had moved to the southwest and she maintained rea-
sonably close connections with them. Although she was “out” about her sex-
ual orientation in her family of origin, the family essentially adopted a
“don’t ask, don’t tell” policy with respect to her lesbian identity. Mary Jane’s
parents, however, had strongly invested in her achieving success in her ca-
reer, which was their main focus in conversations with their daughter and
their two other children. Mary Jane had strong interests in science and math
as a young girl and had continued to pursue these areas, despite some obsta-
cles along the way. Her parents seemed to want her to go into law or busi-
ness, which were fields that were prevalent in her high-achieving and
wealthy family. However, Mary Jane pursued engineering in college and ob-
tained a degree in chemical engineering from a major state university in the
mid-Atlantic region.
Once Mary Jane began to work in an engineering firm, she began to experi-
ence some hostility from some of her male co-workers, many of whom were
not used to working with women as equals. Early in her career, she also was
very open about her sexual orientation at work, which evoked additional hos-
tility from her co-workers. She was often the victim of anti-gay and lesbian
“jokes,” which left her feeling alone and even ashamed of her sexual orienta-
tion. Furthermore, Mary Jane felt that she was not being considered for pro-
motions and more challenging assignments, which would have helped to
develop a track record for a promotion to a senior position. By the time she
began therapy with me, she was feeling isolated at work, although she did have
two good friends in the office who were supportive and warm to her. In addi-
tion to these friends at work, Mary Jane was connected to other lesbian
women in the community.
When considering the stress of her work life, the recent news about her
multiple sclerosis diagnosis seemed to add to her feelings of being over-
 SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WORKING / 191

whelmed. The psychological treatment focused on the major barriers she was
experiencing as well as helping her to consolidate her strengths. Amidst the
pain of her diagnosis and the struggles at work, Mary Jane also demonstrated
considerable resilience. For example, she was able to develop connections at
work despite the sense of feeling stigmatized and denigrated. Furthermore,
she was extraordinarily bright and was able to work at a highly efficient and
creative level at her job. Moreover, she was able to handle disappointment in
an adaptive way. Yet at the same time, she was facing a difficult point in her
life, with the combined effect of her gender, sexual orientation, and disability
status interacting in ways that left her feeling far less empowered than she had
in most of her life.
Using an integrative approach wherein I balanced work and relationship
issues (e.g., Blustein & Spengler, 1995; see chapters 8 and 9 for further de-
tails) as well as action-oriented and insight-oriented approaches (e.g.,
Wachtel, 1993), I worked with Mary Jane to help her identify her strengths
and to use her inner resources more adaptively in her current life circum-
stances. First, she began to feel less overwhelmed by her multiple sclerosis di-
agnosis by seeking out information from the regional multiple sclerosis
society and by joining a support group of men and women with the disease. As
she became more informed about multiple sclerosis, she felt more hopeful
about her life. At the same time, we explored her feelings of vulnerability and
sadness about the unfairness of her contracting this disease.
Another source of Mary Jane’s feelings of disempowerment was related to
her experiences at work. Her struggle as a lesbian woman in a traditionally
male and homophobic organizational culture often left her feeling that she
had to be disloyal to a significant aspect of her identity. In this context, I ex-
plored her feelings of anger about the unjustness of a culture that tolerated
discrimination and prejudice based on one’s sexual orientation. Mary Jane
made a decision to deal with these issues on two fronts—a personal front and
a sociopolitical front. From a personal perspective, Mary Jane was moving to-
ward not tolerating anti-gay and lesbian jokes and comments. Rather than
walking away feeling hurt and angry, Mary Jane decided to give voice to her
feelings. We explored different scenarios in therapy for her to express her
feelings in a way that would be understood by her co-workers. This was a com-
plex and nuanced process in which I affirmed her intense feelings of anger; I
also helped her to take a mindfulness approach to these feelings so that she
did not feel overwhelmed by them. With the use of a mindfulness approach
(Brown & Ryan, 2003), Mary Jane was able to develop a greater sense of resil-
192 / CH A PT ER 6

ience in the face of oppressive remarks. It is important to note that a mindful-

ness approach does not seek to invalidate a feeling state or to have a person
feel shame about feelings (Brown & Ryan, 2003; Maske, 2002; Martin, 2002).
From the sociopolitical perspective, Mary Jane became more involved in
LGBT activist groups in the community. She joined the Women’s Center and
volunteered to work with public policy groups in her city that were addressing
heterosexism via legislation.
The next few months of therapy was devoted to helping Mary Jane develop
more options with respect to work and her relational life. She began to under-
stand that the level of sexism and homophobia was so pronounced at her cur-
rent job that she might be better off in leaving for another company. As Mary
Jane began to think more about her options, she realized that she also had a
great deal of interest in teaching and research in chemical engineering. She
then decided to explore doctoral programs in her area, which was very enrich-
ing for her. During this process, she began to try on the idea of moving to an-
other part of the country and of starting a new educational venture that would
enhance her sense of control and power in her life. She was accepted to one of
the top programs in the United States with a guarantee for full funding
throughout her training. She also chose this particular university because it
was closer to her parents and siblings and the city it was located in was known
for being particularly gay/lesbian friendly.
Exploring Mary Jane’s relational life was actually quite complex and emo-
tionally painful for her at times. Mary Jane acknowledged that she missed her
partner and that she yearned to be in love again. She was aware that her previ-
ous partner had stated that she was not able to sustain the relationship with
her; moreover, she was able to own that she had been ambivalent about the re-
lationship, in part because she felt that her partner was not “perfect.” As we
explored this notion, it became clear to Mary Jane that she was being unrealis-
tic about her expectations. In addition, she understood that she perhaps used
this notion of her partner’s lack of perfection as a means of warding off her
fears of actually internalizing her lesbian identity. The doubts about her part-
ner, in her recollections, were more prominent when she felt shamed by her
colleagues. These insights were very useful to Mary Jane as she began to date
a bit more. However, she was not able to connect to anyone with whom she felt
that she could develop a long-term, intimate relationship.
By the time she terminated therapy, she was no longer struggling with any
of the problems that were so pronounced when she started therapy. In addi-
tion, she was not experiencing any multiple sclerosis symptoms, which
seemed to be responding well to her treatment regimen.
 SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WORKING / 193

Discussion

The case of Mary Jane provides more of a “happy ending” than many of the
cases presented in this book. Mary Jane faced some complex and challeng-
ing social barriers that were related to her sexual orientation, gender, and
more recently her potentially disabling condition. Mary Jane’s intelligence,
ability to connect to others, and her confidence were critical attributes in
helping her to overcome very real barriers. Much of the focus in this treat-
ment revolved around themes of power, connection, and self-determina-
tion; the natural linkages between these issues flowed to some extent
through Mary Jane’s work life. In relation to the power issues, Mary Jane
was able to negotiate some complex challenges, although the reality is that
she was not able to change the climate at her job. One of the advantages that
Mary Jane had in relation to some other cases presented in this book is her
European American status, which clearly gave her access to privilege in her
culture, including access to good schools, decent health care, and continued
connection to the powerful majority group (Helms & Cook, 1999; Wilson,
1996). Yet at the same time, Mary Jane faced discrimination because of her
gender, sexual orientation, and possibly because of an emerging disabling
condition. One of the primary means for Mary Jane to experience her power
and agency in her life was through her working life. Despite the obstacle of
homophobia, Mary Jane was bright and competent, which was never an is-
sue in her position. Yet she was passed over for promotions, in large part due
to her gender and sexual orientation. Thus, the paradox of this case is that it
suggests the dialectic that working often offers people. On one hand, it can
be the source of empowerment and on the other hand, it can be the source of
disappointment and despair.
This case also illustrates the prevailing concerns about social connections
that emerged in this treatment. As detailed in chapter 4, the striving for relat-
edness forms one of the key aspects of human functioning and is evident in a
careful analysis of the needs that working can optimally fulfill. Moreover, the
linkage between relational functioning outside of work and within an occupa-
tional context merits attention in clinical work, as exemplified in the case of
Mary Jane. Throughout Mary Jane’s life, her connections to her family,
friends, and lovers formed a pivotal part of her life space. In this case, the
striving for connection alternated between being the “figure” and the
“ground” of the treatment process. At times, Mary Jane’s sense of aloneness
was most apparent at work; however, as she reached out to friends at work and
outside of work, she was increasingly capable of responding assertively to the
194 / CH A PT ER 6

nasty homophobic comments made in her presence. Moreover, the comfort,

connection, and relatedness that Mary Jane experienced from the multiple
sclerosis support group was important in giving her the ability to explore new
work and relationship trajectories in her life.
This case also demonstrated the importance of self-determination in Mary
Jane’s life. Mary Jane’s educational and occupational history reflects consid-
erable access to the pursuit of intrinsically interesting activities, which culmi-
nated in her selection of a line of work that was potentially self-determining.
However, the context of Mary Jane’s life was not as supportive of her active
and agentic pursuit of her goals. The prevalence of homophobia and sexism in
her work setting, coupled with some relational lapses in her personal life, had
led her to feel more isolated at work and not as satisfied. One of the emerging
themes in Mary Jane’s therapy was the evolution of her sense of autonomy
and empowerment. As she began to understand and internalize the depth of
her knowledge about chemical engineering, she could in fact view herself as a
leading researcher and teacher in this field. The enhanced sense of self-es-
teem in her working role, which actually reflected an accurate appraisal of her
skills, helped Mary Jane to embark on a somewhat different developmental
pathway that would ideally yield even more pronounced potential for self-de-
termination in her work life.

Social Barriers and Working: Conclusion

The role of working in providing people with access to power and survival, re-
lational connections, and self-determination has been articulated in the chap-
ters that preceded this one. However, an honest view of the psychology of
working necessarily must include a discussion of the social barriers that create
inequitable conditions for many people and easy access to wealth and power
for some. The existence of social barriers such as racism, sexism, classism,
heterosexism, and ableism function to create very disparate conditions that
consign many individuals to a life of despair and want. While the perspective
that I am developing in this book is not going to cure these social ills with the
wave of a magic wand, I do envision scholars, practitioners, and policymakers
exploring the interface of work and social oppression in developing argu-
ments for programs and policies that will foster greater equity. The material
presented in this chapter has sought to give voice to the voiceless in our
field—those whose social status has been denigrated and relegated to mar-
ginal places in our discourse. In doing so, I have sought to place access to op-
portunity as a central issue within the psychology of working. In addition, the
 SOCIAL BARRIERS AND WORKING / 195

discussion of such issues as racism, sexism, ageism, heterosexism, and ableism

needs to be explicitly included in subsequent discourse on working. The very
powerful roles that these social barriers play in the distribution of resources
and supports for people are clearly part of the landscape of the psychology of
working. As reflected in this chapter, the psychology of working is a natural
ally of feminism, multiculturalism, and other social justice movements that
seek to contextualize our understanding of human behavior.
The major themes that have emerged in this chapter are fairly clear. Access
to the opportunity structure is far from equal. Moreover, much of this in-
equality is due to phenotypic attributes that have no bearing on one’s ability to
profit from training, education, and other opportunities. My hope is that this
chapter will generate a body of knowledge that will ultimately inform social
policy efforts to reduce and eradicate these pernicious social barriers, thereby
enhancing opportunities for people to feel empowered and engaged in their
working lives.
 Implications of an Inclusive
Psychology of Working
for Research and Theory

Many people are in dead-end jobs, no-hope jobs. Many people lack
the skills and experience to get—or hold—jobs. We talked much of
the sausage plant worker; what do we have to say to her or him? We
need to keep that in mind. Many people are scared. Many people
have given up.
—Hall (1996, p. 343)

I don’t think I could have made it [in school] without a job, because
that was my inspiration. If I hadn’t had a job I don’t think I would
have went to school or nothing like that. [The fast food restaurant] re-
ally helped me out, because you know if you have one thing going for
you, you want another thing going for you. And it’s … like a chain re-
action.
See, when I first started [working], I didn’t like to go to school at all.
But see, my manager told me, “I wanna see your report card. If you’re
not doing this or you’re not doing that, we don’t want you here.” They
told me just like that. My first period class, I was failing because I was
late. My manager told me, “Why are you failing this class?” I told her
that I didn’t get there on time. She said, “Well, I think that you should
cut your hours [at work], ‘cause maybe you’re not getting enough
sleep.”
They just pushed me. If I wanted to keep this job, I had to go [to that
class]. You know, they really tried hard, ‘cause they say, “We don’t
want you to work here forever. We want you to move on.”
—Newman (1999, p. 129)

As these quotes (as well as this entire book) seek to demonstrate, scholarly
and clinical interests in working, as well as human reactions to working, vary
196
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 197

considerably. Indeed, these quotes attest to highly complex and nuanced as-
pects of working, which have often been missing from the traditional social
and behavioral sciences and mental health considerations of careers and
working. In order to understand the full gamut of working experiences, I be-
lieve that sustained inquiry is needed to flesh out an inclusive perspective on
the psychology of working. To guide these efforts, I outline my thinking in this
chapter on the most viable research directions that are needed to construct
the foundation for the psychology of working.
The initial section of this chapter presents two meta-perspectives (i.e., so-
cial constructionist thought and the emancipatory communitarian perspec-
tive) as organizing frameworks for research efforts and theory development
within the psychology of working. The second section of the chapter outlines a
number of directions for further research, integrating illustrative existing
studies and research trajectories that fit with the mission of a psychology of
working. The third section examines methodological issues inherent in study-
ing working. The final section reviews the theory development process in rela-
tion to the inclusive and contextual nature of the psychology of working.
As the first six chapters of this book convey, considerable research, both
quantitative and qualitative, has been conducted from various perspectives,
including vocational psychology, I/O psychology, sociology, labor econom-
ics, and anthropology, which have sought to explain selected aspects of the
experience of working. In my view, many of the observations and conclu-
sions from existing research inform the needed scholarship and theory de-
velopment efforts in the psychology of working. In this section, I integrate
the research findings that have been published in various disciplines to sum-
marize what we know about working. Rather than restating findings that
have been presented elsewhere in this book, I have organized this section by
a set of themes that reflect the major conceptual areas that are represented
to date in the nascent psychology of working. In each of these sections, I also
highlight future research directions that are indicated based on my review
and the collective input of other scholars and policy analysts. One of the pre-
vailing themes of the research domains that I review in this chapter is that
they have the potential to inform counseling practice, public policy on work
and family life, educational reform efforts, and labor policies. Given the vast
array of fundamental needs that people face with respect to working (such as
unemployment, underemployment, dissatisfaction, lack of dignity, expo-
sure to harassment, occupational health and safety challenges), I advocate
that researchers initiate projects that will enhance knowledge that, ulti-
mately, can inform efforts to create more equitable and dignified working
experiences. In addition, I believe that research that informs the develop-
198 / CH A PT ER 7

ment of a fully inclusive approach to counseling practice is indicated. Ide-

ally, the scholarship that emerges from the psychology-of-working
perspective will serve to create the conceptual infrastructure for interven-
tions that help all adults who wish to work with the potential to find meaning
and dignity in their working lives. In order to create the scaffolding for the
necessary research on the psychology of working, I begin initially with a re-
view of two conceptual perspectives that serve to frame the subsequent dis-
cussion. The first of these perspectives is social constructionism and the
second is the emancipatory communitarian perspective; when considered
together, these two frameworks provide important conceptual perspectives
for research and practice in the psychology of working.

Singular Versus Multiple Perspectives of Working:

Infusing a Social Constructionist Perspective

One of the most prevalent themes in the initial chapters of this book is that
working is a complex and individualistic experience that is influenced by cul-
ture, politics, and economics, as well as intrapsychic and interpersonal fac-
tors. As such, the psychology of working necessarily must embrace the
multiple and relativistic nature of human experience in order to develop a suf-
ficiently expansive framework to understand the depth and complexity of the
experience of working. The social constructionist perspective, which has
emerged as a key element in the critical analysis of contemporary psychologi-
cal discourse (Burr, 1995; Gergen, 1999), offers a useful lens with which to
make sense of the complexity of working. Prior to delineating the role of the
social constructionist critique in the psychology of working, I first summarize
the major attributes of this epistemological perspective.
The social constructionist perspective actually reflects a critique of the tra-
ditional social scientific enterprise (Gergen, 1999). A number of scholars in
vocational psychology have described the utility of a social constructionist po-
sition in considerations of working and career development (e.g., M. S. Rich-
ardson, 1993, 2004; Stead, 2004). Prior to reviewing the advantages of a social
constructionist perspective in research and theory on the psychology of work-
ing, I first provide a conceptual framework that explains the core element of
social constructionist thought:

Several key assumptions underlie the social constructionist perspective and

are central to the position that we are advancing in this article (Burr, 1995).
First, a social constructionist position assumes a critical stance toward taken-
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 199

for-granted knowledge, or ways of understanding the world and ourselves

(Gergen, 1999). It challenges the viewpoint that knowledge is based on objec-
tive, unbiased observations, and calls into question positivism and traditional
empiricism (Burr, 1995). Alternatively, critical reflection and the questioning
of one’s beliefs are thought to lead to new ways of knowing and multiple per-
spectives of knowledge (Gergen, 1999). Second, the social constructionist
perspective presumes that one’s understanding of the world is historically and
culturally embedded. Recognizing knowledge as a product of history and
culture acknowledges the legitimacy of historically and culturally embedded
traditions. In effect, this perspective ensures that no one person’s ways of
knowing are considered superior, or closer to the truth, than alternate ways of
knowing (Gergen, 1999). Third, knowledge is constructed between people
through social interactions and relationships, not from objective observation.
Fourth, socially constructed and negotiated views of the world can take a vari-
ety of forms and lead to associated patterns of social action. Transformation
into social action can emerge from alternative interpretations of the world,
and result in generative discourses, or communications that challenge existing
traditions of knowledge and suggest new possibilities for action (Gergen,
1999). Thus, from a social constructionist perspective, the focus is on the pro-
cess and dynamics of social interaction, and not on the structure of individual
knowledge or objective truth (Burr, 1995). (Blustein et al., 2004, p. 427)

As this passage suggests, the social constructionist perspective offers a

major—indeed, a radical—transformation of our understanding of social sci-
entific discourse. Rather than searching for universal truths that may be ob-
served and tested via objective methods, the social constructionist critique
seeks to replace this impossible task with a more manageable and, ideally,
more useful approach that is based on the complex and relativistic nature of
human experience. The following contribution from an article that my col-
leagues and I wrote on the social constructionist integration of relational per-
spectives and working underscores the need for diverse intellectual lenses for
the study of working:

(I)n vocational psychology, the focus on an autonomous, vertical progres-

sion of paid work in the public sphere has predominated, and has been held
as an ultimate model of success and worth (Höpfl & Atkinson, 2000). Not-
withstanding, nonpaid work and work in the private or personal sphere or
domain has been relegated to “the context of career,” and thus marginalized
by a society that discredits its worth (M. S. Richardson, 1993; 2000). More-
over, current discourses of career favor those with more privilege and
greater access to prevalent models of success (M. S. Richardson, 2000). Con-
sequently, prevailing discourses serve to reinforce existing power structures
(Collin & Young, 2000). Such discourses weigh heavily not only in the social
constructions of persons and groups, but in the theory, research and practice
of vocational psychology. In this light, a social constructionist paradigm is
200 / CH A PT ER 7

well-suited as a foundation for movement from the traditional study of

middle-class careers to a more broadly inclusive study of working across
cultures and social classes (cf. Blustein, 2001a; M. S. Richardson, 1993).
(Blustein et al., 2004, p. 428)

As reflected in this passage, the application of the social constructionist

critique to theory development and empirical research efforts is an ideal fit
with the development of the psychology of working. However, rather than
adopting a rigid or entrenched social constructionist perspective that would
raise questions about the veracity or applicability of every possible inference
or assumption, I propose that the social constructionist perspective be used to
inform subsequent scholarship rather than constrain subsequent scholarship.
For example, a number of the tenets of the psychology of working, such as the
notion that working fulfills some human needs (such as the need for survival,
social connection, and self-determination) may have broader relevance
across time frames and cultures. Naturally, these ideas require further assess-
ment and inquiry. Yet at the same time, working for many people is directly
linked to their cultural experiences, economic circumstances, social relation-
ships, and historical contexts. For example, in research conducted on the
school-to-work transition, we found that the adaptive antecedents of an effec-
tive transition are not easy to identify across situations (Blustein et al., 2000).
There may be some factors (such as relational support and the acquisition of
high levels of academic skills) that may be generalizable, but the full picture of
an adaptive transition is very likely rooted in the culture and economy of a
given community. As I hope to explicate in this chapter, I believe that the
social constructionist perspective contains a number of important attributes
that will help to advance our knowledge of the psychology of working.
One of the most compelling advantages of the social constructionist per-
spective for the psychology of working is that by expanding the nature of the
discourses away from the traditional focus on people with choices and op-
tions, research and theory will have an opportunity to explore the working
lives of people who have typically been relegated to the margins. Another as-
set of the social constructionist perspective is its focus on the importance of
understanding the full depth of the inner experiences of people, which fits
with many of the core elements of the psychology of working. Given that the
social constructionist perspective focuses on the lived experiences of people
within cultures and relationships, scholars and counseling/organizational
practitioners can begin to chart the complex and richly textured aspects of the
psychology of working in different ways and with diverse objectives. In addi-
tion, the social constructionist perspective has advocated that social scientists
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 201

should seek to create theories that are more localized and contextualized as
opposed to universal (Gergen, 1999). The prevailing assumption of the social
constructionist perspective is that truth is rarely universal and is essentially
negotiated in social interactions that are framed by cultural boundaries and
interpretations. This point is particularly important for the psychology of
working which is rooted in individual experience, cultural meanings, and
socioeconomic and historical influences. Furthermore, social constructionist
thinking seeks to reduce the artificial boundaries that have been placed
around aspects of psychological and social experiences. With respect to psy-
chological analyses of working, the social constructionist critique has already
been very helpful in articulating the interconnections between relational
functioning and vocational functioning (Blustein et al., 2004). Using the
aforementioned rationale regarding the advantages of a social construction-
ist perspective, I will explore some of the most important directions for re-
search in the psychology of working, with a focus on the development of a
relevant, culturally affirmative framework that will yield findings that ad-
vance knowledge and enhance the lives of people. Prior to outlining some
promising direction for research and theory development on the psychology
of working, I introduce another meta-perspective, which, when considered
with the social constructionist critique, functions as an important conceptual
foundation for an inclusive and socially relevant psychology of working.

The Role of Values in the Psychology of Working:

The Emancipatory Communitarian Perspective

The advantage of the social constructionist perspective is its focus on

grounding scholarship within the cultural, historical, and social framework
of a given community. However, I believe that scholars exploring the psy-
chology of working also need to be mindful of the impact of their work and
the values that underlie their research and practice efforts. More precisely, I
advocate the inclusion of a conceptual framework that entails careful atten-
tion to the explication of one’s values with a concomitant examination of the
impact that these values have on the life experiences of the targets of our re-
search, theoretical efforts, practice, and policy efforts. The view that most
accurately captures my concern about the importance of an honest appraisal
of one’s values is the emancipatory communitarian perspective that has
been articulated by Prilleltensky (1997). Initially, I review the major ele-
ments of the emancipatory communitarian (EC) position, followed by a dis-
cussion of my personal values with respect to the psychology of working.
202 / CH A PT ER 7

(Consistent with the EC position and the social constructionist critique, I do

not seek to create hegemony with respect to my values in the study of work-
ing; instead, I simply wish to make the implicit values and assumptions of my
own scholarly efforts more explicit.)
The EC perspective represents an amalgam of social scientific, political,
and epistemological movements that have been integrated by Prilleltensky as
a means of offering psychologists a meta-perspective to practice and conduct
research. The problem that led Prilleltensky to the EC position stems from
the relative neglect of values and morals within much psychological discourse.
In short, Prilleltensky argued that psychologists have sought to distance their
work from systematic and explicit considerations of moral and ethical values.
The main reason for this neglect, according to Prilleltensky (1997), is the con-
cern that “discussing morality may elicit a negative reaction from psycholo-
gists who are afraid of dogmatism, fanaticism, and authoritarianism (Fowers
& Richardson, 1996; Kane, 1994). After all, previous claims to morality that
were based on ethnocentric and androcentric models resulted in discrimina-
tion and oppression of powerless groups (Prilleltensky & Gonick, 1994;
Sampson, 1993)” (p. 518).
In order for psychologists to respond to the challenge of exploring and
identifying their values, Prilleltensky proposed that two criteria had to be ful-
filled. The first criterion is that psychologists need to identify their view of the
good life and the good society. The second criterion is that psychologists seek
to find ways of translating their views on the good life and the good society
into action. Prilleltensky is clear that he does not espouse that psychologists
need to concur on their beliefs about the good life and good society. Rather,
he advocates that psychologists ought to be aware of their values with respect
to these fundamental questions.
As a means of generating greater interest in exploring values and morals
among psychologists, Prilleltensky proposed a perspective that draws from
emancipatory and communitarian perspectives, respectively. Noting the con-
tribution of liberation scholarship (e.g., Freire, 1984; Martín-Baro, 1994),
Prilleltensky developed a position that has sought to critique existing social
structures as playing an instrumental role in developing and sustaining ineq-
uitable contexts. In the following quote, Prilleltensky (1997) describes the
core elements of the emancipatory component of the EC perspective.

The essential contribution of these [emancipatory] theories lies in challenging

the belief that our social system, wherever we may be, is not only the best but
the only possible one. Once people overcome the myth that existing social
arrangements are immutable, they are in a position to question power struc-
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 203

tures that interfere with the pursuit of fundamental values for everyone,
rather than just for those who benefit from privilege and comfort. A critical
analysis of who benefits from current social conditions, and at whose expense,
is the first step in overcoming oppression (Korten, 1995; Macedo, 1994). This
analysis is highly relevant to psychological well-being, for psychological prob-
lems do not exist in isolation from societal structures of power (Gil, 1996;
Prilleltensky & Gonick, 1996). (p. 530)

The communitarian aspect of the EC perspective is derived from a fairly

diverse array of theoretical and ideological positions, including the work of
scholars who have advocated for collaboration and compassion (e.g., Etzioni,
1991) as well as those who advocate for distributive justice (e.g., Frazer &
Lacey, 1993). Prilleltensky sought to integrate these perspectives to develop a
comprehensive conceptualization of the communitarian framework. It is im-
portant to note that Prilleltensky is not necessarily advocating a specific polit-
ical ideology here; indeed, he noted that communitarian ideologies have been
advanced within progressive and conservative forums. The passage that fol-
lows describes how the communitarian perspective can be manifested in
psychological research and practice:

A blueprint for a communitarian psychology may contain the following

aspects. Community members, clients, and psychologists would collaborate in
setting the agenda for personal or social change, and interventions would be
primarily proactive and directed at social systems (Gil, 1996). Local and
grounded knowledge would help assess the needs and goals of communities.
Perhaps more than other approaches, communitarian practice would empha-
size collaboration and power sharing. Groups who are served would be
enabled to negotiate the contents, procedures, processes, and ethical
parameters of psychological interventions, a practice that is lacking in other
modalities (Prilleltensky, Rossiter, & Walsh-Bowers, 1996; Serrano-García,
1994). (Prilleltensky, 1997, p. 529)

Prilleltensky noted that the emancipatory and communitarian perspec-

tives, in and of themselves, have significant shortcomings that can be re-
dressed if they are used in tandem. The EC approach, therefore, seeks to
blend important aspects of the emancipatory and communitarian positions,
thereby constructing an integrative perspective, which I believe coheres effec-
tively. In a recent article that applied the EC approach to vocational develop-
ment theory and practice, my colleagues and I (Blustein et al., 2005)
described the EC perspective as follows:

(A)n EC approach defines the self primarily from an interpersonal and socio-
political frame of reference. As such, the targets of intervention are both indi-
204 / CH A PT ER 7

vidual problems as well as problems residing in social systems. The term

“communitarian” refers to the emphases on compassion, social obligation,
and mutual-determination. Human rights and responsibilities are balanced in
such a way that the principles of justice, human diversity, collaboration, car-
ing, and self-determination complement rather than compete with each other.
(p. 150)

In order to frame the EC perspective in light of existing psychological tra-

ditions, Prilleltensky assessed various meta-perspectives with the goal of de-
fining the values, assumptions, practices, potential benefits, and potential
risks of each psychological approach. The four approaches include traditional
approaches, empowering approaches, postmodern approaches, and emanci-
patory communitarian approaches. Table 7.1 provides an excellent compari-
son of the four approaches. It is important to note that Prilleltensky honestly
critiques his own EC perspective, noting that there is a possibility of denying
individuality at the expense of the greater community.
The EC perspective has considerable potential to inform research and the-
ory development in the psychology of working. First, the EC perspective en-
courages scholars to make their values explicit, while also acknowledging that
social scientific research is inherently value-laden. In advocating for an ex-
plicit statement of one’s values, especially with respect to how one defines the
good life and the good society, the EC perspective provides a framework for
elaborating one’s assumptions in the design of studies, theoretical efforts, and
practice interventions. Thus, rather than assuming that studies conducted on
college students or well-educated corporate managers are sufficient to con-
struct theories and interventions for the modal worker in North America (or
anywhere else), the EC perspective would provide the balance that is needed
to maintain honesty and openness in such appraisals. Second, the EC per-
spective endorses a view of human behavior that is deliberately framed by the
knowledge that individual efforts are both constrained and facilitated by
structural forces (such as racism, sexism, economic factors, and hetero-
sexism). In this context, the EC view fits well with the extensive literature that
has been cited earlier in this book about the impact of social filters and barri-
ers on one’s access to a meaningful and rewarding working life. Third, the EC
perspective values knowledge that can help to eradicate structural and social
forces that constrain psychological growth and development. As such, the EC
framework has the potential to be highly informative in creating research
agendas and practice efforts that seek to change public policies about educa-
tion, work, labor economics, training, and counseling. (See Blustein et al.,
2005, for a detailed discussion of the potential of the EC perspective to inform
important gains in the study of working.)
 TABLE 7.1
Summary of Values, Assumptions, and Practices in Four Psychological Approaches

Emancipatory communitarian
Domain Traditional approaches Empowering approaches Postmodern approaches approaches
Values Promote caring and self-de- Promote human diversity and Promote human diversity and Promote balance between
termination of individuals self-determination of individu- self-determination of individuals. self-determination and distribu-
but neglect distributive jus- als and of marginalized groups. Also concerned with collabora- tive justice. High degree of con-
tice. Major emphasis on tion and participation but have cern for well-being of
helping individuals, not equivocal stance with respect to individuals and communities.
communities. distributive justice.
Assumptions Based on scientistic assump- View knowledge as tool for Emphasize epistemological rela- Promote grounded knowledge
tions about knowledge. action research. Good life is tivism and moral skepticism. at the service of moral values.
Good life and good society based on ideas of personal Good life is associated with pur- Good life and good society are
are based on value-free lib- control. Good society is based suit of identity. Assumptions in- based on mutuality, social obli-
eralism, individualism, and on rights and entitlements. formed by social constructionism. gations, and the removal of
meritocracy. oppression.
Practices Problems defined in asocial- Problems defined in terms of Problems defined primarily in
and deficit-oriented terms. clients’ constructions of their terms of interpersonal and social
Interventions are reactive. own circumstances. Clients en- oppression. Interventions seek to
Problems defined in terms couraged to pursue their own change individuals as well as
of risk and disempowering identity. social systems.
conditions. Interventions are
reactive and proactive.
Potential Preserve values of individu- Address sources of personal Value the importance of identity, Promote sense of community
benefits ality and freedom. and collective disempowerment. context, and diversity and chal- and emancipation of every
lenge dogmatic discourses. member of society.
Potential Victim-blaming and tacit Social fragmentation through Social and political retreatism. Denial of individuality and sac-
risks support for unjust social pursuit of own empowerment Skepticism and lack of moral vision. rifice of personal uniqueness for
structures. at expense of others. the good of the community.

205
Note: From Values, Assumptions, and Practices: Assessing the Moral Implications of Psychological Discourse and Action by I. Prilleltensky. Copyright © 1997 by the
American Psychological Association. Adapted with permission.
206 / CH A PT ER 7

Prior to identifying promising research agendas, I would like to explore the

complexities in using such broad-based meta-perspectives in informing the
psychology of working. One issue that merits attention is the possibility of cre-
ating an intellectual amalgam of ideas that are somehow incompatible or,
even more disconcerting, overly rigid or ideological. Prilleltensky noted that
the post-modern approach (which shares many of the assumptions of social
constructionism) has a number of limitations with respect to the issues that he
raised about the importance of values and morality in psychological dis-
course. Prilleltensky cites the post-modern approaches as one of the tradi-
tions that the EC perspective seeks to supplant or at least inform (see Table
7.1). The Prilleltensky critique of post-modern thinking is informative and
relevant to my position that both the EC and social constructionist perspec-
tives frame subsequent inquiry in the psychology of working. In short,
Prilleltensky (1997) views social constructionism as espousing a highly relativ-
istic perspective with respect to morality and ethical behavior. In addition, he
cited an extensive literature from a group he calls skeptical social construc-
tionists, who advocate a form of “political retreatism,” which explains “why
there is not a strong voice advocating social change” (p. 528). In my view, this
is a very valuable criticism of the social constructionist perspective, which
clearly merits our consideration in this discussion. Similarly, the point that
Prilleltensky raised about the EC perspective regarding its potential to inhibit
individual self-determination and volition is certainly noteworthy. I believe
that the way out of this dilemma is by explicitly integrating the needs of a psy-
chology of working with salient aspects and assumptions of both the social
constructionist and EC perspectives. In doing so, I propose that we can create
a pathway that adopts conceptually congruent aspects of both perspectives
that will inform scholarship on the psychology of working.

Mapping the Pathway for Research

on the Psychology of Working

When considered collectively, the social constructionist and EC perspectives

offer some valuable markers as we chart the relatively unexplored terrain of
the psychological nature of working. Prior to delineating the marker points, I
would like to state my own assumptions about how these two perspectives can
be used. First and foremost, I am not advocating either framework as a pana-
cea or as dogma that must necessarily inform our scholarship. To the contrary,
I view the social constructionist and EC frameworks as meta-perspectives
that have the potential to shape an engaged and relevant body of knowledge
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 207

about work and working. Indeed, these perspectives share substantial com-
mon assumptions and values, as well as some notable differences. Both of
these perspectives critique traditional psychological research and practice
(see Table 7.1), which has been characterized by an overly decontextualized
view of human behavior. In that light, the social constructionist and EC per-
spectives move us out of the individualistic assumptions of traditional schol-
arship, which has tended to view human problems and challenges in a
relatively insulated fashion. In addition, the traditional psychological frame-
work (which has informed the vast majority of vocational psychology and I/O
psychology) has been entrenched in a view that diminishes the role of values
and morals. Both social constructionism and the EC perspective grapple with
morality, although they yield very different positions about how to incorpo-
rate the moral dimension into psychological discourse. One of the notable dif-
ferences that Prilleltensky pointed out between these two viewpoints is that
social constructionism tends to assume an overly relativistic position about
morals, with the very real possibility that social injustices can be ignored or
sustained. However, Prilleltensky also noted that the notion of moral relativ-
ism is not central in all social constructionist ideologies. I believe that, pro-
vided that one is distanced from the moral retreatist or skeptical views of
some social constructionist perspectives (see Prilleltensky, 1997, for a review
of the distinctions within social constructionist thought), sufficient shared
values and assumptions exist to create a meaningful rapprochement between
these perspectives.
My position is that social constructionism and the EC perspective can be
used, either in tandem or individually, as a means of furnishing guidance to
scholarship emerging from the psychology of working. The shared assumptions
of these perspectives revolve around a number of salient points. First, both so-
cial constructionist and EC thought endorse the notion that culture, relation-
ships, and social structures play a major role in human development and in
psychological functioning. Second, EC and social constructionist views both
endorse the position that traditional social scientific approaches limit the
growth of knowledge by constraining the methods used in exploring psycholog-
ical phenomenon. Third, both approaches are rooted in philosophical perspec-
tives that have been instrumental in critiquing existing power structures in the
social sciences, public policy, and mental health communities.
There are, however, notable differences between the EC and social con-
structionist perspectives that merit discussion here. One such distinction is
that client problems are conceived as a manifestation of individual construc-
tions in social constructionist thought and as a manifestation of interpersonal
and social oppression in the EC approach. Another notable difference be-
208 / CH A PT ER 7

tween these two approaches is their views of morality and values. The social
constructionist framework seeks to adopt a more relativistic stance with re-
spect to distributive justice. In Prilleltensky’s terms, distributive justice is the
fair distribution of social and economic resources so that greater balance is
achieved within a given culture or society. Other differences pertain to dis-
tinctions in how self-determination is viewed. In the social constructionist
view, self-determination is valued highly, whereas in the EC approach, self-
determination is balanced with a focus on distributive justice. My position is
that the social constructionist and EC perspectives can function to generate a
discussion in the psychology of working about morality, values, truth, and so-
cial barriers. I believe that the social constructionist and EC frameworks,
when considered in tandem, are instrumental in forcing us to contend with
these very challenging issues.
The major applications of the social constructionist and EC perspectives to
the present discussion are summarized in the following points:

I Given the contextualized nature of the psychology of working, it would

be difficult to imagine that highly generalizable inferences can be devel-
oped, aside perhaps from studies that examine the utility of the basic
needs that working ostensibly fulfills and other very general inferences
that have been derived to date.
I Both the social constructionist and EC perspectives advocate for an
open and honest agenda on the part of researchers; the notion that sci-
ence can be value free is thoughtfully critiqued in both perspectives.
I The two perspectives, taken together, offer scholars options with respect
to the issue of research that informs social justice. For scholars inter-
ested in advocating structural change to create more equitable systems
in society, the EC perspective provides important conceptual tools to
help scholars examine the impact of diverse and often subtle social
forces in developing and sustaining inequitable opportunity structures.
In addition, the social constructionist perspective provides a conceptual
framework that immerses researchers and theorists into the cultural and
social fabric of people’s lives. In this manner, the emerging conclusions
and recommendations are more likely to relate to issues of power and
access to opportunity.
I The EC and social constructionist perspectives are both overtly rooted in
a cultural framework that places the context of individual functioning into
the same field of view as individual experience. As such, ensuing studies
and theoretical developments on the psychology of working will have an
advantage of placing the figure and ground on the same visual plane.
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 209

In keeping with the commitments of the EC perspective, which argues as-

sertively for an explicit discussion of one’s values and moral position, I review
the central assumptions that guide my own views regarding the directions for
research and theory development that are outlined in this chapter:

I As readers have no doubt discerned at this point in the book, I value

scholarship that can lead to greater equity and social justice. The sugges-
tions that follow, for the most part, are clearly rooted in an agenda that
seeks to identify social structures that sustain inequity and to create the
knowledge base to reduce unequal access to the resources needed for a
meaningful work life.
I In addition, I value self-determination, but not at the expense of the
greater good. In a sense, my views here parallel the ethical aspirations of
the counseling and psychology professions (American Counseling Asso-
ciation, 2005; American Psychological Association, 2002), which have
placed nonmalificence as the key ethical principle. As such, I endorse
self-determination as long as others are not hurt in the process. I realize,
naturally, the notion of who is “hurt” in a given set of circumstances is
not always easy to discern and would involve careful deliberation and
reflection.
I I also value research that informs policy and practice. Although I do
value scholarship that seeks to explore the nuances and subtleties of
working behavior, I believe that with limited time and resources, re-
search should endeavor to make life better for people.
I I affirm both qualitative and quantitative methods as viable and impor-
tant methodological approaches to studying working. I do not have rigid
epistemological ideologies that would place one set of methods as devel-
opmentally or morally superior to the other.
I I strongly endorse a view that seeks to identify how social and cultural
forces influence work-related behavior and access to opportunity. More
precisely, rather than using social class as the “primary” designation of
marginalization or race as the “primary” index, I would argue that these
social barriers (along with sexism, ableism, ageism, heterosexism) are
each problematic, both singularly and in combination.
I I value interdisciplinary and interprofessional collaboration (cf.
Brabeck, Walsh, Kenny, & Comaling, 1997). Indeed, I believe that the
most imaginative and important bodies of work in the next generation of
scholarship on working will include scholars from diverse fields (such as
economics, sociology, psychology) working in tandem on the most press-
ing social issues of the day.
210 / CH A PT ER 7

The final point that merits attention here is that I strongly affirm the right
of researchers to engage in scholarship that is meaningful and important to
them and their constituents. Rather than presenting my values as the “gold
standard,” I hope that the psychology of working will attract adherents as well
as critics who have differing values and beliefs. However, I do endorse
Prilleltensky’s (1997) view that scholarship in psychology is necessarily rooted
in a moral and value-laden context. To operate in an artificial “value-vacuum”
does not serve our field well and would inhibit the sort of creative scholarship
that is needed to address the complex and challenging problems that exist as
people interact with their work contexts.
In the following section, I outline some directions for research that have
been suggested by my own experience and by the reading and reflection that
this book project has engendered. Naturally, this summary is necessarily
constrained by space and by the reality of my own experiences. I also encour-
age readers to generate their own agendas and critique the agenda that is
outlined here.

Promising Directions for Research

on the Psychology of Working

In identifying avenues for future scholarship, I have sought to identify themes

and patterns from the literature that seem to cohere and that would function
to generate subsequent theory and research development efforts, while in-
forming public policy. The material that is outlined in this section represents
only some of the specific issues that merit attention. My expectation is that the
input of more scholars in this area, coupled with expected and unexpected
changes in the world of work, will further shape the agenda for this line of
scholarship.

The Role of Work in Psychological and Social Functioning

One of the assumptions of much of the literature reviewed in this volume

(e.g., Flum, 2004; Neff, 1985; Newman, 1999; O’Brien, 1986; Wilson, 1996) is
that working is fundamentally important to psychological and social function-
ing. For example, considerable evidence exists suggesting that working, when
associated with stress, physical strain, and tedium, may in fact negatively im-
pact upon an individual’s overall level of functioning and satisfaction with life
(e.g., Blustein & Spengler, 1995; Powell, 1999; E. J. Smith, 1983). That work
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 211

varies in its manifestations in our lives is obvious; however, what is not obvi-
ous or clear is the identification of the range of factors that impact the way
that people experience work. Moreover, the reciprocal relationships that
exist between working and other aspects of psychological functioning are also
well documented (Betz & Corning, 1993; Blustein & Spengler, 1995; Lofquist
& Dawis, 1984). However, much of the research conducted in this area has
been with individuals who have exercised considerable volition in their
choices about work (e.g., dual career literature; see, e.g., Gilbert, 1994).
The existing research literature conducted on those fortunate workers who
can make conscious, volitional choices about their work options suggests that
a good person–environment fit and job satisfaction will enhance the quality of
one’s working life, with a positive halo effect impacting upon selected aspects
of psychological and social functioning (e.g., Holland, 1997; Landy, 1989; W.
B. Walsh, 2003). Moreover, a relatively extensive body of research exists
detailing how stress from one sector of life (either work or relationships) can
impact the other sector of life (Googins, 1991; Hall, 1996; Landy, 1989). How-
ever, once we move beyond the life experiences of people who have some
choice and volition in their working lives, the degree of knowledge and theory
to inform our understanding of the role of work in psychosocial functioning is
far less evident or certain.
One of the quotes from the outset of this chapter, taken from Newman’s
(1999) study of adolescent and young adult workers in a fast-food restaurant,
describes an experience in which work functions to provide the protagonist
with emotional and instrumental strength to pursue an education. Using the
social constructionist lens, it is possible to infer that within some cultural con-
texts, work can furnish people with valuable connections to important role
models and supportive people who will help to foster positive gains in collat-
eral aspects of life. Yet one can also describe periods of history in which work
has been associated with hardship, pain, and trauma (such as indentured ser-
vants, slaves, prisoners, mine workers, and sex workers). These arduous work
experiences could easily generate even further despair in one’s psychological
and social contexts. Thus, the reality of theory development in the psychology
of working necessarily must invoke some of the relativism of social construc-
tionism. While the direction and strength of relationships between working
and psychosocial functioning is difficult to predict in a highly generalizable
fashion for a broad range of people, the wealth of social scientific literature
coupled with the vastly informative narratives produced by authors, poets,
songwriters, playwrights, and ordinary workers suggests that this area is rich
in insights and importance. In short, working very likely has a powerful and
pervasive impact on the nature of life experiences; the direction and strength
212 / CH A PT ER 7

of this impact, naturally, is difficult to predict for aggregate groups. Yet, the
evidence presented thus far in this book underscores the sort of conclusions
that scholars such as Gini (2000), Newman (1999), Wilson (1996), M. S. Rich-
ardson (1993), and others have generated: Working is a core aspect of life
with enormous potential to provide rewards and/or pain for individuals and
communities.
The insights that can be gleaned from explorations of the impact of work
on psychological and social functioning will be very relevant in the clinical and
counseling applications of the psychology of working. For example, rather
than developing linear or simplistic notions about how working impacts the
lives of people, an experience-near approach to research can help to map the
space shared by work and relationships. (An experience-near approach to re-
search refers to the use of empathic introspection as a means of connecting to
and defining the issues and people who are grappling with a given set of issues
or problems. This point is explored in further depth toward the end of this
chapter.) The literature that was presented in chapter 4, coupled with the
emergence of the relational perspective of the psychology of working (e.g.,
Blustein et al., 2004; Flum, 2001; Schultheiss, 2003), attests to the complexity
of exploring the relationships between work and psychosocial functioning.
(Further ideas about the clinical applications of the psychology of working are
presented in chapters 8 and 9.)
The importance of this line of work is critical. That the world of work is
changing is fundamentally clear to scholars and to nearly all of the citizens of
this planet (e.g., Arthur & Rousseau, 1996; Collin & Young, 2000; Santos,
Ferreira, & Chaves, 2001). Without an understanding of the depth, nature,
and consequences of the impact of work on psychological and social function-
ing, we are left with little knowledge to inform counseling practice and public
policy. Perhaps the most compelling challenge that psychologists interested in
working face is to chart the role of the lack of dignified and consistent work in
relation to the full gamut of psychological and interpersonal functioning. This
line of inquiry ought not to focus solely on giving voice to people who are im-
pacted so profoundly by the changes in the workforce. Rather, our responsi-
bility is to detail the connections with empirical evidence and with the
compelling arguments that such evidence supports. My position is that there
are multiple pathways to the presentation of empirical evidence (see later in
the chapter). With the empirical data that social scientists can muster, we can
develop arguments that, like Wilson’s (1996) contribution, provide clear evi-
dence that working is not simply a means to an end. Working is a natural part
of human life, and to lose the opportunity to engage in this critical component
of being alive, we risk losses that we can only dimly contemplate at this point
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 213

in time. Indeed, the losses that accrue to individuals and their communities
can be explored in further detail in research on unemployment and underem-
ployment, which is described next.

Unemployment and Underemployment

Scholarship on unemployment and underemployment has a rich and exten-

sive history in psychology and related social sciences (e.g., Amundson,
Borgen, Jordan, & Erlebach, 2004; Borgen & Amundson, 1984; O’Brien,
1986; A. C. Petersen & Mortimer, 1994). In fact, as I detail later in this sec-
tion, some of this scholarship fits well within the purview of the psychology of
working. However, for the most part, the study of unemployment has typically
been considered from a macro-level, often with informative statistical analy-
ses of employment and unemployment trends presented at the aggregate
level (e.g., Ellwood et al., 2000; Jaeger & Stevens, 2000). In my view, the psy-
chology of working offers a critically important opportunity to move social
scientific discourse about unemployment to the individual psychological
level, where numbers and names can become embodied into full and rich nar-
ratives and psychological insights. These narratives can then be interpreted to
derive new insights into the experience of being without work, looking for
work, and working in a job that does not provide the basic needs to survive.
The psychological study of unemployment has represented only a modest
research line within vocational psychology (e.g., Herr, Cramer, & Niles, 2004;
Super, 1957) and a somewhat more extensive line of work within organiza-
tional psychology (e.g., Arthur et al., 1989; Furnham, 2000; O’Brien, 1986;
Waters & Moore, 2002). However, it is striking that so little effort has been
devoted to the plight of unemployed people in the traditional homes of the
psychology of career development and organizational functioning. One of the
more compelling and increasingly relevant aspects of traditional psychologi-
cal research on unemployment has been the examination of the relationship
between unemployment and various mental and physical health problems.
The review by Herr et al. revealed that unemployment has been associated
with digestive dysfunctions, irritability, depression, anxiety, and interper-
sonal relationship problems. In addition, Herr and his colleagues described
the evolution of social exclusion, which can then lead to significant levels of
alienation. Social exclusion refers to the sense of isolation and alienation
which results from having no structured connection to the labor market and
the broader social context. That unemployment is a social and economic bur-
den in our culture is not controversial; indeed, few scholars or policy analysts
214 / CH A PT ER 7

would disagree with this appraisal (e.g., Bynner & Parsons, 2002; Hanisch,
1999; Meeus, Dekovic, & Iedema, 1997; Wanburg, 1995). However, within
the social sciences, the vast majority of research on unemployment has been
conducted by economists and other macro-level social scientists (e.g., Mishel
& Bernstein, 1994), without the concerted contributions of psychologists who
may be able to advance our thinking into new and potentially innovative
directions.
Further insights into the broader social and community-based conse-
quences of unemployment have been detailed in sociology and anthropology.
The contributions of Wilson (1996) have been cited in depth previously in this
book; in short, Wilson has charted the aversive consequences that have been
associated with the loss of employment opportunities within a given urban
community. Newman’s (1999) anthropological analysis of the benefits of
working for urban youth further affirms the results of Wilson’s studies. Work-
ing in a job that has some level of dignity and social connection can provide a
powerful resource for many people to remain engaged in their lives, commu-
nities, personal welfare, and other adaptive citizenship roles.
Another related problem that often is discussed in conjunction with unem-
ployment is underemployment. As defined by Herr et al. (2004, p. 98), “(u)n-
deremployment is frequently characterized by part-time rather than full-time
work or work which only partially provides an outlet for the range of talents an
individual can bring to the workplace or provides very low pay.” For example,
a former computer programmer who needs to locate employment with health
benefits settles for a job as a security guard, which is very likely not a viable fit
with this individual’s talents, skills, and experiences. The experience of under-
employment is often understood as a closely linked phenomenon to unem-
ployment. Many people who find themselves underemployed may be seeking
to avoid unemployment, often at any cost, including the obvious conse-
quences of lower pay, less interesting work, and a corresponding loss of social
and economic status. In an economic analysis of underemployment, Mishel
and Bernstein (1994) reported that underemployment is related closely to
economic cycles, with the proportion increasing during economic downturns.
They also described the growth of underemployment in that many people who
prefer to work full-time have had to settle for part-time work. The importance
of considering underemployment in tandem with considerations of employ-
ment is clearly evident in a close examination of the data presented in the
Mishel and Bernstein analysis. Policymakers and government officials often
try to camouflage stagnant employment trends by neglecting to include
workers who have had to take jobs that provide far less than they are capable
of achieving, in terms of personal satisfaction and financial rewards.
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 215

While the issue of unemployment has captured a great deal of attention

in this book as well as in the popular media, psychologists who study working
would benefit from an examination of global trends. The International La-
bour Organization (ILO), which is sponsored by the United Nations, has
provided information and policy advice, much of which is freely available on
the Internet (http://www.ilo.org). The 2003 report revealed that global un-
employment is escalating, with 185.9 million people looking for work, repre-
senting about 6.2% of the total labor force (http://www.ilo.org/public/
english/bureau/inf/pr/2004/1.htm). This report also indicated that the level
of unemployment for youth between 15 and 24 includes about 14.4% of this
age cohort, representing 88.2 million people. In addition, the ILO report
stated that the “informal economy” consisting of workers without a specific
job in the formal labor market is growing in poor countries, resulting in a
large number of working poor, reflecting an estimated 550 million people.
Thus, the existing data on unemployment and underemployment (which
certainly may include many of the working poor) point to a sizable propor-
tion of people around the globe who are not working or who are working in a
highly marginal fashion.
Given these data and the pervasiveness of the aforementioned findings
regarding the social and psychological consequences of unemployment,
what, then, can a psychology of working offer scholars and practitioners? In
my view, the perspective offered by the psychology of working has the poten-
tial to help place the human dimensions of unemployment and underem-
ployment onto the agendas of policymakers and government officials. The
vast majority of research on unemployment has not sufficiently or explicitly
given voice to the individual experience of losing a job and of struggling to
find a means of supporting one’s family. Of course, there are many excep-
tions to this trend, including Wilson’s (1996) book, the contributions of Ru-
bin (1994), and others who have collected the narratives of workers (e.g.,
Bowe et al., 2000; Newman, 1988; Terkel, 1974). Ideally, research from the
psychology-of-working perspective would provide unemployed workers
with an opportunity to speak their minds as well as furnishing a means of
documenting the consequences to the individual, the family, and one’s com-
munity. Moreover, research using the psychology-of-working framework
might allow for a greater understanding of the factors that help people to
maintain their dignity and resilience in the face of unemployment. In addi-
tion, research is needed to identify the most effective systemic interventions
that help people to gain employment, including the development of effec-
tive and flexible retraining plans, the use of career interventions to help peo-
ple focus their job searches, and identifying the role of support systems in an
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individual’s proximal context. In addition, the psychology-of-working per-

spective ideally may yield the development of interprofessional and inter-
disciplinary research teams that can address the broad, systemic sort of
changes in the structure of work and the labor market that can create new
work opportunities.
One of the most important needs for further research on unemployment at
this point is for psychologists to provide empirical support for the proposition
that working is part of a natural human striving and that to limit or circum-
scribe this experience can lead to significant, long-range problems that are
difficult to manage, both individually and systemically. In addition, scholars
need to find ways of developing the infrastructure within poor communities
that will break the cycle of poverty and unemployment that transcends gener-
ations and economic trends. For too long, traditional scholars of careers and
organizations have neglected very poor citizens within impoverished commu-
nities that exist in cities, suburbs, and rural settings, who often have eked out
an existence without the stability and security that work provides. In addition,
the role of retraining and retooling, which often receives so much attention in
the academic literature and popular press (e.g., Cappelli, 2004; Tango &
Kolodinsky, 2004; Winefield et al., 2002) needs to be explored and explicated.
For example, to what extent should the traditional tenets of a good person–
environment fit guide decisions about retraining? How can we help individu-
als move into new fields that are not interesting to them, but that may still pro-
vide a viable source of income? To what extent is the Deci and Ryan (1985)
model of self-determination useful in informing interventions for workers
who need to be retrained?
Research that can inform public policymakers of the critical importance of
work in people’s lives is fundamentally needed. Perhaps the infusion of stud-
ies from various communities and cultures documenting the domino-like ef-
fects of aversive consequences that are associated with unemployment will
place this issue on the front burner for policymakers and government leaders
(cf. Dooley, 2003; Hanisch, 1999; Kates, Greiff, & Hagen, 2003; Wanberg,
1995; Wilson, 1996). By exploring the impact of losing one’s job with respect
to the three sets of needs that working fulfills, I believe that it will be possible
to present compelling arguments, buttressed by empirical data and observa-
tions, which would help to advance policy initiatives to create more meaning-
ful employment opportunities. Moreover, as I detail later in the chapter, the
development of interprofessional teams of scholars and policy analysts inter-
ested in working issues will have the potential to have a major impact on the
broad economic and social policies that affect the distribution of educational
and vocational opportunities.
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 217

Work-Based Transitions

Scholars in education, sociology, psychology, counseling, and labor econom-

ics have sought to understand the complexities of the school-to-work transi-
tion, which is particularly challenging for youth who do not attend college
(e.g., Blustein et al., 2000; Glover & Marshall, 1993; Wilson, 1996;
Worthington & Juntunen, 1997). In brief, the challenge that has been attract-
ing so much interest and energy among scholars, practitioners, and govern-
ment leaders is that the non-college graduating youth in the United States (as
well as in many other Western countries) have had a difficult time in negotiat-
ing the transition from high school to a meaningful and productive working
life. The problem has been described from both moral and economic consid-
erations. From a moral vantage point, there is a notable lack of equity in the
services and resources provided to poor and working class youth in compari-
son to students from affluent and educated backgrounds in helping them to
prepare for their entry to the adult working force. Moreover, non-college-ed-
ucated youth have often spent their early years in the labor market flounder-
ing in jobs that are typically associated with the adolescent workforce (e.g.,
fast-food restaurants, store clerks, etc.) (Blustein et al., 2000; Wilson, 1996).
For the most part, these jobs offer little training, minimal contact with other
adults (who can serve as role models), and few, if any, opportunities for ad-
vancement. Thus, the school-to-work transition for non-college-bound youth
functions as yet another structural barrier that further reduces social mobility
based on social class, race, ethnicity, and a host of other factors (Blustein et
al., 2000). From an economic vantage point, the lack of coherence in the
school-to-work transition has left the United States with a notable disadvan-
tage in the competition for industries and jobs (Marshall & Tucker, 1992;
Reich, 1991). Another key issue in the school-to-work transition is that stu-
dents who do not know where they are going in terms of their working lives of-
ten struggle to see the utility in their academic work, thereby reducing their
ability to acquire the skills that are so central to success in adult life (e.g.,
Baker & Taylor, 1998; Bynner, Ferri, & Shepherd, 1997; Evans & Burck,
1992). Indeed, this line of inquiry and the accompanying interest in develop-
ing broad and systematic policies and interventions to redress these problems
foreshadows the sort of research/public policy linkage that I think can be es-
tablished by a fully engaged psychology of working.
The interest in the school-to-work transition for non-college-bound youth
has also fostered a greater interest in the nature of work-based transitions in
general. (In fact, the focus on the school-to-work transition in the 1990s also
may have been instrumental in helping psychologists to take note of the entire
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spectrum of people who work.) When considering the changing nature of the
working world in light of the growing knowledge base on the school-to-work
transition, I believe that a critical line of research will be needed on work-
based transitions across the life span, including, of course, continued scholar-
ship devoted to the school-to-work transition for the non-college bound. As
we are beginning to observe currently in the workforce, people of all ages are
increasingly faced with more transitions (Arthur & Rousseau, 1996; Collin &
Young, 2000; Rifkin, 1995), and often highly challenging transitions. In con-
trast to the “mid-life crisis” that has received so much attention in the popular
press in recent decades (which often involved people wanting to reinvent
themselves in middle age; Cochran, 2001; Levinson, 1978; Schlossberg,
1995), the changes that are occurring currently very often involve adjustments
to rapid shifts in working options and conditions that are not under our con-
trol. From my perspective, focusing on transitions has the potential of provid-
ing psychologists, counselors, and policy analysts with a tangible process that
is amenable to scholarship and interventions. In effect, if we can develop
models and methods that explicate the nature of adjustment to unplanned
transitions, we will be able to design more effective counseling and systemic
interventions as well as provide more informative advice to policymakers and
government officials.
In examining the landscape of work-based transitions, it might be useful to
invoke Super’s (1980) life-span, life-space taxonomy, which offers a means of
expanding our thinking about transitions. People transition both longitudinally
(life span) and latitudinally (life space). The longitudinal dimension generally
encompasses the typical definition of transitions; this dimension entails moving
from school to work, job to job, shifting occupational fields, as well as transi-
tions between working and not working (e.g., unemployment and retirement).
In effect, the longitudinal dimension encompasses the life-span developmental
trajectory. However, transitions also occur among life roles, underscoring
Super’s important contributions about the need to examine the full array of so-
cial roles that we occupy, many of which are linked to the worker role. For ex-
ample, a stay-at-home father in his mid-30s may wish to shift to a more active
working role as his children enter high school, thereby requiring a transition
that impacts on his working life as well as his related life roles.
The infusion of the psychology-of-working perspective into the study of
work-based transitions offers a number of viable pathways for informative
and policy-oriented research. Following Super’s (1980; Super et al., 1996)
comprehensive conceptual framework, the psychology of working would en-
courage scholars to examine the full range of life roles that are associated with
working. However, unlike Super’s work, which has tended to focus on those
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 219

with access to the “grand career narratives” of the mid- to late part of the 20th
century, the psychology-of-working perspective would necessitate a more in-
clusive scope. Given the arguments that I have advanced in this book, work-
based transitions are relevant to all people who work, not just to those with
options and choices.
I envision the development of work-based transition models as perhaps a
prototype of the sort of contributions that a psychology-of-working research
program can make. First, one of the attributes of the next generation of re-
search on work-based transitions ideally would be the development of local-
ized models that are relevant to a given population at a given time in history.
One of the lessons of the school-to-work literature is the observation of con-
siderable variation in the needs, assets, and cultural attributes of specific pop-
ulations (e.g., Blustein et al., 2000). The complexity of the working world,
which is replete with rapid changes in economic conditions, educational and
training resources, and cultural transformations, suggests the utility of a more
relativistic approach to theory and research on work-based transitions (as
suggested by a social constructionist perspective). For example, the array of
predictors that my colleagues and I identified in the review of the
school-to-work literature seems viable for many, but certainly not all, commu-
nities within the United States and other highly industrialized countries at
this point in time (Blustein et al., 2000). It is likely that a different array of fac-
tors might be identified in other settings. While there very well may be some
predictors that are very common across communities (such as relational re-
sources and effective basic academic skills), other attributes of an adaptive
transition may be more specific to given cultural contexts. The result of the-
ory-building and research on the school-to-work transition, however, does
not need to conclude with a chaotic set of ideas and principles. Rather, it may
be possible to derive some common factors as well as more localized factors,
thereby yielding flexible models that can be adapted to specific contexts and
circumstances.
Another important line of inquiry with respect to work-based transitions is
to identify the role of retraining and retooling in the process of transitioning
into different work roles. This issue is already attracting considerable atten-
tion in the labor economics and sociological literatures (Cappelli, 2004;
Robson, 2001; Wolf-Powers, 2001). I believe that research emanating from
the psychology of working can have a major impact on this issue. One of the
challenges that many people face when they have been laid off from jobs that
they have enjoyed is the consideration of the need to begin a new trajectory in
their working lives by pursuing a field that is outside of their traditional area
of skills and interests. Given the trends that I detailed in chapter 2, it seems
220 / CH A PT ER 7

clear that many workers will need to return to school or training programs in
order to update their skills and become more competitive in the labor market.
The issues that are engendered in this process are highly complex and not well
understood. The literature on adult unemployment is replete with examples
of the struggles that people face in transitioning from one field to another, es-
pecially when additional schooling is required (e.g., Capelli, 2004; Robson,
2001). Certainly, there are considerable external barriers that make the tran-
sition process very difficult. For example, in the United States, very little, if
any, external financial support is available for adults who would like to pursue
full-time training in another field. By exploring the external and internal re-
sources and barriers that play a role in the decisions that people make to at-
tempt retraining, we may have far more relevant information to share with
policymakers, counselors, higher education professionals, and training spe-
cialists. In my view, the need to identify the factors that help people move
adaptively into new training programs is critical in developing a useful and
effective retraining policy.
In a broader sense, research is needed that would help to understand how
the experience of control and volition affects people’s decisions to engage in
retraining. As I have proposed in this book, one of the key elements in the psy-
chology of working is the inclusion of people who have constrained volition or
no real choice in their decisions about what sort of work to pursue. Research
that can delineate how the variations in access to choices influence the way in
which people explore and engage in training options would be very helpful in
advancing scholarship in the psychology of working. By infusing a wide array
of conceptual influences and problems into considerations of work-based
transitions, the psychology-of-working perspective may help to produce mod-
els and programs that will be maximally useful to the countless workers who
will be faced with unexpected transitions and transitions that ideally will yield
desirable outcomes.

Social Filters and Working: Exploring New Vistas in the Interface

of Social Access and Opportunity

As reflected in chapter 6, considerable research has been conducted on the

impact of sexism, racism, heterosexism, and classism in relation to career de-
velopment and organizational life. In this section, I describe the sorts of ques-
tions that a psychology-of-working analysis can furnish in understanding the
nature of social filters in relation to working experiences. The literature pre-
sented in chapter 6 on the impact of sexism, racism, heterosexism, and
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 221

classism also serves to foreshadow the potential of the psychology of working.

The theoretical efforts of Helms and Cook (1999), Carter and Cook (1992),
Liu (2001, 2002), Fassinger (1996, 2000), and Betz and Fitzgerald (1987),
among others, have created the scaffolding for a study of working that seeks to
be inclusive. However, much more research is needed to create an informa-
tive knowledge base that will facilitate policies leading to greater equity in
preparing for meaningful work, locating jobs, and in adjusting to work. In this
section, I review some of the more compelling issues that merit further study.
Fitzgerald (2003) has presented compelling evidence that our society has
not created safe working environments for women. It is clear that further re-
search is needed on the impact of sexual harassment, particularly for women
who have fewer options and resources in life. One of the common themes of
the literature on sexual harassment is the abuse of the power differential in
working environments (Hotelling, 1991; Malamut & Offerman, 2000). Using
a psychology-of-working perspective, we may be able to obtain experience-
near accounts of the experience of harassment from women who are on the
front lines day after day. Moreover, the findings from a psychology-of-work-
ing perspective may be particularly informative in discerning the nature of the
abuse, the degree to which organizational climates contribute to abusive situ-
ations, and the extent of the psychological trauma that follows abusive inter-
actions. In addition, examining the full context of the harassment process may
help to identify systemic interventions that can be used to prevent the emer-
gence of this painful phenomenon. For example, by identifying the complex
and often subtle manifestations of power within the workplace, we may be
able to identify mechanisms that reduce the enactment of harassment in the
workplace.
Another critical issue that will likely require concerted research is the chal-
lenge of reducing gender-based stereotypes, especially for poor and working
class individuals. Considerable research has been conducted to date on the
nature of gender-based stereotypes and the impact of these biases on educa-
tional performance (Hackett & Betz, 1981; Hackett, Betz, Casas, &
Rocha-Singh, 1992; McWhirter, Hawley, Hackett, & Bandalos, 1998) as well
as vocational choices (Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987; Hackett & Lonborg, 1993).
Yet considerably more work still needs to be conducted in order to reduce the
impact of gender-based stereotyping. Two specific areas in particular seem
promising. First, the continued existence of biases in the educational system
merits attention and systematic research. For example, students of color and
girls/women are still receiving less encouragement and less attention in many
aspects of their academic work, particularly in the science, technology, and
mathematical areas (Brown & Josephs, 1999; Heilman, Wallen, Fuchs, &
222 / CH A PT ER 7

Tamkins, 2004; Yelland, 1998). From the perspective of the psychology of

working, the focus would necessitate a broad and inclusive view, encompass-
ing all students and adults who often have to face environments that can be
discouraging and denigrating. Second, the vast majority of the literature on
gender-based stereotyping has, appropriately, focused on the experiences of
women, who have confronted (and continue to face) harsh and aversive mes-
sages about the occupations that may be suitable for them (e.g., Betz, 1989).
Yet, men also face gender-based stereotypes, which often function to reduce
the degree to which they can explore the full gamut of the occupational world
(L. Gottfredson, 2002). For example, nursing programs and other helping
professions are increasingly finding it difficult to attract men, which has likely
contributed to labor shortages in selected fields. Moreover, this phenomenon
curtails the possibility that men who are oriented toward caregiving would be
able to find meaningful outlets for their work.
While sexual harassment has appropriately received attention in psycho-
logical research, there is comparatively little research on the overt or covert
expression of racism at work. A number of recent initiatives have documented
such phenomena as “ethnic bullying” (Fox & Stallworth, 2004), racism at
work (Banks, 2002), and minority perceptions of institutional racism
(Jeanquart-Barone & Sekaran, 1996). While these recent efforts reflect an
admirable beginning, a number of questions emerge when considering the
complexity and challenges of racism within the work context. First, like sexual
harassment, it is likely that the people within occupational settings who have
less conferred power would be more likely to be prone to harassment due to
their racial and ethnic characteristics. As such, the psychology-of-working
perspective might be particularly well suited as an organizing framework for
the study of racism in the workplace. Second, the psychology of working
would encourage us to learn more about racism at work in an empathic and
experience-near fashion. Rather than approaching this problem from the dis-
tance of broad macro-level investigations, I recommend that qualitative re-
search be used initially to document the existence and impact of racism in the
workplace. Third, the degree to which others within organizations and occu-
pational settings collude to foster a climate that tolerates racism can be ascer-
tained and reported, thereby giving voice to a process that has been rarely
explored in the psychological literature (with some notable exceptions,
including Carter & Cook, 1992; Helms & Cook, 1999).
Research on the role of classism in relation to working also is a viable and
necessary area for the psychology of working. The contributions of Liu (2001,
2002, 2004; Liu et al., 2004) have attested to the powerful role that social class
plays in psychological discourse. The nascent scholarship on social class is
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 223

highly relevant to the next generation of research on the psychology of work-

ing. A number of questions merit further attention in this area. There is a sig-
nificant need to understand how people experience their own social class. As
Fouad and Brown (2000) have argued, the experience of social class may be
particularly profound for people who feel marginalized. The degree to which
internalized impressions of social class are intertwined with one’s experience
of power and authority at work would be a very informative line of inquiry
with clear ramifications for counseling practice and organizational interven-
tions. Furthermore, the model developed by Liu and his colleagues (Liu et al.,
2004) offers great potential to the study of social class and classism. In addi-
tion, the impact of classism at all stages of the job search, adjustment to work,
and satisfaction with work processes represents a critically needed line of
research.
Another social filter that has had a profound impact on the lives of workers
across the economic and cultural spectrum is oppression and discrimination
based on sexual orientation. Following the literature that was reviewed in
chapter 6, we know that considerable discrimination has existed against les-
bian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT) individuals in a wide array of
work settings. What is not known, however, is the role of power differentials
among workers in the expression and manifestation of oppression and abuse.
In addition, the struggles of LGBT workers in positions where the expression
of social distance and prejudice is less overt, yet still pernicious, are not well
documented in the literature. For example, what inferences are made within
work settings about LGBT workers? Furthermore, how does the expression
of sexual orientation at work differ among heterosexual and LGBT individu-
als? Research that explores the full range of experiences that occur as LGBT
individuals confront often unfriendly and perhaps even dangerous work set-
tings is clearly indicated. The psychology-of-working perspective, while not
offering panaceas, would support the sustained exploration of complex issues
such as LGBT orientations and the impact of these sources of diversity on
other workers within one’s social space.
As we have observed in the literatures on culture, race, gender, and sexual
orientation, scholars and practitioners have struggled with creative ways of in-
tegrating understandings of human diversity into their conceptualizations
(e.g., Arbona, 1995; Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987; Leong, 1995). Consequently,
the next generation of research would benefit from tackling the question of
the interface of the social filters in an overt and intentional fashion. Thus,
rather than focusing on one source of diversity and controlling for (or ac-
knowledging) the existence of other forms of human variability, I recommend
that sophisticated methods be employed to explore the space shared by the
224 / CH A PT ER 7

various social barriers that so profoundly influence one’s access to work and
one’s experience in the work setting. Some of these methods (which are ex-
plored in greater depth toward the end of the chapter) include both qualita-
tive and quantitative approaches as well as combinations of these modalities.
For example, the use of discovery-oriented and theory-developing qualitative
methods (e.g., Hill, Thompson, & Williams, 1997; Strauss & Corbin, 1990)
would be highly informative in exploring the intersection of sources of social
oppression. In the quantitative realm, numerous options exist that would be
informative in the exploration of complex social forces and multiple identi-
ties. For example, structural equation modeling (Fassinger, 1987) offers con-
siderable advantages for researchers who are interested in infusing a causal
model onto cross-sectional and non-experimental data. However, amidst the
recent press toward the use of modeling approaches, there has been a ten-
dency to neglect the role of more exploratory studies using quantitative data.
As an example, canonical correlation analysis, which represents a subset of
multivariate analysis of variance, is very helpful in examining the impact of
multiple predictors and outcome variables, which ostensibly function in tan-
dem. In addition, the use of moderator and mediator variables, which was de-
scribed by Frazier, Tix, and Barron (2004), offers scholars with a potent tool
to examine psychological and social variables that interact in complex ways. I
review these and other potential methodological innovations in greater depth
toward the end of this chapter. While research examining multiple sets of
variables simultaneously is indeed challenging, the greater risk is in ignoring
the interaction of the social barriers. One of the most troublesome conse-
quences of the treatment of singular sources of prejudice and discrimination
is the inadvertent competition that occasionally emerges among scholars and
practitioners who are invested in one set of issues as the core source of social
and economic oppression. My view is that inequity has many antecedents and
that, regrettably, the sole cohering factor seems to be the human tendency to
create stratification and categories based on irrelevant demographic or
phenotypic characteristics (cf. Devine, 1995).

Role of Basic Skills in Work

A major trend of the school-to-work movement in the United States has been
the growing awareness that basic skills in literacy, quantitative reasoning, and
interpersonal skills are critical to a successful adjustment to the world of work
(Blustein et al., 2000; Marshall & Tucker, 1992; Worthington & Juntunen,
1997). For the most part, attention to basic skills has not been a significant
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 225

part of the discourse in vocational psychology and I/O psychology. In some

ways, the relative avoidance of basic skills was consistent with the develop-
ment of vocational and I/O psychology, which tended to focus on areas of par-
ticular significance to each respective discipline. There was, however,
attention devoted to intellectual aptitudes, and to a lesser extent, basic aca-
demic skills, in the beginning and middle of the 20th century within vocational
psychology (e.g., Super, 1957). For the most part, the focus on aptitudes has
tended to cluster around the use of tests to predict performance in the future,
which created a host of problems with respect to biases in the testing process
(Greenfield, 1998; Helms, 1992; Helms & Cook, 1999; Helms et al., 2005).
Unfortunately, the focus on aptitudes took precedence over considerations of
basic academic skills, which, until recently, resulted in diminished interest in
the role of basic skills in the transition from school to working and adult life.
I believe that the psychology of working needs to explicitly incorporate at-
tention to basic skills for a number of reasons. First, the acquisition of basic
skills in literacy, quantitative reasoning, and interpersonal relationship skills
has been consistently associated with positive vocational outcomes, including
an adaptive transition to the world of work from adolescence (Blustein et al.,
2000) and the development of a more engaged connection to the labor market
(Bynner et al., 1997; Bynner & Parsons, 2002). Second, as I have argued, one
of the most effective ways to empower people is by helping them to obtain ac-
cess to the world of work, particularly jobs that confer social and economic
power. Following this observation, the need for individuals to develop their
basic cognitive skills to their maximum potential emerges as a clear means of
empowering the marginalized within society. Thus, if the psychology of work-
ing is to be useful in the generation of scholarship, policy recommendations,
and practice implications, it is critical that an explicit discussion of basic skills
become part of the research mission. Third, the connection between basic
skills acquisition (or lack thereof) and other aspects of working, outside of the
connection to the need for survival and power, is not well understood. For ex-
ample, to what extent can the acquisition of basic skills in childhood and ado-
lescence predict greater access to volition in one’s working life? Similarly,
how do basic skills interface with the development of adaptive interpersonal
and social skills? Also, how effective is educational reform in raising basic
skills? In that light, what are the public’s obligations and commitments to stu-
dents and workers whose skills are attenuated by learning difficulties,
developmental delays, and inadequate environmental resources (such as
health care, decent housing, and effective schools)?
A key assumption about the optimal means of enhancing the employment
opportunities of a community or nation is to develop a highly skilled work
226 / CH A PT ER 7

force (e.g., Herr et al., 2004; Marshall & Tucker, 1992; Reich, 1991; Wilson,
1996). Naturally, testing this assumption is a complex macro-level challenge;
however, there are elements of this assumption that can and ought to be ex-
amined in light of the psychology-of-working perspective. A critically impor-
tant line of research is needed on the exploration of the impact of basic skills
training with adults who have been out of the work force for an extensive pe-
riod of time (e.g., individuals who have been disabled, people who have been
on public assistance or welfare).
Another research direction that would be fruitful is the development of a
broader understanding of how students and workers can be motivated to en-
hance their basic skills. It is clear that the acquisition of basic skills ideally oc-
curs most optimally in childhood and adolescence. However, for the vast
numbers of people who have not had access to the cultural and economic re-
sources of good schools and neighborhoods, learning basic skills is more of a
challenge. This dilemma is highly pronounced in urban schools and poor rural
schools (Ascher, 1998; Beloin & Peterson, 2000; Dowrick et al., 2001), in which
students often feel disengaged at the outset of their academic experiences
(Fredricks, Blumenfeld, & Paris, 2004). In my view, the study of how work-
based learning and career development education can enhance motivation to
learn basic skills is needed as so many nations grapple with growing achieve-
ment gaps based on race and social class (R. Johnson, 2002; Orr, 2003).

The Role of Volition and Self-Determination in Working

A core issue in this book is that considerable variation exists in the level of voli-
tion that people experience in deciding on the line of work they would like to
pursue, their actual choices about jobs, and their decisions about how to inte-
grate their working lives with the rest of their life experiences. Indeed, the moti-
vational perspective outlined in chapter 5 is premised on the fact that many
activities that are important in our lives are not necessarily intrinsically interest-
ing (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Flum & Blustein, 2000; Ryan & Deci, 2000). As such, a
major research agenda is needed to explore how volition is experienced within
the working context and to identify how volition can be enhanced.
Following on the experience-near perspective that also has defined a major
theme of this book, I recommend that we initially strive to understand how peo-
ple understand and experience issues pertaining to choice and volition in their
working lives. An assumption that I have made here, based in part on my own
background, values, and experience as a researcher and practitioner, is that the
experience of volition is a positive attribute within the greater social and eco-
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 227

nomic world. I also value the notion of work providing people with the means
for a satisfying and rewarding life. It would be particularly revealing to examine
the extent to which this view is culturally encapsulated. In addition, qualitative
studies exploring how workers across the economic spectrum understand and
describe issues of choice and volition would be very informative. Furthermore,
once a sufficient body of knowledge is accrued about volition via qualitative
and narrative studies, it may be possible to develop meaningful quantitative
measures that may have relevance as larger scale studies are initiated.
In a related vein, the ideas proposed in chapter 5 regarding the utility of
self-determination theory (Ryan & Deci, 2000) as an explanatory tool within
the psychology of working need to be assessed empirically. One such project
that is important is the assessment of the developmental stages of internaliza-
tion in relation to the working context for people whose jobs are primarily ex-
trinsically motivating (cf. Flum & Blustein, 2000). In addition, the inference
that extrinsically motivating jobs can actually become self-regulating, and
hence more meaningful, requires careful investigation. I recommend, for ex-
ample, studies that examine how variations in motivation are defined by peo-
ple across a wide spectrum of cultural and social contexts. In the United
States, self-determination theory would be an illuminating theoretical lens
with which to explore the welfare-to-work transition, which has challenged
policymakers and social service workers. In a general sense, the loss of con-
trol, which is a hallmark of the current labor market era (Sennett, 1998), may
in fact strike at the heart of the self-determination process. Indeed, the degree
to which the loss of employment opportunities may result in an overall reduc-
tion of one’s experience of volition and hope needs to be assessed. These sorts
of studies have very important ramifications for public policy (which is dis-
cussed in chapter 10). As indicated earlier in this chapter, the large pockets of
unemployment around the globe represent numbers and statistics to many
government officials and social and behavioral scientists. Yet, as the psychol-
ogy of working seeks to push the envelope on issues of choice, volition, self-
regulation, unemployment, mental health, and power (and the lack thereof),
it may be possible to chart a new course for our field that can have a major
impact on how we view work in people’s lives.

The Role of Working in Psychotherapy and Counseling

Although I discuss the psychotherapeutic implications of the psychology of

working in greater depth in the following two chapters, I have several ideas
about needed scholarship in the counseling context. One of the central rea-
228 / CH A PT ER 7

sons for this book is my observation that work issues have not been accorded
the appropriate level of attention in traditional (or even nontraditional) ap-
proaches to psychotherapy. This observation is buttressed by research that
has documented the existence of diagnostic overshadowing problems in the
collateral consideration of vocational and nonvocational problems (Spengler
et al., 1990). In addition, research has demonstrated that counseling psychol-
ogists (who are the only doctoral-level specialists trained to intervene on the
individual level within the career realm) do not devote as much attention to
vocational cases at intake (Blustein & Spengler, 1995). In addition, the over-
all lack of attention to work-related issues in psychotherapy continues to be
noteworthy, relegating a substantial part of our lives to the margins of psycho-
therapeutic discourse (Blustein, 2001b).
One of the goals of the psychology of working is the development of a
knowledge base that would encompass work-related problems in counseling
and psychotherapy. While some scholars and clinicians have sought to estab-
lish taxonomies or conceptual frameworks of work-related clinical issues
(e.g., Axelrod, 1999; Lowman, 1993), this literature has tended to focus on the
experiences of people who have access to the grand career narrative. For oth-
ers who are working primarily as a means of survival, the psychotherapy liter-
ature offers little informed scholarship to guide practice. The needs in this
line of work are extensive and compelling. One of the primary issues meriting
attention is the need to understand how work-related issues are understood
by psychotherapists; in other words, to what extent are the work-related issues
viewed within a framework that dignifies the experiences that people have at
work? This question is particularly pertinent given that some of the literature
that has explored work-related issues in treatment has tended to view these is-
sues as manifestations of unresolved family dramas or as tangential issues
that are less relevant to the overall treatment process (e.g., Chusid &
Cochran, 1989). The application of the rich counseling process research
methodologies to the questions raised here would be very helpful and inform-
ative (Hill & Williams, 2000).
One of the most disconcerting aspects of contemporary counseling and psy-
chotherapy is the lack of coherent theoretical models with which to understand
work-related issues that arise in treatment (Blustein, 2001b). Given the lack of
inclusive and integrative theories with which to understand work-related issues
in counseling and psychotherapy, I suggest that a key scholarly task is to inte-
grate theories derived from vocational psychology and the psychology of work-
ing with existing psychotherapy models. Although the psychology of working is
directed toward a broader set of issues, I propose that the ideas and goals of this
perspective would have direct relevance to theory-building efforts that effec-
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 229

tively integrate work-related issues. For example, understanding the funda-

mental need that people have to earn a living, above and beyond any of the
psychological needs that work fulfills, places work-related issues into a very re-
alistic and accessible framework. In addition, considering the reality that work
connects people to the broader social milieu would help clinicians integrate
work-related issues with other relational issues that may emerge in treatment
(cf. Flum, 2001; Schultheiss, 2003). Furthermore, the application of Deci and
Ryan’s (1985) contributions to our understanding of work-related issues in psy-
chotherapy would be richly informative and would ideally link to other efforts
underway that have integrated self-determination theory with psychological
treatments (Sheldon et al., 2003).
Another approach to integrating work-related issues into psychotherapy
would be for adherents of the major theoretical models to consider working
more explicitly in their theory construction efforts. For example, it would be
helpful if psychologists and counselors with an interest in cognitive-behav-
ioral therapy would consider systematic ways of integrating work-related is-
sues into the assumptions, methods, and evaluation criteria of this treatment
modality. Similar efforts from followers of relationally oriented psychoana-
lytic theories, existential-humanistic theories, traditional psychoanalysis, and
other major therapy models would furnish our field with critically needed the-
oretical frameworks. My personal hope is that efforts from various sectors of
mental health and vocational counseling will function to reduce the tendency
to deny, denigrate, reframe, or simply ignore the diversity of work-related is-
sues that clients bring to counseling and therapy sessions. By explicitly exam-
ining how work-related concerns can be integrated in a meaningful and
affirming way within the major schools of psychotherapy and counseling, we
will have a greater opportunity to influence training and research within the
prevailing perspectives.
Research is also needed on the impact of the psychology of working in rela-
tion to traditional career counseling and career development interventions.
For the purposes of this book, I consider career interventions to be counseling
interventions and psychoeducational programs that are designed to help peo-
ple consider, select, explore, decide, and adjust to vocational options. (While I
do not subscribe to the notion that career counseling and psychotherapy are in-
herently different as processes, I am focusing on these modalities in somewhat
discrete ways in order to highlight the challenges that exist as we seek to expand
these services to encompass the psychology of working.) As S. D. Brown and
Krane (2000) noted in their review of the literature, career interventions have
demonstrated efficaciousness across a range of client problems and popula-
tions. However, a review of the Brown and Krane chapter, along with other re-
230 / CH A PT ER 7

views of the career intervention literature (e.g., Sexton & Whiston, 1994),
suggests that the vast majority of career counseling and intervention studies
have been conducted on college students or other similar populations, whose
needs, while clearly prominent and valid, are not necessarily analogous to the
needs of the vast majority of adolescents and adults who do not have access to
the grand career narrative. Clearly, many questions and unresolved issues exist
as we consider traditional career counseling in light of the psychology of work-
ing. In short, these issues relate to the way in which counseling services can be
delivered to the full gamut of people who struggle with work-related issues,
which will be explored in greater depth in the next two chapters.
Research is needed, for example, in assessing the degree to which tradi-
tional career counseling interventions can be used with clients who do not
have access to extensive supports in their educational, relational, and eco-
nomic contexts. While it is ideal, naturally, to help clients strive for the sort of
work life that provides meaning and satisfaction, clients with the short-term
pressure of needing to obtain work immediately often require a different set
of interventions. As such, empirically supported interventions that are effec-
tive in providing clients with the means for meeting their short-term, me-
dium-term, and long-term objectives are needed. While some of these
interventions can be culled from the existing career counseling and job place-
ment literatures (as detailed in the next two chapters), further research on the
attributes of adaptive and satisfying working may help to generate additional
insights about effective work-based psychological interventions.

Methodological Issues and Research

on the Psychology of Working

The methodological approaches that would be optimal in studying the psy-

chology of working have been foreshadowed throughout this chapter and, in-
deed, throughout this book. As the social sciences currently sort out the
epistemological fault lines among the logical positivist, post-positivist, and
post-modern positions (cf. Lincoln & Guba, 2000; Morrow & Smith, 2000;
Prilleltensky, 1997), workers and potential workers struggle every day to find
work, maintain their dignity at work, and to sustain a stable working life to
support themselves and families. As such, my overriding value here is on
scholarship that will help to make a difference in people’s lives. Yet, at the
same time, I am deeply invested in research that is integrated within a broader
conceptual rubric, thereby allowing for the development of a coherent body
of work that may inform counseling and psychotherapy practice as well as ed-
ucational and public policies.
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 231

Using the social constructionist and emancipatory communitarian (EC)

perspectives to guide the development of research methods in the psychology
of working offers both challenges and opportunities. One of the major chal-
lenges is in dealing with the somewhat incongruent aspects of social construc-
tionist and EC thought. As I indicated earlier, my approach to finding a
rapprochement between these conceptual frameworks is to avoid the moral re-
treatism and skepticism of the more radical social constructionists. Another
challenge is in ensuring that the research that is conducted is in fact embedded
in the culture, historical period, and social milieu of a given population. Fur-
thermore, the notion of developing a seemingly infinite array of models and
perspectives for each cultural context seems daunting. However, the alterna-
tive is to go back to a period in which theory, research, and practice was based
on a privileged group of people with little applicability to the modal individual
who faces a working life that has little in common with the people who inhab-
ited the grand career narrative of late 20th-century scholarship in vocational
and organizational psychology. As such, we have little choice, in my view, but to
immerse ourselves into the muddy waters of a social constructionist perspective
with its obvious complications and limitations.
A key opportunity presented by the conjoint reliance on social construc-
tionist thought and the EC perspective is that scholars of the psychology of
working have an opportunity to employ ideas and research models that are
consistent with the inclusionary framework of the psychology of working.
Moreover, the social constructionist and EC perspectives, when considered
collectively, seek to place the context of individual behavior into a clear and
visible light, thereby reducing psychology’s historic preoccupation with indi-
vidual attributes to the detriment of our consideration of culture, social fac-
tors, and political forces, as well as more proximal factors like community
and family influences. Furthermore, the EC perspective argues compel-
lingly for research that will help to reduce inequity; in my view, these are val-
ues that are central in the psychology of working. With these
epistemological lenses in mind, the next step is to highlight promising social
scientific methods that can be used to explore the nature of contemporary
working experiences.

Discovery-Oriented Research

One of the primary methods that I propose as a means of understanding the

psychology of working is discovery-oriented research (Mahrer, 1996; Mahrer
& Boulet, 1999). While discovery-oriented research is generally qualitative in
nature (e.g., Morrow & Smith, 2000), I also describe some exploratory meth-
232 / CH A PT ER 7

ods that are associated with the quantitative traditions. In the qualitative
realm, the use of personal narratives to understand the psychological experi-
ence of working, which has been one of the primary methods used in this
book, represents one approach to charting new conceptual terrain. One of the
limitations in using this approach is the lack of representativeness in using
vignettes that were not obtained in a random or systematic way. However, in
keeping with an approach that is quite viable within many schools of qualita-
tive methodology, the use of more evocative cases can be very informative in
understanding the full range of a psychological or social phenomenon (Stake,
2000). In addition to obtaining new ideas about a given phenomenon, the use
of vignettes from the voice of the people we wish to study offers an opportu-
nity for scholars to develop more empathy for their participants and problems
that are under investigation. (This issue is explored at the conclusion of this
chapter.)
In addition to using published or pre-existing vignettes, scholars of the psy-
chology of working can explore new domains of inquiry by talking with and in-
terviewing workers and potential workers. Thus, more traditional qualitative
methods can be used in which extensive interviews are conducted with people
who are facing a particular aspect of working that is not well understood
(Denzin & Lincoln, 2000; Fontana & Frey, 2000; Morrow & Smith, 2000).
The advantage of using qualitative methods is that we have an opportunity to
learn about new concepts and experiences in relation to working that are
above and beyond what we already know.
Given the dearth of direct knowledge about working, I would encourage
the use of interviews and other observational and ethnographic methods as a
means of charting the complexity and cultural embededness of working
(Angrosino & Mays de Pérez, 2000; Tedlock, 2000). For example, studies of
workers in shantytowns outside of large cities in South America and Africa
are needed if we are to understand how to provide coherent services and pub-
lic policies to this nearly forgotten population. Similarly, the work experience
of prisoners, which is also not well researched, has enormous potential in de-
veloping more effective rehabilitation services in our prisons. The work expe-
riences of unemployed management and professional workers whose jobs
have been outsourced also would be very influential in developing interven-
tions for this cohort of people who have been so traumatized by losing their
jobs. In addition, the work lives of small business owners, who represent a di-
verse and growing population in many nations, requires careful investigation.
The struggles of small business owners are particularly noteworthy given that
many of these individuals are immigrants and face multiple challenges
simultaneously.
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 233

One possible trajectory for research within the psychology of working

context is to use qualitative methods to generate ideas about a given phe-
nomenon and then to use exploratory or theory-building quantitative meth-
ods to explicate the relationships that have been observed in the initial set of
studies. For example, a researcher who is exploring the impact of unemploy-
ment on low-skilled workers in an inner city context might use interviews
and observations to chart the psychological and social consequences of not
working. In addition, this line of research optimally would detail the impact
of lack of work within a community, much as Wilson did in his 1996 study.
Once inferences were developed from these qualitative data, it might be
possible for research to examine the nature and extent of the putative rela-
tionships by using exploratory quantitative methods. As I indicated earlier,
one of the most viable tools for continuing a discovery-oriented approach
within the quantitative framework is canonical correlation and its univariate
cousin, multiple regression. Canonical correlation is used when investigat-
ing the relationships among a group of predictor variables and a group of
criterion variables (B. Thompson, 2000). As opposed to such methods as
structural equation modeling, which is based on the delineation of an a pri-
ori theoretical model to guide the analysis of the data, canonical correlation
simply provides a means of exploring the extent and nature of the relation-
ships among a set of variables.
The question of moving from exploratory qualitative research to explor-
atory quantitative research has not been well documented in the literature.
However, the underlying exploratory or discovery-oriented objectives of a
given line of inquiry would suggest the following steps. Once qualitative re-
search had identified some promising relationships and constructs in a given
setting or population, additional studies could be conducted to examine the
generalizability of the findings across cultural contexts. Assuming that
meaningful measures of the constructs identified in the interviews were
available (either via the research literature or developed by the research
team), the next step would be to explore the set of relationships that exists
among a given set of variables within a specific context. In addition, the re-
searcher could use either multiple regression or canonical correlation to ex-
plore the relationships in greater depth. One study that is an exemplar of
this approach is the Kenny, Blustein, Chaves, Grossman, and Gallagher
(2003) investigation, which explored the relationships between perceived
barriers and relational supports on one hand, and school engagement and
career adaptability on the other hand, in a population of urban high school
students. While the relationships examined were in fact suggested by the
theoretical literature as well as the authors’ experiences working with urban
234 / CH A PT ER 7

high school students, the actual study adopted a more exploratory tone in
examining the constructs of school engagement and career adaptability
within the framework of youth of color living in the urban core of a large
northeastern city. By exploring the relationships among these variables
without the imposition of an a priori theoretical framework, it was possible
to generate a number of viable and culturally affirming hypotheses about ur-
ban youth.
One of the inherent limitations in quantitative research is in the generaliz-
ability of the findings. As such, quantitative findings that seem robust at a
given point in time and place may in fact not be as viable if examined in differ-
ent contexts and in different time frames. One example, which was detailed in
chapter 4, is the finding by Phillips and her colleagues (e.g., Phillips et al.,
2001) that consultative decision making is very likely quite adaptive for use
with working class and poor individuals. This finding contrasted sharply with
the prevailing notion that consultative or dependent approaches to career de-
cision making were, in fact, maladaptive (e.g., Harren, 1979). The issue of the
adaptiveness of a given modality of decision making, while at one time exam-
ined almost exclusively via quantitative methodologies (e.g., Blustein, 1987),
requires integrative approaches, as Phillips and her colleagues have provided.
This point is explored in greater depth in the following section on the role of
relativism in psychology-of-working scholarship.

Infusing Relativism Into Psychology of Working Research

Considering the traditional repertoire of research methods in psychology in

light of the social constructionist perspective presented earlier in this chapter
creates considerable challenges for researchers. However, assuming a less
radical view of social constructionist thinking allows for a middle ground that
is potentially instructive. In this section, I explore viable ideas for infusing rel-
ativism into scholarly efforts on working, with the goal of embedding the cul-
tural, historical, political, and economic contexts into relevant analyses. As
indicated earlier, the social constructionist perspective critiques the social
sciences along many dimensions (Gergen, 1999; Stead, 2004); however, for
the purposes of the present discussion, the most pertinent critique pertains to
the notion that social scientific observations and inferences can be easily gen-
eralized across different cultural, historical, and social milieus. Given the re-
ality that knowledge is constructed within a cultural context that defines to a
large extent the meaning of experiences and relationships, the notion of de-
signing a study that will yield a new overarching principle or assumption about
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 235

human behavior is nearly impossible. One might argue that this conundrum
results in a state of paralysis in which future research is almost exclusively “lo-
cal,” pertaining to a circumscribed time and place.
One of the most viable means of avoiding retreating into this paralytic
stance that would immobilize researchers is to develop studies and ideas that
are carefully rooted in a given cultural and historical context. In a sense, this
movement is already underway, although it is not often framed as a social con-
structionist paradigm. A review of counseling and vocational psychology jour-
nals would reveal numerous articles that seek to explore the cultural context
of the participants and that limit the discussion of results to the population
under investigation (e.g., Chaves et al., 2004; Juntunen et al., 2001; Kenny et
al., 2003). However, in moving beyond the notion of simply acknowledging
the cultural background of a population, I believe that we need to place the
culture and time period into the full light of our vision so that the findings
from a study are carefully assessed and integrated into our analyses. An exam-
ple of a study that has some of these attributes is the study by Chaves et al.
(2004) that examines urban students’ conceptions of working. This study,
which emerged from a lesson in a psychosocial and career intervention known
as Tools for Tomorrow (TFT), sought to explore and document ninth-grade
urban students’ views of working. The students’ conceptions of working were
generated from a worksheet used in the TFT lesson on the world of work. As
such, the data emerged out of a natural, organic process, representing a tradi-
tional educational assignment that occurred within the context of a social in-
teraction between the teachers and students. Moreover, Chaves et al. were
very careful to examine the findings within the local reality of urban education
during the early part of the 21st century. Furthermore, the findings, which in-
dicated that many inner city youth do not view work as a means of self-deter-
mination or self-concept implementation, contrasted sharply with the
assumptions about working that prevail in the dominant discourse within
vocational and organizational psychology.
Thus, the social constructionist perspective that I advocate here is de-
signed to embed scholarship in the local communities in which it emerges.
Rather than casting aside all that is known about psychological research, I
urge caution in deriving inferences. Moreover, I would like to embed research
on working into the natural, lived experiences of the people we seek to study
as opposed to beginning the scholarly journey from our own unique, and of-
ten highly privileged, positions. The social constructionist view that I advo-
cate, therefore, builds on the natural framework of exploratory and
discovery-oriented scholarship that is carefully embedded into the cultural
and historical framework of the problems that are examined.
236 / CH A PT ER 7

Infusing Emancipatory Communitarian Ideas

Into Psychology-of-Working Research

By adopting an EC approach, researchers of the psychology of working are

encouraged to examine issues pertaining to distributive justice, social oppres-
sion, and systemic influences. For many psychologists, integrating these no-
tions into the research enterprise is daunting and may even be overwhelming.
As I indicated earlier in the chapter, the first step for a researcher or theorist
is to be clear about his or her values, particularly with respect to the goals of
research and in relation to the issues under investigation. Once one’s values
are clearly delineated, the next task would involve framing the given set of
problems into a clear political and social context. In other words, rather than
focusing solely on individual variables or the more proximal contextual vari-
ables (such as access to adequate schools, availability of relational resources),
the researcher must examine the social and systemic forces that serve to sus-
tain oppressive conditions. Indeed, it may be that the purpose of the research
is to identify these systemic factors.
Moving from the conceptual or ideological standpoint of the EC perspec-
tive to the realities of theory construction and empirical research represents a
major challenge. In this section, I identify the challenges and discuss some
possible resolutions. One of the most obvious dilemmas is in identifying,
studying, and demonstrating the impact of oppressive forces in people’s
working lives. Another difficult challenge is in getting research out of journals
and conferences and into public policy debates. However, our colleagues in
community psychology and in sociology as well as social work have been ex-
amining these issues for decades (e.g., Maton, 2000; Pinderhughes, 1983;
Riley, 1997). When considering the literatures in community and critical psy-
chology (e.g., Prilleltensky & Nelson, 2002), coupled with other relevant ini-
tiatives in the social sciences and education (e.g., Fine, 2003; Solomon, 1987),
a number of viable and practical ideas emerge.
One of the key issues in adopting an EC perspective is in locating the most
pervasive array of social forces that function to create unfair contextual con-
ditions for people in their educational and vocational trajectories. Identify-
ing these factors from the comfort of one’s own study or office is, naturally,
not as challenging as is going into a community and asking hard questions of
individuals who vary along the powerless–privileged continuum. A number
of ideas for identifying the etiological factors underlying unequal access to
education and work, naturally, have been identified in a host of fields and
disciplines. In our application of the EC perspective to vocational develop-
ment, my colleagues and I identified lack of access to reasonable health care
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 237

and inadequate schools as two key factors that function to create and sustain
inequality (Blustein et al., 2005). We adopted the EC perspective along with
the liberation psychology underpinnings in our analysis, underscoring the
distributive justice component of an EC framework. Other factors include
poor housing (Wilson, 1996), lack of access to mental health care (Thomp-
son & Neville, 1999), racism (Carter & Cook, 1992; Helms & Cook, 1999),
classism (Liu, Ali, et al., 2004; Lott, 2002), and the other social barriers iden-
tified in chapter 6.
The methodological approaches best suited to studying these contexts
present additional challenges. For the most part, sociologists, anthropolo-
gists, and other social scientists who have explored social behavior at the
macro level have the most experience in examining these issues. In this con-
text, I advise the use of interdisciplinary research teams that would provide
some of the unique methodological skills that are particularly useful in exam-
ining macro-level variables. Moreover, a number of psychological disciplines
have made significant progress in explicating broader contextual factors. One
of the best exemplars of this approach is the developmental contextual and
development systems views advanced by Lerner and his associates (e.g., Ford
& Lerner, 1992; Lerner, 2002). The developmental contextual framework
and the research that has emerged from that perspective have provided some
illuminating lessons about social and political conditions that influence devel-
opment. One study of particular relevance for this discussion is the
Silbereisen, Vondracek, and Berg (1997) investigation, which compared the
vocational planning and exploration attributes of youth from the former East
Germany with a similar cohort from West Germany. The results revealed that
the political context of the communist system in East Germany and the free
market context of West Germany had major influences on the nature of the
youth’s vocational development. While this study is naturally hard to replicate
given that it took place at a very unique period of time, it does offer some
insights into the explanatory power that can be obtained by exploring systemic
and political social systems.
Other means of identifying the social context of individual work-related
behaviors and experiences include the use of qualitative methods that can
help to illuminate and give voice to sources of oppression. (The need to un-
derstand the nature of oppression from the perspective of the person who ex-
periences it is a wonderful case in point for the utility of integrating aspects of
the EC and social constructionist perspectives as a conceptual framework for
the psychology of working.) In effect, identifying the sources of oppressive
conditions may be constrained by the limitation of the researchers’ own life
conditions. As such, using ethnographic, observational, and narrative analy-
238 / CH A PT ER 7

ses can be very informative in understanding the impact of oppression in our

working lives (cf. Juntunen et al., 2001; Wilson, 1996).
In closing, the most appropriate methodologies for studies on the psychol-
ogy of working will naturally take on different shapes and forms depending on
the goals of a project and the questions that are being raised. In my view, there
should be no specific dogma with respect to the use of qualitative or quantita-
tive methods when studying working. I do, however, want to underscore the
importance of theory in the psychology of working. Recent criticisms of tradi-
tional psychological research have centered in many ways on the hegemony of
theories that are derived from the experiences of the researchers or the privi-
leged (Gergen, 1999; Prilleltensky, 1997; Sloan, 2000). I concur with this cri-
tique, which has had particular relevance in the study of working, which has
been dominated by a discourse that has focused on the working lives of the
well educated. However, this critique does not intend to diminish the role of
theory in subsequent scholarship on the psychology of working. While I real-
ize that it will be difficult to develop highly generalizable theories given the
culturally embedded nature of working across the globe, I believe that theo-
retical propositions are central to the scholarly enterprise. As I have indicated
in this chapter, the types of theories that may be most viable are localized the-
ories that are relevant for a given time and place. Ideally, the social construc-
tionist and EC perspectives, along with the more specific methodological
suggestions identified in this section, will provide the road map for the next
generation of scholars of the psychology of working.

Experience-Near Research on the Psychology

of Working: Closing the Gap Between Researcher
and Participant

One of the key attributes of this book has been my attempt to move the reader
to a position of deep and genuine empathy with respect to both the pain and
satisfaction that can emerge from working. In considering methodological is-
sues with respect to work, I believe that it is important to conclude with some
ideas about bridging the gap between the researcher and participant. As I
indicated in chapters 1 and 2, the movement toward an experience-near ap-
proach to research parallels analogous trends in the psychotherapy commu-
nity (Bohart & Greenberg, 1997; Jordan et al., 1991; Kohut, 1977). In short,
the notion that underlies many of the clinical advances in empathy is the grow-
ing awareness of how powerful empathic introspection can be in connecting
to clients and in understanding their issues and concerns. (See Bohart &
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 239

Greenberg, 1997, for a detailed overview of recent advances in empathy in

psychotherapy theory, research, and practice.)
Bohart and Greenberg (1997) examined the role of empathy across a
broad spectrum of psychological thought and concluded that empathy is dif-
ferentially understood and can be categorized as follows:

I Empathic rapport: In this context, “empathy is primarily kindliness,

global understanding, and tolerant acceptance of the client’s feelings and
frame of reference. The therapist shows that he or she recognizes what the
client is feeling …. However, this understanding is at a general level, in
which the therapist applies his or her knowledge of human experience to
‘understand’ that it makes sense that if the client feels rejected he or she
will feel sad, or if the client feels neglected he or she will feel angry and so
on.” (p. 13)
I Experience-near understanding of the client’s world: This notion,

which is similar to the view that I am advancing, is based on an attempt “to

grasp the whole of the client’s perceived situation. The therapist wants to
empathically understand what it is like to be this client based on knowing
about the client’s perceived world—what it is like to have the problems the
client has, to live in the life situation the client lives in, and so on.” (p. 14)
I Communicative attunement: This category, which is emphasized by

client-centered therapists, “involves moment-by-moment attunement and

frequent understanding responses. The therapist tries to put himself or
herself in the clients’ shoes at the moment, to grasp what they are con-
sciously trying to communicate at that moment, and what they are experi-
encing at that moment.” (p. 14)

As reflected in these views of empathy, multiple ways exist with which to

bridge the gap between therapists and clients. In a similar vein, social psychol-
ogists and developmental psychologists have studied empathy in natural in-
teractions among people (Duan & Hill, 1996; Feshbach, 1997; Gladstein,
1983). For example, Feshbach observed that empathy is a natural aspect of so-
cial discourse and that it has its roots in our early development. Building on
scholarship in social and developmental psychology, Feshbach suggested that
empathy is an outgrowth of early evolutionary processes in which our fore-
bears may have developed distress responses to others of their cohort who
were in danger. In contemporary human interactions, Feshbach described
empathy as having its roots in some automatic responses; however, for the
most part, the empirical research has indicated that empathy is a consequence
of external socialization and learning (Aronfreed, 1970; M. H. Davis, 1983).
240 / CH A PT ER 7

In the research realm, empathy has been discussed generally within the
qualitative tradition and within the feminist literature (Campbell, 2003;
Grossman, Kruger, & Moore, 1999). The researchers explore issues related
to empathy and intimacy to better understand phenomenon related to equal-
ity, gender issues, and power structures. Following this rich tradition, I am ad-
vising that researchers seek to use a variety of means to enhance their
empathic clarity. One method, which has been used extensively in this book, is
the use of narratives, vignettes, archival data, and other expressions of indi-
vidual experience as a tool in enhancing one’s connection to the people and
problems that one is studying. However, rather than simply reading the text of
an interview, tabulating the results of quantitative questionnaires, or observ-
ing a group of workers at a job completing a task, I believe that a fully em-
braced affirmation of the psychology of working would entail careful
empathic understanding. Using the terminology noted earlier by Bohart and
Greenberg (1997), I suggest that scholars find ways of developing an experi-
ence-near connection to the people and problems that they seek to study.
Prior to outlining some of the ways of enhancing the experience-near connec-
tion, I first will respond to the expected critique of this approach that suggests
that it blurs the lines between subjectivity and objectivity. The fact that an ex-
plicit focus on empathic understanding may reduce the objectivity of a re-
search team, in my view, simply makes an implicit aspect of our work more
explicit. Consistent with the social constructionist and EC perspectives that I
have outlined earlier in this chapter, I believe that researchers’ values are em-
bedded in the work that they do (Gergen, 1999; Prilleltensky, 1997). The role
of empathic understanding would not inherently confound a researchers’ ob-
jectivity any more than any other aspect of the scholarly enterprise. Every de-
cision that a scholar makes about a study, beginning with the literature
reviewed, the choices of approaches to study a given problem, and the data
analytic method, is framed by hypotheses, beliefs, and values. In my view, em-
pathic introspection offers a means of reducing a critical gap in existing psy-
chological research pertaining to the distance that we create between our
clients and research participants and ourselves. Ideally, empathic
understanding can help researchers to make their values more explicit as they
are exposed to aspects of participants’ lives that may have been inaccessible or
inadequately understood.
Some of the approaches to enhancing empathy have actually been used in
this book. One of the intentions in using vignettes from workers has been to
help readers obtain an experience-near connection to the lives of workers
who face hardship, struggles, and denigration (as well as joy, satisfaction, and
a sense of accomplishment). Because vocational psychology and I/O psychol-
 T H EO RET ICAL AND RESEARCH IMPLICAT IO NS / 241

ogy have tended to focus on the lives of individuals with some degree of voli-
tion in their work lives, I have sought to bring readers closer to the emotional
and psychological worlds of workers across a wider spectrum. In addition to
using narratives of workers, I suggest that researchers consider the following
ideas as they explore the complex nature of working.
One idea that has merit is to develop interdisciplinary teams that include
representatives from the population that is the target of inquiry. While it may
not be practical or productive to include representatives of the target popula-
tion in all of the meetings and activities, some representation at the beginning
of a project may be helpful in enhancing empathy and deepening one’s under-
standing of the problem under investigation. Another idea is to expose oneself
to the cultural artifacts of a given population. As an example, if a researcher is
interested in studying the working lives of African American young adults, it
may be helpful to learn about the cultural influences within the community, in-
cluding exposure to music, films, and other forms of cultural expression. I also
would suggest that investigators and theorists explore the wider world of artistic
statements about working. For example, I have been moved by the photographs
of Salgado (1993), whose collection of photos of workers in poor countries not
only enhanced my empathy for aspects of working that I had not considered so
overtly, but also taught me about working conditions that I would not have ordi-
narily observed. Clearly, I am not advocating that observing photos would, in of
itself, construct the essence of a research project; however, it may be a start in a
process of expanding one’s horizons.
Aside from increasing our sensitivity to the struggles of workers across the
globe, questions may be raised about the precise value that an experience-near
approach to research empathy adds to the scholarly enterprise. In my view, at-
tempting to cross the gulf that exists between researchers and theorists and the
phenomena that we seek to understand is a complex process, one that can offer
important assets to our work. First, I would suggest that by reducing the gaps
that exist in our social discourse, we have a greater opportunity to understand
the nature of poverty, unemployment, harsh working conditions, and the like.
By understanding the human costs of these pervasive social problems, I would
argue that we will be able to mobilize greater action in advancing a socially en-
gaged research program. Second, I believe that an experience-near approach is
helpful in expanding the array of ideas and constructs that we consider in our
work. For example, the interviews that I have conducted with participants in the
school-to-work studies that I cited earlier in this chapter (e.g., Blustein et al.,
1997; Phillips et al., 2002) have been instrumental in giving me ideas that may
not have been easily discernible in traditional reviews of social science litera-
ture. By delving deeply into the conversations that my colleagues and I had with
242 / CH A PT ER 7

our participants, we were able to infer that relational and instrumental support
were critical, not just peripheral elements in an adaptive work-based transition.
Third, the experience-near approach will help to connect research more overtly
with counseling and clinical practice, which is detailed in the following two
chapters. By moving beyond the scope of traditional vocational and I/O psy-
chology, it may be possible to develop a truly affirming view of working within
psychotherapeutic discourse.

Conclusion

The material that I have presented in this chapter is designed to initiate con-
versations, critical comments, and future research. Therefore, I would like to
underscore that the directions that I have mapped out in this chapter are not
designed to be the only path to explicating the psychology of working. In addi-
tion, because of space limitations, I have not been able to cover all the poten-
tial issues of relevance to psychologists interested in working. I hope that
future scholars and practitioners will be able to critique and extend my posi-
tions and recommendations, and develop alternative pathways for the psy-
chological study of working.
Embedded within this chapter is a rather dramatic shift in epistemology for
the study of working within psychology. Rather than approaching the infusion
of social constructionist and emancipatory communitarian thought as the
new dogma, I have sought to present these ideas as a means of loosening up
the increasingly constricted positivist paradigm, which has functioned well
within the scope of traditional vocational and I/O psychology. The critical
point, in my view, for the next generation of theory and research on the psy-
chology of working, is that we confront many of the seemingly intractable
problems that face workers across the globe. As I have detailed in chapter 4,
the relational connections that are formed within the working context are crit-
ical to our well-being. In the case of scholars who are devoted to working, I
would suggest that forming supportive research teams, including people out-
side of our discipline and perhaps including the targets of our effort, will help
to ensure that our efforts are effective in meeting a wider array of problems
related to working. While my road map may be overly optimistic in its en-
dorsement of the power and potential for psychology to shape public policy
and the lived experiences of people, I am hopeful that by attracting others to
this pursuit, we will be able to chart our way through the muddy waters of
working in the 21st century.
 Implications of an Inclusive Psychology
of Working for Practice:
Counseling and Psychotherapy

The fact that, with few exceptions (e.g., Axelrod, 1999; Lowman,
1993), work issues are still marginalized in most psychotherapeutic
theory and practice affirms the reality that existing methods and ideas
are not sufficient to convey the richness and depth of the space shared
by work and relationships. In addition, empirical research has indi-
cated that counseling psychologists exhibit a bias against work-related
issues in treatment and assessment concerns (e.g., Spengler, Blustein,
& Strohmer, 1990). (Of course, one can only wonder how powerful
this bias may be in other practitioners such as clinical psychologists,
social workers, and psychiatrists, who have not had formal exposure
to a body of knowledge about the psychological aspects of work.) Fur-
thermore, with some notable exceptions, particularly within voca-
tional psychology and industrial/organizational psychology, much of
the psychological world functions as if work-related issues were either
non-existent or inconsequential.
—Blustein (2001b, p. 184)

I believe that there is a need to move beyond career development to a

broader emphasis on fostering the development of individuals consid-
ered as whole persons in relation to the work in their lives. I no longer
believe it is tenable to separate the study of career from the multiple
and interacting strands and trajectories of development that make up
the texture of lives over the life span. Work is embedded in family and
personal lives, as well as in paid employment. In any one case, this
work may contribute to or impede development or well-being. A privi-
leging of any one of the developmental strands relating to work in a
person’s life would necessarily distort and limit an understanding of
that person.
—Richardson (1993, p. 431)
243
244 / CH A PT ER 8

The material presented thus far in this book, coupled with the quotes that
lead off this chapter, underscore the centrality of work in people’s lives. My
position about the critical nature of working, which echoes similar ideas in the
literature (e.g., Betz, 1993; N. Peterson & González, 2005), forms a major
theme within this chapter and the next. In the material that follows, I explore
the implications of a fully inclusive psychology of working in relation to coun-
seling, psychotherapy, psychoeducational interventions, and the broader
world of mental health practice. The clinical material presented here, cou-
pled with the theoretical and research contributions from previous chapters,
creates the conceptual infrastructure for the inclusive psychological practice
perspective that is presented in chapter 9.

Historical, Definitional, and Conceptual Framework

The framework for an inclusive and integrative mode of psychological prac-

tice that builds on the psychology-of-working perspective is best constructed
by exploring two branches of the helping professions—one devoted to voca-
tional counseling and the other devoted to psychotherapy. In this section, I
explore the existing conceptual frameworks in vocational counseling and psy-
chotherapy, noting the important contributions and inherent limitations of
each discipline.

Vocational Counseling: An Historical and Contemporary Overview

The history of vocational psychology and counseling psychology is inextrica-

bly woven with the history of vocational counseling (Whitely, 1980). As de-
tailed in chapter 1, the earliest beginnings of vocational counseling are
typically traced to the contributions of Parsons (1909), who started the Voca-
tion Bureau that served primarily working class immigrants in Boston’s North
End. The growth of vocational counseling as a helping profession was further
fueled by advances in psychometrics, theoretical developments in counseling,
and the increasing need for assistance in choosing jobs and training opportu-
nities as the labor market became more complex and varied (Herr et al., 2004;
Pope, 2000). At the outset of the development of the vocational guidance
movement, counseling services primarily were available within high schools
and some post-secondary institutions. In addition, a number of non-profit
agencies in large cities offered vocational counseling to adults who were inter-
ested in exploring their options (e.g., Federation of Guidance Services in New
 COUNSELING AND THERAPEUT IC IMPLICATIONS / 245

York City; Jewish Vocational Services; some YMCA offices in large cities).
Furthermore, the United States Department of Labor, under the rubric of the
Job Service (now generally known as One-Stop Career Centers), offered
counseling and assessment to adults, many of whom were unemployed or
struggling to find stable sources of employment. (See Herr et al., 2004, and
Pope, 2000, for excellent overviews of the history of career counseling in the
United States.)
I enter the literature of counseling practice with the knowledge that the
language used to describe our work varies, often dramatically. Rather than re-
viewing the wide array of definitions that exist, I have sought to integrate ex-
isting perspectives from diverse sources (e.g., Gysbers et al., 2003; Hall, 1996;
Herr et al., 2004; Lapan, 2004) to develop operational definitions for this dis-
cussion. The primary term that I use to refer to counseling in the work domain
is vocational counseling. While the term “career counseling” is used more
commonly in the literature, the elitist nature of the career concept, as detailed
in previous chapters, may result in practitioners continuing with the circum-
scribed focus that is characterizing much (but clearly not all) of our current
practice efforts. In my view, vocational counseling refers to psychological in-
terventions, delivered individually or in groups, which seek to help clients ex-
plore their options, values, and abilities with respect to work. Moreover,
vocational counseling includes activities designed to help people access
greater opportunities to enhance their options (such as the exploration and
acquisition of training and education) as well as interventions designed to em-
power clients to increase their self-regulation and self-determination at work.
Vocational counseling also includes exploration of work-related adjustment
issues. Furthermore, the expanded vision of vocational counseling that is ar-
ticulated in this chapter includes psychoeducational efforts that help clients
understand the social and economic influences that are responsible for dis-
parities in access to opportunities (cf. Blustein et al., 2005; Freire, 1970/1993;
Martín-Baro, 1994; Solberg, Howard, Blustein, & Close, 2002). (I provide
definitions of psychotherapy and integrative treatments later in this chapter.)
It is important to note, however, that my use of the term vocational counsel-
ing differs from the traditional views of vocation, which has two diverse mean-
ings in our work. On one hand, vocation has been used to denote the sense of
“calling” that is often most profoundly experienced by religious clergy or spir-
itually minded individuals (Bloch, 2004; Bogart, 1994). In addition, vocation
is typically understood in the United States as a shorthand term to designate
occupations that do not require much higher education; in effect, a vocation
has emerged as a term that refers to blue-collar or pink-collar jobs. My use of
the term vocational counseling seeks to circumvent the problems inherent in
246 / CH A PT ER 8

the continued use of “career” as a descriptor of our work. However, I would

like to underscore that the ideal evolution of work would involve far greater
expansion of volition in the choices that people have in making decisions
about education and work.
The question of assessing the effectiveness of vocational counseling, as it
has been practiced in the later part of the 20th century, has attracted consider-
able attention among researchers. For the most part, the literature has dem-
onstrated that vocational counseling is effective (e.g., S. D. Brown & Krane,
2000; Swanson, 1995; Whiston, Sexton, & Lasoff, 1998); however, consistent
with the Brown and Krane focus, the bulk of the literature examining the im-
pact of vocational counseling has assessed the effectiveness of interventions
directed toward helping clients make career choices. Despite the limitations
of the vocational counseling outcome literature, many of the practices and
policies may be relevant to a more inclusive mode of psychological practice
that seeks to explicitly affirm and explore the role of work in life experience.
As I convey throughout this chapter, the objective of a psychology-of-
working perspective for counseling and psychotherapy practice revolves
around the notion of inclusion. The most apparent manifestation of inclusion
is evident in my concern that all workers and potential workers receive the
benefits of our efforts as psychological researchers and practitioners. The vast
majority of theories in vocational psychology and counseling have been con-
structed around the notion that people have choices with respect to education
and work and that their task is to sort through their options (see D. Brown,
2002a, for a review of the major theories). While this is indeed an admirable
objective (and indeed one that I encourage scholars of the psychology of
working to advance), the reality is that the theories that have informed voca-
tional counseling and career development education have been framed
around the rather circumscribed context of counseling people who are experi-
encing decisional dilemmas. A close examination of the counseling literature
reveals a number of bodies of work that are relevant to developing an ex-
panded conceptual framework for vocational counseling (e.g., Lapan, 2004;
N. Peterson & González, 2005; M. S. Richardson, 1993, 1996; Savickas, 1993).
My position is that the best potential for effective interventions involves fur-
ther inclusiveness across a number of dimensions. One level of the inclusive-
ness entails an incorporation of nonvocational aspects of life. The second
level of inclusiveness involves interventions that are designed to alter social
systems. (This issue is reviewed later in this chapter and in chapter 10.) The
third level of inclusiveness pertains to the need to develop an effective, moral,
and engaged modality of vocational counseling that will help all citizens find
meaning and satisfaction in their working lives. In other words, the view of vo-
 COUNSELING AND THERAPEUT IC IMPLICATIONS / 247

cational counseling that I advocate herein is designed to be useful for all

workers and potential workers. Ideally, as systems and structures improve to
expand access to opportunity, the notion of counseling people to help define
and attain their ideal fit in the working world—the notion that inspired Par-
sons (1909) a century ago—will increasingly define the specialty of vocational
counseling. However, as I propose later in the chapter, helping professionals
still ought to provide constructive, effective, and empowering services to all
potential workers across the socioeconomic spectrum.
The literature in vocational counseling reveals that the framework for an
engaged and inclusive mode of practice does exist, often in the margins of the
literature. For example, the literature from such diverse areas as vocational
rehabilitation (e.g., Szymanski & Parker, 2003), working with at-risk youth
(e.g., Blustein et al., 2000), working with clients of color (e.g., Carter & Cook,
1992; Helms & Cook, 1999), as well as working with unemployed workers
(e.g., Amundson et al., 2004) has the potential to inform practice of an ex-
panded vocational counseling. Indeed, the literature from vocational coun-
seling that has explored the challenges of “nontraditional clients” (which
actually may represent the modal worker and potential worker across the
globe) provides the basis for an expanded vision of vocational counseling.
As I have argued in this book, the experience of working involves so much
more than selecting a field of interest and locating training and work in that
area. Indeed, the passages that I have included in this volume, ranging from
Arthur Miller to Bruce Springsteen, have collectively underscored the com-
plex intersection of relationships, emotional functioning, and working. One
of the goals of the psychology of working is to provide the framework for a
thoughtful and inclusive infusion of work-related issues into the framework
of psychotherapeutic theory and practice. As the quote from one of my earlier
articles (Blustein, 2001b) that leads this chapter reveals, the vast majority of
the psychotherapy literature has tended to neglect or diminish the impact of
working in human life and in psychological treatment.

Psychotherapy: An Historical and Contemporary Overview

The history of psychotherapy, naturally, is difficult to summarize in a limited

space. In fact, entire books have been devoted to delineating the complex his-
tory of psychotherapeutic practice (Bankart, 1997; Freedheim, 1992). How-
ever, scholars and practitioners (e.g., Betz & Corning, 1993; Blustein &
Spengler, 1995) have observed that the vast majority of theoretical formula-
tions in psychotherapy have tended to ignore issues pertaining to work. Of
248 / CH A PT ER 8

course, some notable exceptions exist. As I indicated in chapter 1, Freud ob-

served that mental health could be best understood as the ability to love and
work. Also, Erikson’s (1968) influential theory of psychosocial development,
which has had a notable impact in psychotherapy (e.g., Shore & Massimo,
1979; Smelser & Erikson, 1980), includes attention to working, particularly in
the description of the identity formation process.
Like vocational counseling, psychotherapy has been defined in different
ways, often reflecting the assumptions and objectives of a specified theoreti-
cal orientation. From my perspective, psychotherapy represents the applica-
tion of psychological research and theory to the task of helping individuals
deal with problems of a diverse nature, including but not limited to physical
health, mood, interpersonal problems, psychiatric illnesses, family concerns
and conflicts, adjustments to trauma, work-related problems, and related
mental health issues. Others define psychotherapy in more limited ways. For
example, Zeig and Munion (1990) suggested that “psychotherapy is a change-
oriented process that occurs in the context of a contractual, empowering, and
empathic professional relationship. Its rationale explicitly or implicitly fo-
cuses on the personality of the client(s), the technique of psychotherapy, or
both. Durable change is affected on multiple aspects of clients’ lives. The pro-
cess is idiosyncratic and determined by the interaction of the patients’ and
therapists’ preconceived positions” (p. 14). In the same volume, Gladfelter
(1990) defined psychotherapy as “the bringing about of change in both the in-
ternal and social psychological processes of the individual” (p. 338). Wolberg
(1977) presented the following definition: “Psychotherapy is the treatment,
by psychological means, of problems of an emotional nature in which a
trained person deliberately establishes a professional relationship with the
patient with the object of (1) removing, modifying, or retarding existing symp-
toms, (2) mediating disturbed patterns of behavior, and (3) promoting posi-
tive personality growth and development” [p. 3]. When considered
collectively, these definitions, as well as others (see Zeig & Munion, 1990),
suggest that psychotherapy is a modality of treatment that is best delivered via
“talk therapy,” with adherents from the full range of psychological and per-
sonality theories each espousing their particular view as the prototype or
ideal. For the most part, the empirical literature in mental health has deter-
mined that psychotherapy is indeed effective for a wide array of clients and
problems (e.g., Barlow, 2004; Wampold, 2001). However, while I included a
focus on work-related issues in my own definition in the Zeig and Munion
volume, the vast majority of approaches and definitions in psychotherapy
theory, research, and practice do not include a specific reference to work,
careers, occupations, or the like.
 COUNSELING AND THERAPEUT IC IMPLICATIONS / 249

Despite the relative lack of attention to work-related issues in psychother-

apy, some recent efforts from traditional psychotherapy theorists and practi-
tioners (e.g., Axelrod, 1999; Lowman, 1993; Socarides & Kramer, 1997) have
sought to address work-related issues in explicit and often very thoughtful
ways. The contribution by Lowman used the traditional approach of focusing
on psychopathology to examine the nature of work dysfunctions and their im-
pact on people’s lives. While Lowman’s book is to be commended for placing
work on the radar screen of traditional clinicians (including clinical psycholo-
gists, social workers, and psychiatrists), the scope of this contribution is rather
limited. For example, much of the Lowman book explores the work lives of
people with choices and volition. A similar critique can be invoked in the
Axelrod and Socarides and Kramer books, respectively. While these contri-
butions are evocative and creative in their application of relationally oriented
and psychodynamic theories to various aspects of working, they also focus, for
the most part, on relatively affluent and well-educated clients living in urban
Western cultures.
One specialty that has sought to include workers from across the gamut of
the labor market is occupational psychiatry and the related employee assis-
tance programs (e.g., Berridge, 1999; A. Kahn, 1993; Oher, 1999). Occupa-
tional psychiatry has carved a niche within organizations in which employees
can seek out assistance for work-related stress and other psychological prob-
lems. Similarly, employee assistance programs (EAPs), which are generally
staffed by social workers and other Master’s level clinicians, provide support
in terms of both referrals and short-term counseling for employees, often at
the worksite (Herr et al., 2004; Oher, 1999). These efforts are notable and are
clearly relevant to the development of effective practice within the scope of
the psychology of working. One of the admirable aspects of these efforts is
that they have included non-managerial workers, particularly municipal
workers such as firefighters and police officers. (At their best, in-house men-
tal health agencies at the workplace can function as a critical resource for
workers, helping to furnish employees with accessible and competent mental
health professionals. However, EAPs and occupational psychiatry programs
are not universally available to workers. Moreover, given the lack of much
formal training in the mental health world on workplace issues in treatment, it
is likely that many of the problems that emerge from the working context of
individuals lives (i.e., the specific nature of workers’ tasks, struggles pertain-
ing to the rigidity of hierarchical relationships, the impact of the increasing in-
stability in the world of work, inadequate person–environment fit) may not be
well understood or effectively integrated into the preventive and intervention
modalities. Ideally, the psychology of working will produce a body of research
250 / CH A PT ER 8

and theory that will be informative in the continued development and expan-
sion of EAPs so that far greater inclusiveness and sensitivity to work-related
issues increasingly characterizes best practices within organizational settings.
Furthermore, it would seem particularly useful for unemployed workers to
have access to services that integrate vocational counseling and psycho-
therapeutic efforts. In addition, workers who are struggling with specific su-
pervisors would benefit from having an opportunity to explore the nature,
antecedents, and consequences of the conflict. Also, workers who may not
find their assignments and tasks interesting or consistent with their values
would find EAPs to be helpful, particularly if other options may exist within a
given occupational setting that may provide a better fit for the worker and a
more productive employee for the organization.
The relative absence of any sustained discourse about the role of work in
people’s lives within the vast majority of psychotherapy theory and research
(cf. Zeig & Munion, 1990), with the exceptions noted previously, is quite dis-
concerting. Many counseling psychologists have bemoaned this particular ob-
servation (e.g., Betz, 1993; Blustein, 2001b; M. S. Richardson, 1993, 1996),
noting that this neglect leaves a vast majority of people’s lives unexamined, or
even worse, denigrated. As I indicated in an earlier contribution (Blustein,
2001b), a number of reasons for this absence can be inferred from the litera-
ture. Clearly, many scholars, practitioners, and theorists find it easier to com-
partmentalize life issues into neat and tidy boxes. Regrettably, these boxes are
not as coherent in real life as they are on the written page, as life issues from
one aspect of our lives tend to spill over into other life domains (Blustein,
2001b; Cinamon & Rich, 2002; Flum, 2001).
A review of many of the most prominent career counseling textbooks re-
veals that the majority of emphasis is on the tasks of specifying, crystallizing,
and entering an occupation that is a good match for one’s personality, abili-
ties, and values (e.g., Brown, 2002a; Herr et al., 2004; Issacson, 2003; Sharf,
2000). While these books are conceptually rich and highly relevant to the
needs of students and clients who are facing the challenging dilemmas of mak-
ing educational and vocational decisions, they do not fully encompass the
needs of the vast majority of workers. For example, it is notable that so little
attention has been devoted to people who are unemployed or who have had to
take jobs that are overwhelmingly unsatisfying. (Two noteworthy exceptions
to this trend are the Gysbers, Heppner, & Johnston, 2003, and Herr et al.,
2004, texts, which weave in the struggles of adult workers, including unem-
ployed clients in their discussions.) As such, the traditional career develop-
ment theories may not be viewed as easily applicable to the conceptual
framework of mental health interventions. For example, the prevailing career
 COUNSELING AND THERAPEUT IC IMPLICATIONS / 251

choice and development theories explore the antecedents of adaptive deci-

sions, which may not be that relevant to clients struggling with abusive super-
visors, lack of employment opportunities, and the existence of external
barriers to achievement and satisfaction. Moreover, while many psychother-
apy practices consist of the “worried well,” a significant proportion of clients
in psychotherapy are more impaired by their illnesses and need to focus on
work in a very different way than the traditional vocational counseling client
who often has considerable choice in his or her world. A client, for instance,
with bipolar disorder, may need to locate work that provides the consistent
structure and predictable social demands that are so important in regulating
this challenging mood disorder (S. Jones, 2004; Zaretsky, 2003).
In addition, the lack of interest in work-related issues is related, to some
extent, to the marketplace demands of psychotherapy. With the advent of
third-party payments in the United States and the struggles to have psycho-
therapy included in national health services in many other nations, the psy-
chological treatment field has had to befriend the medical model in an overt
manner (Barlow, 2004). By linking so closely to the medical model, the
psychotherapeutic world has increasingly focused on internal and interper-
sonal problems, which are generally well understood within existing taxono-
mies and diagnostic systems. An additional reason for the lack of interest in
work-related issues in psychotherapy may be related to the lack of inclusion of
work as a relevant domain of life experience within most theories of personal-
ity and psychopathology. For the most part, the family and other relationships
are seen as the crucible of both mental health and mental illness (e.g., Bowlby,
1988; Kohut, 1977; Wachtel, 1993). While the important role of relational and
family factors is not in doubt here, the lack of attention to the full context of
people’s lives, which clearly includes working, is not entirely consistent with
the reality that most people face.
Another possible reason for the relative neglect of work-related issues in
psychotherapy theory, research, and practice relates to the point raised by M.
S. Richardson (1993) in the quote that opened this chapter. As Richardson
noted, the absence of an explicit discussion of work in psychotherapeutic dis-
course offers the field a way of avoiding the harsh realities of inequity, which
are often most pronounced in the working context. In effect, by taking work
out of the conceptual framework, psychotherapists maintain a fairly narrow
view of life, with a corresponding focus on inner cognitions, emotions, and bi-
ological bases of human functioning. I would like to note here that the inter-
nal factors that have been the focus of the vast majority of psychotherapeutic
theories are indeed very important in determining the state of our emotional,
interpersonal, and, indeed, our working lives. However, with the infusion of
252 / CH A PT ER 8

critical psychology, multicultural theory, and feminism into the mental health
literature (e.g., Doherty, 1995; Fox & Prilleltensky, 1997; Helms & Cook,
1999; Prilleltensky, 1997; Willkinson, 1997), the social and economic context,
with its disparities in opportunities, is increasingly acknowledged, although
its impact is not always well understood. As noted in chapter 7, I view many of
the tenets of the critical psychology movement, particularly the emancipatory
communitarian approach of Prilleltensky (1997), to be highly relevant to the
psychology of working. Moreover, the contributions from the multicultural
and feminist perspectives have influenced my thinking and the work of others
who are seeking to carve out a broader niche in the understanding of the psy-
chological nature of working (Betz & Fitzgerald, 1987; Fassinger, 2000; N.
Peterson & González, 2005; M. S. Richardson, 1993, 1996). An intentional in-
fusion of a psychology-of-working perspective into the psychotherapy litera-
ture has the potential to help shape a more vigorous and relevant body of
work that can address many of the concerns raised by scholars such as
Doherty, Prilleltensky, and others. For example, Doherty has argued that psy-
chotherapists need to understand and attend to the moral and ethical issues
that are inherent in the lives of our clients and in our own lives. In my view,
Doherty’s concern about the relative neglect of moral and ethical issues,
which has been echoed by others throughout the past few years (e.g., Good-
man et al., 2004; Prilleltensky, 1997; Vera & Speight, 2003), may be effectively
responded to as work-related issues are more explicitly linked to psycho-
therapeutic theory and practice. In order to construct the conceptual infra-
structure for an inclusive psychological practice, I next summarize the
growing literature on integrating psychotherapy and vocational counseling.

Integrating Vocational Counseling

and Psychotherapy: An Historical
and Contemporary Overview

The preceding discussion conveys a view of vocational counseling and psycho-

therapy as essentially discrete enterprises with little, if any, overlap. In actual-
ity, a number of scholars and practitioners have considered the potential
opportunities and pitfalls of careful integration of treatment modalities. For
example, Super (1955) made a case for vocational counseling providing a
means of personality integration for clients. Moreover, the development of
the counseling psychology specialty directly after World War II facilitated the
potential for integrative treatments (Whitely, 1980). However, as I detailed
earlier in this chapter, there were many social, economic, and intellectual
 COUNSELING AND THERAPEUT IC IMPLICATIONS / 253

pressures that offered a counterbalance to any natural tendency to integrate

vocational and psychological counseling.
Despite the rise of a relatively discrete set of theories and research studies
within vocational psychology and vocational counseling, parallels in the coun-
seling process that exist in vocational and personal counseling have been doc-
umented, which has underscored the connection and overlap between these
two modalities (e.g., Heppner & Heppner, 2003; Swanson, 1995). In addition,
a number of scholars and practitioners have noted the strong parallels in the
therapeutic factors in vocational counseling and personal counseling (e.g.,
Blustein & Spengler, 1995; Holland, Magoon, & Spokane, 1981; Kirschner,
Hoffman, & Hill, 1994). Furthermore, practitioners in both vocational and
personal counseling have thoughtfully highlighted parallels that have
emerged in their practices and thinking (e.g., Manuele-Adkins, 1992;
Savickas, 1993). The essence of this argument, as detailed in these contribu-
tions, is as follows:

I The distinctions between vocational and personal counseling are an arti-

fact of language and do not conform to the realities of people’s lives.
I Vocational problems have often been misconstrued as somehow less im-
portant or painful than relationship problems.
I Vocational counseling is as complex and challenging as is personal coun-
seling.
I The process of human change across the various contexts of life contains
many parallels and few distinctions.

Despite the compelling nature of the view that considers vocational and
personal counseling as strongly analogous, alternative arguments can also be
invoked to maintain the distinctions. First, the reality of vocational counsel-
ing is that it requires additional skills in comparison to personal counseling. In
short, a competent vocational counselor needs to be a skilled mental health
counselor or psychotherapist as well as a skilled counselor within the working
context. Second, the strong focus on the parallels between vocational and per-
sonal counseling might lead to the sort of thinking that has unfortunately pre-
vailed in contemporary mental health practice—that is, that work-related
problems are primarily the manifestation of inner psychological struggles, un-
resolved family issues, or other relational problems. While these inferences
may in fact be sufficiently explanatory in some cases, it is hard to imagine that
the decontextualized view that has prevailed in clinical circles would be en-
tirely accurate for the full range of issues that confront workers and potential
workers. Indeed, these types of explanations, while often compelling and evo-
254 / CH A PT ER 8

cative, risk denigrating a client’s experience and may in fact offer a means of
colluding with inequitable systems that deny access to opportunity based on
arbitrary factors (like race, ethnicity, age, gender, etc.). Another important is-
sue to consider with respect to the integration of treatment modalities is the
conclusion of researchers who have explored the overlap of vocational and
psychological functioning (e.g., Barkham & Shapiro, 1990; Shore &
Massimo, 1979). After reviewing this literature, a colleague and I (Blustein &
Spengler, 1995) concluded as follows:

When considered collectively, the literature reviewed in this section points to

the tendency for a given intervention to foster a modest, yet discernible, posi-
tive effect (or spillover) on collateral domains of functioning. Of course, the
spillover of outcomes from an intervention in one domain to another [from
the vocational to personal and vice versa] is not always uniform or consistent.
Yet the prevalent findings in this review suggest that interventions in both the
career and noncareer domains as well as integrative treatments have the
potential for a relatively broad scope of influence. The fact that the scope
tends to embrace both career and noncareer domains in generally predictable
ways supports the assumption of meaningful interconnections between these
aspects of psychological functioning. (p. 308)

The Domain-Sensitive Approach

We (i.e., Blustein & Spengler, 1995) concluded our review of the interconnec-
tions of vocational and personal counseling with a meta-perspective known as
the domain-sensitive approach. The initial statement of the domain-sensitive
approach describes a modality that fits well with the objectives of the psychol-
ogy of working:

A domain-sensitive approach refers to a way of intervening with clients such

that the full array of human experiences is encompassed. The goals of such an
intervention are to improve adjustment and facilitate developmental progress
in both the career and noncareer domains. The term domain pertains to the
scope of the client’s psychological experiences, encompassing both career and
noncareer settings. By following domain with the term sensitive [italics in origi-
nal], we are attempting to capture counselors’ inherent openness, empathy,
and interest with respect to both the career and noncareer domains and their
ability to shift between these content domains effectively. In effect, a domain-
sensitive approach is characterized by the counselor’s concerted interest in
and awareness of all possible ramifications of a client’s psychological experi-
ence and its behavioral expression. In this approach, the counselor clearly
values the client’s experiences in both the career and noncareer domains. The
counselor bases a decision about where to intervene on informed judgments
 COUNSELING AND THERAPEUT IC IMPLICATIONS / 255

about where the problem originated and where it is most accessible for inter-
vention. (1995, p. 317)

Other important attributes of the domain-sensitive approach include the

clear statement that work-related problems are real and merit the full atten-
tion in the psychological treatment process. While we cautioned therapists
that immediate mental health problems and crises always take priority, we
also sought to provide some structure for the affirmation and effective treat-
ment of work-related issues in mental health practice. Moreover, we advised
vocational counselors to attend to mental health issues as well in their work.
However, the prevailing message of the domain-sensitive approach is that
work-related issues need to be validated in counseling. The case that follows
provides an illustration of how work-related problems can be viewed in
different ways in a counseling context.

Nathan

Nathan is a computer specialist with a medium-sized consulting company who

seeks out treatment to help him deal with his increasing level of suspicious-
ness regarding his job security. He is also experiencing rather marked out-
bursts of anger, most of which are evoked by events that had been innocuous
in the past (such as traffic jams; disagreements with people at work, etc.). Na-
than, who is a 36-year-old European American man with a college degree in
computer science, has found that he is becoming very concerned with the se-
curity of his job. While there have not been many layoffs in his firm, he has
heard rumors that the management has been flying to India and Pakistan to
explore outsourcing of programming work. His level of suspiciousness has
also affected his relationships with his partner, a 42-year-old man, with whom
Nathan has lived for the past 10 years. (Nathan is “out” with respect to his sex-
ual orientation with his family and friends, although he is rather discrete
about his personal life in general, particularly at work.) Nathan is reporting
increasing tension in his relationship with Mark. He is not clear about the na-
ture or etiology of the conflict; however, he is clear that he is reacting much
more strongly, with greater anger than he had prior to the stress that he feels
in his work life.
A brief psychosocial history that is obtained in the first session reveals that
Nathan has had no history of major mental illness. However, his father suf-
fered from major depression throughout his life, which was treated with rea-
sonable effectiveness with medication and therapy. His mother was a rather
256 / CH A PT ER 8

reclusive woman, with few friends and little opportunities for social connec-
tion. Nathan indicated that his mother did not experience any evident mental
health problems. Nathan has an older brother, who is married and has three
children. His brother lives in another part of the country and he is not very
close to him or his family. Nathan reported that his childhood was “awkward”
in that he was aware that he was not similar to other boys, especially with re-
gards to the prevailing leisure activities which typically revolved around
sports. Nathan enjoyed reading and working on puzzles and other challenging
tasks, often in isolation from others. His parents, on the other hand, encour-
aged him to make friends, which he did throughout his life. Often his friends
also were children or adolescents who felt as “outsiders.”
Nathan stated that he was not as depressed or anxious in college or in his
20s. He became increasingly comfortable with his sexual orientation in col-
lege, and connected to an active gay community in his urban community. He
met Mark when he was 26 and they moved in together when he turned 28. Na-
than’s rather rich social life began to diminish once he and Mark moved in to-
gether. At this point, Nathan reports that he has few close friends who live in
his area. He is friends with some of his former college classmates and he
speaks to a few of these people every few months.
Nathan’s major presenting concerns center on his anxiety about his work-
ing life. Nathan had a deep interest in computer science in college and was an
excellent student in his university. He also enjoyed the challenges of program-
ming and debugging programs, which fit his interests and abilities. Nathan
was very committed to his career and sought to keep up with changes that oc-
curred in the field by learning new programming languages after he gradu-
ated from college. Over the past few years, he has been following the trend of
large organizations and programming consulting firms to outsource their
work to less expensive settings. A number of his former college classmates
who majored in computer science recently lost their jobs, leading him to
worry about his own job security. He observed that few of these programmers
were able to locate a job that offered the similar sort of intellectual challenges
and financial rewards.
In the first few sessions, Nathan shared that he has had trouble sleeping
and that he is feeling more depressed. He did not report suicidal ideation
nor has he experienced any suicidal thoughts in the past. However, Nathan
has been feeling increasingly angry at the management of his company; in
fact, he has fantasized about finding ways to “hurt them back” if they out-
source jobs to India and Pakistan. He is not able to articulate what he means
by this phrase and says that he is just saying things off the top of his head and
that it is no “big deal.”
 COUNSELING AND THERAPEUT IC IMPLICATIONS / 257

Discussion

One of the main themes of the domain-sensitive approach is that each context
of life experience is real and valid. In contrast, some of the traditional ap-
proaches to psychotherapy might explore Nathan’s issues without a clear un-
derstanding of the work-related problems. While most therapists would be
empathic with Nathan’s worries about his job, the concern that I have is that the
case might be conceptualized in a manner wherein the work-related issues be-
come the “ground” to the “figure” of unresolved family issues, conceptualiza-
tions that are exclusively biological in nature, or intrapsychic conflicts, or some
combination thereof. The domain-sensitive approach seeks to find balance in
the conceptualizations and in the treatment strategies. A key element of the do-
main-sensitive approach is that work-related issues do not systematically be-
come transformed into a psychotherapeutic or family systems framework that
fit with existing theories or models. Although such conceptualizations might be
indicated in given contexts, their utility would need to be weighed against other,
more parsimonious conceptualizations.
A traditional approach to treating Nathan might focus on the possibility
that his anger is a manifestation of a biologically based depression that is
emerging at this point in his life, perhaps evoked by the stress he faces. More-
over, a traditional clinician might view Nathan’s worries as a displacement of
anger and anxiety about other issues, perhaps related to his interpersonal
conflicts, social isolation, or his family-of-origin. Another view that may be ar-
ticulated in Nathan’s case is that his anxiety about his job is a more tolerable
manifestation of his anxiety about other uncertainties in his life, perhaps re-
lating to his sense of safety as a gay man or his fear of a relationship breakup.
While each of these ideas may be used within a domain-sensitive framework,
the major distinction is that the therapist would clearly validate Nathan’s wor-
ries about his job and help him explore ways to cope with this potential loss.
With knowledge of the world of work and with the knowledge that Nathan’s
current job is an ideal fit with his abilities, interests, and personality attrib-
utes, a domain-sensitive therapist’s appreciation of vocational counseling
would support an integrative approach that does not either implicitly or ex-
plicitly denigrate any aspect of his psychological experiences. Indeed, a close
examination of these various conceptualizations reveals that they are not
necessarily mutually exclusive.
One of the first tasks for a domain-sensitive therapist is to review all treat-
ment decisions with the client. The therapist would share his or her impres-
sion that the issues that are presented are intertwined and would be optimally
explored and treated conjointly. (It is important to note that the standard eth-
258 / CH A PT ER 8

ical guidelines and principles are relevant in the design and delivery of coun-
seling and psychotherapy interventions. Specifically, therapists should only
practice within their areas of expertise; as such, the domain-sensitive ap-
proach is primarily of relevance to therapists who have training in both voca-
tional and personal counseling.) The next step would be to assess the nature
of Nathan’s strengths as well as his areas of struggle and pain. In relation to
Nathan’s case, it would be useful to acknowledge the real possibility that his
job could be outsourced. At the same time, the therapist ought to assess the
level of depression, anxiety, and related symptoms of each client, exploring
the possibility that a more pronounced mental health problem is emerging.
Once a careful assessment has been conducted, the treatment would com-
mence. Ideally, therapists may find it preferable to work in the domain that
seems to be the most resilient and open to exploration. In the case of Nathan,
it might be helpful to explore his anger and disappointments in his relational
contexts first, which seemed less vulnerable from his initial presentations. As
these issues were explored and processed, the therapist and Nathan might
concur that the current set of relational struggles is not critical in creating the
psychic disturbances that Nathan faces. The therapist and Nathan would then
explore his feelings about the emerging sense of job insecurity; at this point, it
would likely become clear that the diminishment of stability in the work con-
text is evoking considerable anxiety and tension. One of the tasks of the do-
main-sensitive treatment, therefore, would be to give these feelings a voice in
treatment, with the careful validation and empathy that is so critical to effec-
tive psychotherapy (Bohart & Greenberg, 1997). While the therapist could
not easily reframe this anxiety as its cause is based on potentially accurate per-
ceptions of the world of work, a number of alternative actions could be
explored that may help to reduce the sense of despair that Nathan is
experiencing.
One option might be to help Nathan develop back-up plans that will func-
tion to empower him in the event that he does lose his job. This could include
a transferable skills assessment (see, e.g., the Quick Job-Hunting Map from
Bolles & Bolles, 2005). This sort of intervention conceivably could help Na-
than to explore some options that would build on his interests and skills, while
also reducing his sense of helplessness in the face of events over which he has
little control. A second option is for Nathan to become more knowledgeable
about globalization. By becoming more aware of the impact of globalization,
Nathan can become more active in the social and political discourse of his
community. At the same time, Nathan may find it helpful to develop a support
group of other computer workers in his community who may be able to brain-
storm some ideas about new directions for their skills and talents. Although
 COUNSELING AND THERAPEUT IC IMPLICATIONS / 259

these initiatives all sound quite relevant and potentially useful, it would be im-
portant to not diminish Nathan’s sense of indignation and anger about his sit-
uation. By exploring the intense affect that the potential job loss evokes, the
therapist might be able to sort through a number of interrelated issues that
are related to conflicts in both the past and present. A key aspect of the do-
main-sensitive approach is that one set of issues does not need to overshadow
another set of issues. With the infusion of the psychology-of-working perspec-
tive, I hope to enhance the vividness of work-related issues; however, the pre-
cise etiology of each client’s set of concerns is naturally quite unique and may
point to a complex interaction of relevant personal and contextual factors.
The case of Nathan illustrates one direction for the use of the domain-sen-
sitive approach in a clinical context. While the literatures within vocational
counseling and psychotherapy are rich with theories and intervention strate-
gies that are useful in cases where people have access to financial and rela-
tional resources (e.g., D. Brown, 2002a; Sharf, 2000), far less is known about
the lives of poor and working class clients and populations. By exploring cur-
rent efforts that have been developed for clients who are generally on the
margins of our work, I believe that it is possible to sketch the framework for an
inclusive and affirming practice that explicitly includes attention to work,
power, relationships, and self-determination.

Integrating the Voices and Practices from the

Margins of Psychotherapeutic Discourse

As indicated earlier, the history of vocational counseling emerged in the early

part of the 20th century as workers were faced with increasing numbers of
choices and options (Pope, 2000). The early 20th century also was character-
ized by the trend toward occupational stability as workers in both manufac-
turing and professional fields tended to prefer to stay with an employer or a
line of work for much of their adult lives, with obvious exceptions based on
economic shifts, pay, working conditions, and geographic moves. Moreover,
for the vast proportion of workers in industrialized and agrarian countries,
choice was typically not available for most decisions related to school and
work. As such, there is little literature that directly describes the best ways to
help people negotiate work-related problems, such as unemployment, un-
steady employment, unsatisfying work, oppressive conditions at work, harass-
ment at work, and the like. My view is that the structural aspects of practices
directed toward the vast array of work-related issues may be inferred from ex-
isting practice guidelines and recommendations that have emerged in work-
260 / CH A PT ER 8

ing with clients who have been on the margins of traditional vocational
counseling. Accordingly, I present brief overviews of contemporary practices
with clients with disabling conditions, at-risk youth, unemployed adults, and
clients of color. When considered collectively, these bodies of work generate
fruitful directions for psychological practice within the working context.

Working With Clients With Disabling Conditions

One of the most important professions that has contributed to the health and
vigor of vocational counseling is rehabilitation counseling (Chan, Berven, &
Thomas, 2004; Riggar & Maki, 2004). Rehabilitation counseling, which was
originally known as vocational rehabilitation counseling, has been committed
to helping clients with disabling conditions adjust to their life tasks, with a par-
ticular focus on work-related issues (Gilbride & Stensrud, 2003). In addition
to the general vocational counseling goals that I articulated earlier in this
chapter, rehabilitation counseling has historically included a focus on job
placement and adjustment to the work context (Szymanski & Parker, 2003).
Prior to reviewing relevant practice implications, the disability construct,
which is so central to the vibrant practice modality of rehabilitation counsel-
ing, is explored in further depth. According to Szymanski and Parker (2003),
the concept of disability has the following attributes:

I The experience of disability is not a constant; the definition changes in

relation to historical changes and cultural influences as well in relation
to the challenges of the current context of individual’s lives.
I People with disabilities make up the largest minority group in the United
States.
I Recent data reported by Szymanski et al. indicate that 15% of the non-
institutionalized adults in the United States have limitations in their
functioning that inhibit their overall activity level in their lives.
I A very strong correlation exists between disabling conditions and pov-
erty; for example, only 29% of adults with disabilities reported employ-
ment in the labor market.

Taken together, these attributes of disability suggest that the problems that
exist are extensive and are closely linked with working and access to the op-
portunity structure. Given the compelling nature of these data, it is increas-
ingly clear why vocational counseling has become such an important aspect of
the professional identity of rehabilitation counseling. In addition, the chal-
 COUNSELING AND THERAPEUT IC IMPLICATIONS / 261

lenges faced by clients with disabling conditions may point to some important
and more general insights about the potential of counseling as a support for
the full gamut of people who struggle with work-related problems. A review
of the edited text by Szymanski and Parker (2003) reveals a number of themes
that are relevant to the task of creating an inclusive mode of practice for the
vast majority of people who struggle with work-related issues and challenges.
One prominent theme, articulated by Hershenson and Liesener (2003), is
that vocational counseling with individuals with disabling conditions entails a
considerable degree of uncertainty, which is suggested by both the labor mar-
ket and the shifting needs and conditions of clients. Another relevant theme is
that clients benefit from assistance in job development and the job search
(Hagner, 2003). This aspect of rehabilitation counseling has an historic and
contemporary role in the profession; however, traditional vocational counsel-
ors and psychologists have generally shied away from job-development and
job-search activities. The importance of work in the lives of individuals with
disabling conditions is underscored by the prevalence of supported employ-
ment, which functions to provide important connections and activities for
many individuals whose ability status inhibits their capacity to work in a
competitive context (Hanley-Maxwell, Owens-Johnson, & Fabian, 2003).
Other relevant features in the rehabilitation field include the use of job
clubs. Job clubs provide support and behavioral counseling designed to en-
hance motivation, job-seeking skills, and the social networks of unemployed
adults (Gilbride & Stensrud, 2003). Originally developed by Azrin and Philips
(1979), job clubs have demonstrated success in helping individuals with dis-
abling conditions locate stable employment. Another trend in rehabilitation
counseling is the explicit attention that is devoted to working with employers.
For many clients, rehabilitation counselors have sought to develop relation-
ships with employers that will allow for modifications and adjustments based
on the needs of workers. One of the outcomes of this role has been the advent
of employer consulting (Gilbride & Stensrud, 2003) and job coaching
(Hershenson & Liesener, 2003). Both of these roles involve active engage-
ment with employers, with the intention of creating supportive conditions for
the new workers, many of whom may have little experience in a work setting.
While it may seem that the client is passive as the counselor actively helps
to create equitable working conditions and search for employment, the reality
of the disabled community is that clients are increasingly seeking out and ob-
taining political power. A vivid example of this power is the passage of the
Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA, 1990). This act, which followed con-
siderable lobbying on the part of the disabled community, represents an ex-
emplar of policy change that was steered in large measure by many of the
262 / CH A PT ER 8

formerly disempowered clients who struggled to achieve equitable working

conditions (Shapiro, 1994).
When considered collectively, the themes that emerge from this brief over-
view of counseling clients with disabling conditions are of clear relevance to
the increasing demands of expanding counseling services to encompass all
potential workers. One prominent theme is the central role of an activist
stance on the part of the counselor. Rather than working primarily from the
comfort of a consulting office in an agency, the rehabilitation counselor is of-
ten actively engaged in the broad context of the client’s life. For example, the
use of job clubs provides relational connections that may serve to help clients
deal with the often unpredictable vicissitudes of looking for and adjusting to a
job (Bond & Boyer, 1988). In addition, the counselor is able to effectively
work with employers in helping to set up jobs and in creating supportive con-
ditions for employees. Another key element of the practices of rehabilitation
counseling is the clear intention of empowering clients. One of the means of
empowering clients is to connect them to the competitive labor market. A sec-
ond means has been to provide clients with the tools for engaging in the public
policy arena, which reflects some of the key elements of Prilleltensky’s (1997)
emancipatory communitarian approach. Finally, the expansion of the coun-
seling role beyond the traditional realms of vocational and/or personal coun-
seling is a major theme, one that will continue to emerge in exploring other
marginalized populations and is further examined in chapter 9.

Working With At-Risk Youth

Over the past two decades, the struggles of at-risk adolescents and young
adults have entered into the discourse on vocational counseling and psycho-
therapy (Blustein et al., 2000; Vera & Reese, 2000). The definition of “at-
risk,” naturally, is beset with ambiguity. At-risk youth may include adoles-
cents who face considerable challenges in accessing education and vocational
opportunities, such as poor urban students and poor rural students (Bloch,
1991). In addition, at-risk youth may often encompass adolescents who are
struggling with behavioral and emotional issues. For the purposes of this
chapter, I focus on the former cohort of youth, who represent a core, and of-
ten neglected population within our society and in most other cultures.
The literature on the school-to-work transition (e.g., Blustein et al., 2000;
Worthington & Juntunen, 1997) is of particular relevance to the current dis-
cussion. For the most part, interest in the school-to-work (STW) transition
has focused on the difficulties that non-college-bound youth face as they
 COUNSELING AND THERAPEUT IC IMPLICATIONS / 263

move from high school to the world of work. Moreover, the U.S. has been
characterized by the lack of a coherent or structured process that would serve
to facilitate the transition from school to work for non-college-bound youth.
As such, the population of youth who do not move directly into full-time col-
lege attendance face the sorts of obstacles that likely characterize the popula-
tion of adults who also struggle to locate work that will lead to stability and
dignity.
The review of the STW literature conducted by my colleagues and I
(Blustein et al., 2000) identified the antecedents, characteristics, and conse-
quences of an adaptive transition from school to work. Noting the diversity of
definitions of an adaptive transition, we observed that the meaning of “adap-
tive” often varied in relation to the sociopolitical objectives of the research-
ers. Thus, for those who did not endorse governmental intervention in
structuring the school-to-work transition, some degree of floundering
(wherein young people drift from job to job, often without any explicit plan
for further training or education) is viewed as part of the emerging adult years
of occupational entry (Heckman, 1994). On the other hand, scholars who
view the prevalence of floundering as problematic for the young people who
are often trapped in low-paying jobs tend to view an adaptive transition as a
more orderly movement from school to work with corresponding growth in
the individual’s skills and options (Bynner et al., 1997; Way & Rossman,
1996a, 1996b). Consistent with the latter view, we (Blustein et al., 2000)
defined an adaptive transition as including the following attributes:

1. Subjective indices of the individual’s level of satisfaction with work and

nonwork roles and responsibilities.
2. Objective indices of the individual’s access to growth, training, further
education, and other forms of skill advancement.
3. Access to economic rewards and job stability.

When considered collectively, these attributes suggest that an adaptive

transition has numerous qualities, both internal and external to the individ-
ual. The STW literature also offers important hints of the sorts of factors that
support an adaptive transition. In our review, four specific sets of individual
and contextual factors were identified as playing a role in helping youth to
move adaptively into a sustainable and growth-oriented work role:

1. Clear competencies in basic academic skills and in more vocationally

focused skills.
2. Self-initiated motivation, flexibility, and planfulness.
264 / CH A PT ER 8

3. Engaged and accessible relational support system, including family

members, peers, teachers and related educators, counselors, job super-
visors, and co-workers.
4. An educational environment that offers rigorous connection to work-
based learning and that emphasizes school and work linkages.

When considering these four factors in tandem, a counseling approach

emerges that is both focused on individual client issues and on broader con-
textual issues. One of the key findings in our review is the critical role of basic
academic skills, which often form the basis for the acquisition of vocationally
relevant skills. The barriers in helping at-risk youth obtain the necessary skills
that are required by the labor market involve both internal issues as well as ex-
ternal issues. In addition to the development of cognitive skills, we identified
the role of an agentic and engaged psychological stance, including planful-
ness, flexibility, and self-determination. Thus, one of the inferences that can
be derived from the literature on at-risk youth is the importance of helping cli-
ents become empowered via the maximal development of their talents and
abilities as well as their natural strivings for self-determination.
Another theme that has emerged in the literature on at-risk youth is the
significant role that an active and engaged relational support system can
play in the lives of adolescents and emerging adults (Phillips et al., 2001). A
closer look at this literature in relation to counseling practice suggests that
the nature of the support encompasses emotional support and overt instru-
mental assistance in negotiating educational and vocational tasks. Moving
beyond the proximal context to more distal contexts suggests that at-risk
youth also benefit from engaged educational and vocational environments
that help young people learn about the interpersonal demands of work and
also about the role of continual education and training. In sum, the sort of
counseling interventions that would be most viable for at-risk youth would
include some of the traditional elements of effective vocational counseling
(S. D. Brown & Kane, 2000) along with integrative interventions that will
help young people to engage in systematic emotional growth, ideally culmi-
nating in a more internalized sense of agency and assertiveness. The litera-
ture on at-risk youth also suggests that the relational context and the
broader educational and vocational context can play critical roles in sup-
porting and nourishing the development of a meaningful working life. Thus,
systemic interventions that can expand opportunities and supportive condi-
tions for at-risk youth would be helpful in changing the opportunity struc-
ture. (Further details on the sort of changes that would be optimal are
presented in chapter 10.)
 COUNSELING AND THERAPEUT IC IMPLICATIONS / 265

Working With Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgendered Clients

One of the most invisible minority groups is the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and
transgendered community (Boatwright, Gilbert, Forrest, & Ketzenberger,
1996; Chung, 2001, 2003; Dunkle, 1996; Fassinger, 1996, 2000). For those
LGBT individuals who have access to the opportunity structure, the task of
selecting occupational options is complicated by the fact that significant prej-
udice, and indeed hatred, exists in many workplaces and educational settings
(Chung, 2001). For those LGBT individuals without access to education and
training that would foster greater volition and self-determination, the chal-
lenges posed in their working lives are even more pronounced (Boatwright et
al., 1996; Chung, 2001, 2003).
A core theme within the LGBT literature is the reality that the establish-
ment of a meaningful working plan involves far more complexity than it would
for heterosexual individuals (Chung, 2003; Fassinger, 1996). This complexity
has engendered the development of a broader and more integrative approach
to vocational counseling. For example, research has indicated that LGBT
young adults are often delayed in crystallizing their career plans because of
the psychological effort involved in dealing with their sexual orientation in a
society that stigmatizes all but heterosexual orientations (e.g., Boatwright et
al., 1996). The LGBT movement, like the multicultural, feminist, and disabil-
ity movements, has helped to contextualize vocational counseling practice.
The contextualization process has further fueled the development of a mode
of practice that seeks to help clients handle multiple issues at the same time
(Croteau & Bieschke, 1996; Dunkle, 1996). The following excerpt from a par-
ticipant in the Boatwright et al. study provides important insights into the
complex nature of establishing and adjusting to one’s work life:

Everything really got disrupted when I came out because I was spending a tre-
mendous amount of energy analyzing the propriety of it … and getting beyond
stereotypes to what it [lesbian identity] really was, so I could analyze it fairly,
and reject it or accept it in my own mind. I was exploring all kinds of other
issues with regards to intimacy which certainly took energy away from the
career plans I had. I had to find out what was more important: passing the bar
exam, or finding out who the hell I was. (p. 218)

In addition, the LGBT literature on vocational counseling has helped to

explore the role of discrimination and stigma in the psychological experience
of one’s working life (Chung, 2001). The nature of vocational and personal
counseling for LGBT clients with work-related issues naturally includes a fo-
cus on the social consequences of coming out to one’s colleagues as well as the
266 / CH A PT ER 8

consequences of maintaining anonymity with respect to sexual orientation

(Chung, 2001; Croteau & Bieschke, 1996). Thus, the process of counseling
necessarily entails a focus on the broader social and political climate that
frames a given community’s views about diversity with respect to sexual
orientation.
The two lessons that are derived from this brief overview of vocational
counseling with LGBT clients focus on themes that are prevalent throughout
this chapter. First, the nature of the relationship between sexual orientation
and the working world demands a broadened focus, one that does not create
arbitrary boundaries between personal and vocational issues. Second, the
question of determining how people adjust to the stigmatization of sexual ori-
entation ideally needs to encompass a discussion of how certain groups are
marginalized and how other groups are in the position of determining the mo-
res and values for an entire community. Consistent with Prilleltensky’s (1997)
position presented in chapter 7, a viable goal in working with LGBT clients
(and other marginalized clients) may optimally include a focus on liberation
and social change. In other words, it makes just as much sense (if not more
sense) for counselors to work on changing the underlying values that inher-
ently privilege heterosexuals over non-heterosexuals as it does to work solely
with LGBT clients to adapt to a heterosexist world.

Working With Unemployed Clients

The task of helping unemployed people across the life span locate sustainable
work has presented a major challenge to vocational counseling since the in-
ception of the field. Indeed, the relative lack of attention to the unemployed
in both the vocational psychology and psychotherapy literatures is notewor-
thy. Unemployment is a persistent and growing problem in many Western na-
tions (Herr et al., 2004). The consequences of unemployment range from
modest emotional upset to more substantive psychological problems (e.g., A.
Kahn, 1993; Price, Choi, & Vinokur, 2002; Vinokur, Schul, Vuori, & Price,
2000), impacting on the proximal context of one’s family and the more distal
context of an entire community and nation.
The struggle for unemployed people to find work in many ways parallels
the counseling challenges that are derived from an inclusive psychology of
working. Clearly, it would be ideal if unemployed individuals could obtain an
ideal fit between their personality attributes, values, and abilities and the de-
mands of the labor market. However, the reality is that many unemployed in-
dividuals strive primarily to obtain stable and financially secure work, with the
 COUNSELING AND THERAPEUT IC IMPLICATIONS / 267

goal of achieving a solid person–environment fit (P-E fit) moving to a second-

ary or tertiary level (Blustein et al., 2002; Herr et al., 2004). The need for sur-
vival among the unemployed, particularly those without financial supports,
naturally will overshadow the idealized P-E fit concept that has characterized
contemporary vocational counseling practice and theory to date.
One of the most popular means for unemployed adults to re-enter the
working world can be found in the Bolles and Bolles (2005) classic work, enti-
tled “What Color Is Your Parachute?” While this book also is recommended
for adults transitioning from one job to another, both counselors and clients
have found the Bolles and Bolles recommendations to be quite useful in nego-
tiating a transition back to employment from a period of unemployment. (It is
important to note that the Bolles and Bolles volume is oriented toward rela-
tively well-educated workers, thereby circumscribing its potential utility for
an inclusive psychological practice.) A key problem faced by many unem-
ployed individuals is the mismatch between the clients’ skills and the available
options in the labor market (H. Kahn, 2004; Rankin, 2003). As such, unem-
ployed individuals often need to consider a wider array of possibilities, some-
times well outside of their comfort zones. The Quick Job-Hunting Map
includes a Transferable Skills Inventory that provides a number of important
sources of information for clients. The Transferable Skills Inventory requires
that the client write seven brief essays on achievements and accomplishments
in any domain of life, including, but not limited to, the work domain. Once
these vignettes are constructed, the client then maps the skills that were mani-
fested in each accomplishment onto a chart that encompasses some broad
thematic areas representing a wide array of occupationally related skills. Cli-
ents are then asked to underline or circle the skills that they find interesting.
Once the skills map is completed, it provides clients with a visual schema of
accomplishments, which can be translated easily into skills. Ideally, clients,
with the help of counselors, can then explore how these skills can be used in
different fields. This process can be very helpful in facilitating a client’s move
from one area of interest to one that may offer more opportunities. More-
over, a latent effect of the Transferable Skills Inventory is that it can help to
bolster the self-efficacy of clients, many of whom may be particularly vulnera-
ble to losses in self-confidence and self-efficacy after losing a job.
While the Bolles and Bolles (2005) process of identifying alternative inter-
ests and outlets for skills represents one well-known system for dealing with
unemployment, pervasive challenges remain for unemployed clients (p. 287).
One of the most common findings in the literature on unemployment is the
rise in mental health problems as a result of a job loss (Diener & Seligman,
2004; Herr et al., 2004; Price et al., 2002). Given the important role that work
268 / CH A PT ER 8

plays in many clients’ sense of identity and self-worth (Mallinckrodt &

Bennett, 1992), the loss of one’s employment may lead to a more pervasive
sense of loss that can evoke depression and other psychological problems
(Herr et al., 2004). As such, working with unemployed clients very often ne-
cessitates a careful and comprehensive mental health examination to rule out
risk of suicide or other forms of self-injury. Moreover, the challenge of ob-
taining new sources of employment creates a great deal of stress, particularly
in light of rapidly changing demands within the labor market. As such, one of
the key ingredients in effective counseling for unemployed individuals is a
thoughtful and individually tailored synthesis of treatments that is centered
on a systematic integration of vocational counseling with psychotherapy and
perhaps psychopharmacology (as indicated by the client’s symptoms).
One of the most prominent interventions that has been developed for un-
employed adults is the JOBS program (Vinokur & Schul, 1997; Vinokur et al.,
2000). The JOBS program is a short-term intervention designed to provide
the participants with skills in managing the job search and with inoculation
strategies to reduce the aversive impact of setbacks in the reemployment pro-
cess. The program is generally delivered over a 1-week period in an intensive
fashion (five sessions consisting of 4 hours of psychoeducation each day). The
empirical findings from evaluations of the JOBS program 2 years after the in-
terventions indicated that the participants had greater success in their job
searches and also experienced fewer depressive symptoms than nonpartici-
pants (Vinokur et al., 2000). The strength of these findings suggests that psy-
chological interventions have a clear and instrumental role in the lives of
unemployed individuals.
Similar to the Vinokur et al. (2000) contributions on the JOBS program,
the literature on counseling unemployed individuals has also suggested the
importance of social learning principles as a means of enhancing the confi-
dence and behavioral effectiveness of job seekers (Sterrett, 1998). The use of
behavioral and social learning ideas in working with unemployed clients is
generally associated with the contributions of Azrin and his associates (e.g.,
Azrin, Phillip, Thienes-Hontos, & Besalel, 1981); in a series of studies in the
1970s and early 1980s, Azrin et al. developed a group intervention for the un-
employed that is known as the job club. Job clubs, which were established on
an explicit application of social learning principles (e.g., Bandura, 1986),
sought to use behavioral training, social reinforcement, and group support to
enhance the job-seeking behavior of a wide array of populations (Azrin et al.,
1981; Sterrett, 1998). In a recent analysis of job club methods, Sterrett argued
that the effectiveness of job clubs could be explained via Bandura’s social cog-
nitive theory. While Sterrett’s study is limited by a very small sample, her con-
 COUNSELING AND THERAPEUT IC IMPLICATIONS / 269

ceptual analysis of the job club methodology from a social cognitive

perspective was compelling, suggesting the importance of further work in this
area. Sterrett’s argument that job clubs are appropriately geared to enhance
self-efficacy with respect to the job search, is consistent with the focus of such
efforts on the development of enhanced skills and the rehearsal of adaptive
behaviors.
The contribution by Herr et al. (2004) provides a comprehensive treat-
ment of “best practices” that were derived from their review of the literature.
Herr and his colleagues identified three broad principles that can guide coun-
seling interventions for unemployed clients:

1. Counselors need to help clients explore the interconnections between

job loss and the psychological consequences of the transition to joblessness.
2. Counselors also would benefit from helping clients to connect to the
full array of community resources that can provide emotional and instru-
mental assistance during a period of unemployment. This recommendation
includes the important role of social support during unemployment, which
can help to ward off some of the more extreme mental health consequences
(Mallinckrodt & Bennett, 1992).
3. The third recommendation, which is a critical point in the unem-
ployment literature, is the need for counselors to provide more than
solely social and emotional support. Often, unemployed clients will have
multiple issues to contend with, such as lack of basic skills, transportation
hurdles, racial discrimination, family discord, and the like. Herr et al.
clearly state that counselors ought to help clients deal effectively with
these problems. Moreover, the Herr et al. focus on the need for greater
skill development is particularly noteworthy given the parallels that exist
with the at-risk literature.

When considered collectively, the various strands of literature reviewed thus

far suggest that the process of providing assistance to unemployed individuals
ideally would require a multidimensional approach. One dimension would
clearly involve a focus on the individual’s psychological construction of the job
loss. Rather than assuming that the job loss will have a predictable impact on an
individual’s psychological functioning, counselors would benefit from explor-
ing the unique meaning that the client attributes to the job loss. A second di-
mension pertains to the need for clients to develop their skills, both in
vocationally relevant areas (Herr et al., 2004) and in conducting the job search
(Azrin et al., 1981; Vinokur et al., 2000). A third dimension entails the develop-
ment of supportive and engaged social, economic, and educational systems that
270 / CH A PT ER 8

will furnish needed resources for unemployed individuals (Herr et al., 2004).
These services would range from financial support during periods of unem-
ployment to the provision of child care services, further education and voca-
tional training, and enhancing the availability of jobs (Wilson, 1996).

Working With Clients of Color

As I detailed in chapter 6, the discrimination and racism that exists in many

contexts clearly disadvantages people of color in relation to the resources
needed to develop a meaningful working life (Carter & Cook, 1992; Fouad &
Bingham, 1995; Helms & Cook, 1999). The literature on vocational counsel-
ing interventions with clients of color offers a number of important sugges-
tions for our efforts to construct an inclusive approach to psychological
interventions for the full gamut of people who work or wish to work (e.g.,
Carter & Cook, 1992; Helms & Cook, 1999; Leong, 1995). A careful analysis
of the literature in this area suggests the critical importance of the role of cul-
ture in the construction and delivery of vocational interventions and the need
for systemic and activist approaches that will redress structural barriers to
meaningful employment (Leong & Hartung, 2000; Walsh et al., 2001).
The role of culture in career counseling has been a core element in the
models proposed by Carter and Cook (1992), Helms and Cook (1999), Fouad
and Bingham (1995), Gysbers et al. (2003), and N. Peterson and González
(2005). An integrative view of these perspectives reveals a number of promi-
nent themes, which are summarized below:

1. Counselors need to carefully explore the cultural experience of their

clients. This process of exploration involves not just understanding the
broad overtones of a given culture, but a thorough examination of the cli-
ent’s unique experiences and constructions that are framed by cultural
meanings and influences.
2. In addition to understanding the cultural context of a given client,
relevant individual difference factors need to be understood and affirmed.
Gysbers et al. proposed that the client’s worldview, racial identity status,
and level of acculturation are important person-centered variables that
need to be explored in the counseling relationship. The worldview refers to
the “frame of reference through which one experiences life. It is the foun-
dation of values, attitudes, and relations” (Fouad & Bingham, 1995, p.
335). Racial identity, which was described in further detail in chapter 6, re-
fers to “a complex psychosocial process that encompasses race or ethnic re-
 COUNSELING AND THERAPEUT IC IMPLICATIONS / 271

lated attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors” with a focus on “… understanding

oneself within a racially oppressive environment” (Gysbers et al., 2003, p.
64). Acculturation refers to the capacity to maintain dual or multiple cul-
tural identities, resulting in an individual having the ability to maintain
connection to the culture of one’s family and background while also dem-
onstrating the ability to relate to a new culture.
3. Careful attention to the role of culture in the development and ex-
pression of vocational attitudes, beliefs, and interests is advised through-
out the process of assessment and counseling (Carter & Cook, 1992; Fouad
& Bingham, 1995). For example, the models proposed by Fouad and
Bingham as well as Carter and Cook are based on the systematic and delib-
erate infusion of affirming views of cultural diversity throughout the entire
counseling process, from intake to the final termination phase.
4. A clear convergence of opinion by major scholars in multicultural
counseling implicates structural barriers, such as poor educational oppor-
tunities, continued existence of racism, inadequate housing, and unsafe
living conditions (e.g., Arbona, 2000; Carter & Cook, 1992; Helms &
Cook, 1999) as playing a critical role in the overwhelming array of barriers
that people of color face as they seek to enter the world of work (cf.
McWhirter, Crothers, & Rasheed, 2000).

The final point raised here regarding the structural barriers that unfairly
affect people of color leads to the next major theme that has emerged in the
multicultural vocational counseling literature, pertaining to the pervasive
role of structural social and economic barriers. In short, structural barriers ex-
ist that profoundly reduce opportunities for people of color in the United
States and a number of other Western nations (e.g., Carter & Cook, 1992;
Sue, 2004; Wilson, 1996). As the counseling profession has increasingly
sought to understand the nature and impact of these inequities, greater advo-
cacy efforts have emerged that have challenged the existence of structural
barriers in education (e.g., Fine, 2004), in vocational opportunities (e.g.,
Carter & Cook, 1992; Wilson, 1996), and in access to health care and other at-
tributes of a resource-rich life (e.g., Riley, 1997). A number of options exist
with respect to working with clients in light of the structural barriers that con-
tinue to reduce access to opportunity. First, counselors have been encouraged
to leave the confines of their counseling offices and practices to become more
involved in social change and political advocacy work directed to reducing
structural barriers (e.g., Goodman et al., 2004; Vera & Speight, 2003). (These
recommendations are discussed further in chapter 10.) Second, counselors
have explored the possibilities of enhancing the critical consciousness of cli-
272 / CH A PT ER 8

ents of color (Goodman et al., 2004; Helms & Cook, 1999), which represents a
potentially important direction for psychological practice that is affirming of
work-related experiences.
The idea of counselors working with systems as well as individual clients,
naturally, has a long history in our field (e.g., Carter & Cook, 1992; Kiselica &
Robinson, 2001). In relation to the challenges that people of color face as they
negotiate the world of training, education, and employment, it seems clear
that effective counseling needs to include a focus on helping to reduce dis-
crimination, racism, and other social barriers that collude with racism to re-
duce opportunities (cf. Carter & Cook, 1992). The difficulties in finding the
means for counselors to move into social advocacy roles also have been de-
tailed extensively in recent contributions (e.g., Goodman et al., 2004; Helms,
2003). Nevertheless, despite these obstacles, including resolving the question
of who will pay counselors for engaging in social advocacy, the reality is that
social changes are needed to create more equity in education and work for
people of color. (As I detail in chapter 10, I believe that the psychology of
working can be very instrumental in helping counselors and other mental
health professionals find ways of enhancing their impact in relation to the sys-
tems that frame individual working experiences, such as education, training,
employment, support in transitioning between employment roles, and
enhancing dignity at work).
The notion of enhancing critical consciousness has its roots in education and
liberation theology (e.g., Friere, 1970/1993; Martín-Baró, 1994). Critical con-
sciousness refers to the process of learning “to perceive the social, political, and
economic contradictions, and to take action against the oppressive elements of
reality” (Freire, 1970/1993, p. 17). For example, enhancing critical conscious-
ness would entail helping clients to understand, both emotionally and intellec-
tually, the implications of slavery and racism, with the goal of helping students
of color and European American students to learn about the nature of contem-
porary racism and its impact on the current occupational landscape. By enhanc-
ing critical consciousness, it may be possible for clients and students to become
more engaged in political activities that will help to reduce inequities. For ex-
ample, rather than internalizing a sense of powerless in the face of reducing op-
portunities in urban communities in the United States, a critical consciousness
approach would entail the use of diverse art forms and cultural means (such as
hip hop music; paintings within urban landscapes) as well as social advocacy to
detail the consequences of reduced opportunities in the lived experiences of
people of color. It is important to note here, though, that I do not advocate for
solely a critical consciousness approach, as the process of fostering change
should not be left to those who are most overtly marginalized.
 COUNSELING AND THERAPEUT IC IMPLICATIONS / 273

As reflected in chapter 6 and in many other resources (e.g., Fouad &

Bingham, 1995; Helms & Cook, 1999), explorations of the impact of race and
racism in vocational psychology have played and will continue to play a major
role in informing the psychology of working. In relation to counseling prac-
tice, multicultural scholars and practitioners have taught clinicians important
lessons that are very relevant to the present discussion. First, racism and other
forms of ethnically based prejudice are very real and serious barriers that are
not solely historical artifacts (e.g., Helms & Cook, 1999; Sue, 2004; Wachtel,
1999). Indeed, racism lingers in many corners of the occupational world and
often moves beyond those corners into center stage (e.g., Leong, 1995; Walsh
et al., 2001). Second, the task of helping a client locate a meaningful line of
work is often not the major objective for people whose rates of unemploy-
ment and underemployment have consistently been elevated in comparison
to European Americans. Often the need for work that will fulfill survival
needs takes precedence over seeking out an optimal person–environment fit.
As many scholars have noted (e.g., Arbona, 1995; Carter & Cook, 1992;
Smith, 1983), the work experiences of African Americans and Latinos in the
United States has often denigrated their self-concept as opposed to providing
an outlet for their interests and talents. In effect, the psychology of working is
an outgrowth of this literature in that it seeks to develop a means of under-
standing and intervening in the world of all people who work, including the
vast numbers of people of color who often toil in jobs that are not fulfilling
(Helms & Cook, 1999; Smith, 1983). Consistent with the position that I have
been advocating throughout this book, the psychology of working seeks to
carve out a space within the critical psychological discourse that will help to
change structural barriers so that options for meaningful work are
increasingly available for all people, regardless of their backgrounds.

The Psychology of Working

and Psychological Practice: Conclusion

This review of the current status of vocational counseling and psychotherapy

has revealed a number of important ideas and themes that are highly relevant
in developing a viable mode of practice derived from the psychology of work-
ing. One of the themes is that working is a central aspect of life and that its
centrality ought to be no less apparent in psychotherapeutic theory and prac-
tice. In addition, integrating vocational and nonvocational issues in counsel-
ing and psychotherapy seems to be a logically compelling idea for clients who
present with work-related issues in tandem with psychosocial challenges. Fur-
274 / CH A PT ER 8

thermore, the guideposts for the development of a fully inclusive approach to

psychological practice that affirms and dignifies working are clearly evident in
the treatment recommendations emerging from client populations who have
been marginalized in psychotherapy theory and research. These guideposts
are further explored in the next chapter, which seeks to map the next genera-
tion of psychotherapeutic practice that will be maximally inclusive of the full
range of clients’ experiences and life circumstances.
 Toward an Inclusive Psychological Practice

What is of particular interest here is the extent to which ignoring work

and work-related issues in the enterprise of counseling and psycho-
therapy may function to help maintain the blindness of our theories
and models of therapeutic intervention to socially structured inequi-
ties such as gender, race, and class. These inequities have powerful ef-
fects on the opportunities and resources available through work in the
occupational structure. Not attending to the significance of work and
work-related issues as central to therapeutic practice may essentially
insulate practitioners from these uncomfortable realities.
—M. S. Richardson (1996, p. 357)

Finally, and on a more informal note, we can consider the insepara-

bility of the “career” and the “personal” in our own lives. How many
of us, for example, would easily sustain loss of or failure in our career
without some threat to our level of self-esteem, life satisfaction, and
psychological well being? How many of us will painlessly make the
transition to retirement from our careers? How many of us could
provide easy answers to the dilemmas of spouse partner geographic
mobility?
—Betz & Corning (1993, p. 142)

As the literature reviewed thus far, and in particular in chapter 8, suggests, a

relevant body of knowledge does indeed exist on the margins of vocational
and psychotherapeutic practice, which has the potential to inform an inclu-
sive psychological practice that effectively embraces work-related issues. In
this chapter, I seek to develop a comprehensive mode of psychological prac-
tice that will fully embrace the working aspects of life as well as the non-
working aspects. In addition, I present two cases that illuminate the inclusive
counseling perspective that flows logically from the literature on the psychol-
ogy of working. To underscore the importance of systemic as well as individual
275
276 / CH A PT ER 9

interventions, I also highlight some implications for public policy advocacy

and social change that emerge from these two cases.
The question of how to refer to psychological practice in the working realm
has already generated a thoughtful debate. M. S. Richardson (1996) devel-
oped an argument for the use of the term “counseling/psychotherapy and
work, jobs, and careers” (p. 355) as a result of her insightful critique of con-
temporary career counseling and psychotherapy. This term is certainly de-
scriptive and comes close to the goals that I outline here. However, my
position is that any clinician or therapist who seeks to engage in a comprehen-
sive and empathic treatment of individuals or groups will need to understand
the importance and complexity of working in people’s lives. As such, I use the
term “inclusive psychological practice” to refer to the integrative counseling
and psychotherapy approach that is advanced in the forthcoming sections of
this chapter. The use of this umbrella term allows for those who are focusing
more on the vocational and/or nonvocational aspects of treatment to find a
welcome space within this evolving perspective. Thus, there may be times
when the clinical work is more similar to traditional vocational counseling,
with a focus on decision making and vocational exploration tasks. In addition,
inclusive psychological practice may be analogous to longer term, insight-ori-
ented psychotherapy or a more focused cognitive-behavioral or solution-fo-
cused treatment. The consistent element of an inclusive psychological
practice is an explicit and affirming view of the importance of working and the
role that work plays in the full spectrum of human life (including fulfilling
needs for survival, social/economic power, relational connections, and self-
determination).

Creating the Space for Work-Related Issues

in Psychological Practice

One of the first tasks for therapists and counselors is to create space for clients
to express their work-related concerns in treatment. In the traditional modal-
ity of vocational counseling, naturally, this task is inherent to the process.
However, in the more traditional forms of mental health practice, including
psychodynamically oriented therapy, cognitive-behavioral treatment, and in
the vast array of treatments that characterize contemporary psychotherapy,
the task of opening up the space for work-related issues may be more difficult.
As I have indicated throughout this book, a key issue for therapists is to vali-
date and dignify clients’ issues about working. Of course, there may be occa-
sions when the work-related issues do in fact represent an unresolved family
 AN INCLUSIVE PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICE / 277

drama or pervasive unresolved authority issues; however, the essence of the

material presented in this book is that work-related problems and concerns
are very real and merit our full attention as clinicians.

Assessing Work-Related Challenges and Strengths

How, then, does a therapist convey this concern to clients in a manner that is
authentic? One option would be to include questions about a client’s work
history in an intake or initial assessment. In my experience, a client’s work his-
tory offers considerable insights into the nature of an individual’s capacity to
effectively negotiate with the external world and to manage one’s inner life.
Moreover, data derived from an individual’s work history may convey aspects
of strength and vigor, which may be helpful to highlight in light of current
struggles and symptoms. The types of questions that may be fruitful in an in-
take include the following:

1. How would you describe your current working life?

a. To what extent are you happy and/or content at work?
b. How would you like to change your working life, if at all?
c. How effectively is work meeting your needs for survival?
d. How effectively is work meeting your relational and social needs?
e. To what extent do you believe that you can determine your future in
your working life? In other words, how much choice or control do you
exercise in the type of work you do?
2. Tell me the story of how you moved from school to your current working
life.
3. How do you define or construct the concept of work?
4. What are your strengths in your working life?
5. What sort of struggles and psychological pain do you experience at
work?
6. How do you balance your family and caregiving responsibilities with
work in the paid labor market?

In my view, raising questions early on in the therapeutic process may send

clear signals to clients that work-related issues are part of the terrain of psy-
chotherapy. Furthermore, as M. S. Richardson (1996) suggested, by including
an explicit focus on working, therapists are conveying to clients that issues
pertaining to the broader social, economic, and political context are viable
pathways for psychotherapeutic discourse. Moreover, therapists need to be
278 / CH A PT ER 9

able to explore the psychological complexity of work. Recent psychodynam-

ically oriented considerations of work in psychotherapy by Axelrod (1999)
and Socarides and Kramer (1997) attest to the potential richness of work-re-
lated issues in psychological practice. In short, when clients bring up work-re-
lated issues in psychotherapy, therapists need to treat the material with the
same degree of gravity and depth as they would any other domain of life expe-
rience. Conveying this attitude consistently in the therapy process will provide
a strong platform for an informed, validating, and, ultimately, effective treat-
ment of the entire fabric of a client’s life.

Articulating the Goals of Inclusive Psychological Practice

Once space has been created for an inclusive approach to psychological prac-
tice, the therapist and client need to mutually concur on the goals for compre-
hensive treatment. Similar to the domain-sensitive approach (Blustein &
Spengler, 1995), I advocate that the goals and therapeutic modalities of an in-
clusive psychological practice be consensually agreed upon by the therapist and
client. Naturally, the goals need to encompass any outstanding mental health
issues, such as major depression, the advent of a biologically oriented disorder
(e.g., schizophrenia), and suicidal risk. As I have stated in chapter 8 and else-
where (e.g., Blustein & Spengler, 1995), issues relating to the client’s welfare
and safety need to take precedence in an inclusive psychological practice.

Empowerment. One of the key goals in an inclusive mode of practice is to

help enhance a client’s sense of empowerment (cf. M. S. Richardson, 2000).
While empowerment as a goal in treatment has a rich history in feminist
thought (e.g., L. Brooks & Forrest, 1994) as well as in counseling practice
(e.g., McWhirter, 1994), empowerment, in of itself, does not fully embrace
the scope of the problems faced by people as they attempt to fulfill their
work-related needs. For example, being empowered may not help an individ-
ual create a job where none exists or may not help when racism is pervasive.
Nevertheless, given that the focus of this chapter is on individual interven-
tions, a discussion of empowerment as a goal of inclusive psychological prac-
tice seems warranted. In short, empowerment refers to the development of
goal-directed behaviors that also lead to mastery within relevant domains
(Richardson). More precisely, the goal-directed aspects of empowerment, ac-
cording to Richardson, are critical in providing individuals with a clear sense
of where they are going in their lives. Richardson proposes that the goal-di-
 AN INCLUSIVE PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICE / 279

rected aspects of empowerment are still relevant, if not even more important,
in light of the post-modern assumptions of constant change and flux. How-
ever, she notes that the nature of goal identification may need to reflect the
mutability of contemporary life and particularly the mutability of the working
context.
The second aspect of empowerment in M. S. Richardson’s (2000) frame-
work pertains to the development of the skills, competencies, and attributes
that will result in effective and agentic engagement with the world. When con-
sidering the skill-building aspect of empowerment in the Richardson contri-
bution in light of the literature reviewed earlier in this chapter, it becomes
clear that an inclusive psychological practice needs to focus on helping clients
to develop their talents and abilities to their fullest. Moreover, the facilitation
of cognitively based skills ought to be complemented by an equal focus on psy-
chological and interpersonal skills needed by the world of work in the 21st
century.
One of the clearest trends noted in this book and in others (e.g., Rifkin,
1995; Wilson, 1996) is the need for a highly skilled workforce. The nature of
these skills, of course, varies. However, the prevailing wisdom is that workers
need to be able to read well and understand verbal and written communica-
tion in a highly literate fashion. In addition, workers need to exercise compe-
tence in quantitative reasoning and in writing (Bynner et al., 1997; Marshall &
Tucker, 1992). Given the importance of skills across the full spectrum of the
labor market (Rose, 2004), counseling efforts may optimally focus on enhanc-
ing clients’ sense of power and competence by helping them to acquire high
levels of basic skills.
The reality of much psychological practice is that many clinicians work on
their own or work in small cohorts of practitioners who are often not highly
engaged in the support services of a given community. One means of combat-
ing this isolation (which is a major challenge for many therapists and counsel-
ors) is to establish professional relationships with programs in one’s
community that provide opportunities for basic skills development. Adult
learning centers, many of which are located in high schools, represent one via-
ble option. I also suggest that counselors connect with local colleges and uni-
versities, especially community colleges, which provide numerous
opportunities for skills development for young learners as well as older learn-
ers. Dealing with client resistance to retraining and retooling is another major
challenge, one that I identified in chapter 7 as an important research agenda
for the psychology of working. In my view, clients who are faced with the need
to retool and retrain represent a growing proportion of people who will be
seeking out services in the coming decades. Obviously, there are no easy an-
280 / CH A PT ER 9

swers in helping clients to face a reality of ongoing education and training, es-
pecially in light of the fact that there are no guarantees that skills building will
necessarily yield uniformly positive outcomes. (The case of Bill, described
later in this chapter, explores some ways of dealing with this resistance in
treatment.)
Other aspects of skill building need to encompass the noncognitive array of
factors that have been associated with adaptive transitions to working (e.g.,
Blustein et al., 2000). The consensus of opinion among scholars studying
workforce development is that interpersonal skills and the capacity to func-
tion effectively in small groups is one of the key ingredients to a successful
worker (Blustein et al., 2000; Marshall & Tucker, 1992). Therapists can work
with clients in a number of creative ways that may help to enhance their ability
to function well in an interpersonally demanding work environment. For ex-
ample, for clients who report difficulties in their interpersonal relationships
at work, it is important to explore these issues in depth, observing for in-ses-
sion experiences that parallel the client’s presenting concerns. Once these re-
lationship patterns emerge in treatment, I would suggest a cautious
exploration of the here-and-now interactions in which these interpersonal
problems have become evident, following Wachtel’s (1993) recommenda-
tions on how to communicate about potentially painful issues in treatment.
Other viable recommendations would be the use of group treatments to ex-
plore the impact of various client behaviors in interpersonal settings. Indeed,
the critical role of interpersonal skills in the working world of the 21st century
provides a viable role for group work in an inclusive psychological practice.

Fostering Critical Consciousness. A major theme of the psychology of

working is that changes are needed throughout the broader social and politi-
cal world to reduce inequities that are most evident in education, training,
and working. Therefore, another viable goal for counselors and therapists
would be to develop clients’ critical consciousness. As Freire (1993) advo-
cated in his contributions on the role of education as a means of liberation,
critical consciousness encompasses individuals’ ability to reflect upon the
broad structural aspects of the world and to take action on these observations.
The structural aspects of the social world that are inherent in critical con-
sciousness include the economic, historical, political structures, and cultural
aspects of human experience that often intersect in unique ways to maintain a
given status quo. The status quo very often will privilege some groups over
other groups, based on demographic attributes, immigrant status, or other su-
perficial qualities. A critical consciousness view of outsourcing computer jobs
 AN INCLUSIVE PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICE / 281

to India, for example, would encompass knowledge about the impact of global
capitalism coupled with the reality that many workers experience diminished
power in the face of competing for jobs. One outcome of critical conscious-
ness, for example, may be for workers to form unions or professional associa-
tions to represent their interests in a collective fashion. For urban youth living
in inner cities, critical consciousness may be reflected in less self-blame,
greater strength in the face of racism, and engagement in political activities
designed to empower disenfranchised communities (Watts, Abdul-Adil, &
Pratt, 2002).
The question of how to foster critical consciousness in the process of coun-
seling is a complex issue, one that in many ways brings us to the crux of a di-
lemma about the nature of psychological interventions. On one hand, many
counselors might find it difficult to infuse such an explicit political focus in
their work. One of the arguments advanced by those questioning the critical
consciousness perspective is that such a movement reduces the extent to
which the counseling process can be value-neutral (Robinson, 1984). In con-
trast to this position, the emancipatory communitarian approach
(Prilleltensky, 1997) is based on the premise that values are inherent in psych-
ological work of all sorts, including counseling and psychotherapy. My posi-
tion here is aligned with Prilleltensky’s in that the counseling process is
inherently laden with values. That some therapists would advocate that their
clients enhance their critical consciousness is not necessarily problematic in
my view. I do not believe, however, that counseling ought to turn into an
exclusively political discourse that would obviate the client’s individual con-
cerns and individual constructions of relevant issues. Rather, I propose a pro-
cess of helping clients to become increasingly knowledgeable about the
sociopolitical structures that influence their lives—and particularly their
working lives—in a manner that is thoughtfully weaved into the counseling
experience.
A logical consideration that might arise here is how critical consciousness
might actually help a given client. An enhanced level of critical consciousness
would ideally help clients to engage in less self-blame with respect to struggles
in locating and sustaining meaningful work. In addition, critical conscious-
ness may serve as a buffer against some of the stark blows to one’s self-esteem
that characterize many contemporary workplaces (Sennett, 1998; Wilson,
1996). Furthermore, growth in critical consciousness would help clients to or-
ganize their efforts to advocate for political and economic changes that
support the very human need to work.
Given these two broad goals for inclusive psychological practice, therapists
can then construct more individualized goals that are tailored around the cli-
282 / CH A PT ER 9

ent’s specific goals. As I have indicated earlier, these goals need not exclu-
sively focus on the working context. Indeed, one of the themes of this book is
that working is embedded in the full texture of people’s lives, thereby suggest-
ing that counseling and psychotherapy in the working domain would not al-
ways have consistent thematic elements. In addition to this discussion of the
content of an inclusive psychological practice, a full appreciation of this per-
spective necessarily includes a focus on the process of therapeutic change,
which is explored next.

The Process of Inclusive Psychological Practice

Considerations of counseling and psychotherapeutic process have long been

part of the intellectual research agenda of counseling psychology (e.g.,
Heppner & Heppner, 2003; Hill & Williams, 2000). The major questions that
have been raised in the process literature have focused on identifying the
change elements that are responsible for positive outcomes in counseling and
psychotherapy (Hill & Williams, 2000). In the working domain, my definition
of process is similar to the one proposed by Heppner and Heppner in their de-
scription of process as “the overt and covert thoughts, feelings, and behaviors
of both client and counselor during a career counseling session” (2003, pp.
430–431). Examining the process elements of an inclusive psychological prac-
tice would encompass relevant contributions from the psychotherapy and
vocational counseling literatures along with some observations inferred
based on the analyses conducted in preparing this book.

Potential Core Elements of Inclusive Psychological Practice. Without an

empirical and theoretical road map, it is perhaps a bit premature to discuss
core elements of any particular therapeutic concept emerging from the psy-
chology of working. However, given that the essence of intervening effectively
with clients will be similar, although clearly not identical across content do-
mains (Blustein & Spengler, 1995; Heppner & Heppner, 2003; Swanson,
1995), it would seem logical to expect that the same sets of qualities would be
important in an inclusive psychological practice. Several core elements
emerge when integrating the Hill and Williams analysis on general psycho-
therapy process research, the Heppner and Heppner analysis of career coun-
seling, and other contributions from the psychotherapy literature (e.g.,
Teyber & McClure, 2000; Wachtel, 1993; Wampold, 2001). I list these below
with an infusion of a psychology-of-working perspective, which will connect
these concepts clearly to the agenda I am advocating in this book:
 AN INCLUSIVE PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICE / 283

1. Working Alliance: The importance of the working alliance (also

known as a therapeutic alliance) has an historic place in both psychother-
apy (Bordin, 1979) and career counseling (Meara & Patton, 1994). The
working alliance refers to the development of a complex and affirming re-
lationship between therapist and client that is characterized by the capacity
to take the necessary level of perspective needed for the treatment to ad-
vance (Meara & Patton). In addition, “a good initial therapeutic alliance
provides the context within which the therapist can use other interventions
to achieve therapeutic effect” (Bohart & Greenberg, 1997, p. 13). In the
context of an inclusive psychological practice, the working alliance is con-
sidered to be very important for effective treatment to ensue. The nature of
an inclusive psychological practice is constructed around a sound and flexi-
ble working alliance that will allow for needed explorations of the thera-
peutic relationship and for the discussion of painful material as well as
material that is ultimately empowering.
2. Interpretation: As in most modes of psychotherapy, the role of inter-
pretation is likely to remain paramount in an inclusive psychological prac-
tice (Heppner & Heppner, 2003; Wachtel, 1993). In relation to the
psychology of working, interpretation may assume the traditional psycho-
analytic direction of exploring the intrapsychic basis for a given set of expe-
riences or reactions. In the language and methodology of the newer
analytic approaches based on self psychology and intersubjectivity
(Stolorow & Atwood, 1997; Atwood, Orange, & Stolorow, 2002), interpre-
tation can also be instrumental in helping a client reintegrate previously
disavowed affect. In a similar vein, a cognitive-behavioral stance may yield
an equally intrapsychic interpretation, with a focus on cognitions as op-
posed to disavowed affect or unconscious drives. However, interpretations
might also encompass a focus on sociopolitical circumstances, thereby
helping clients to understand the broader structural aspects of life experi-
ence that play a role in a person’s life. The manifestation of interpretation
in the psychology of working may entail a wide range of issues, including
such standard vocational treatments as an analysis of interest inventory
returns in light of a given client’s aspirations or an exploration of a client’s
resistance to committing to a decision. In addition, psychological interpre-
tation may include examining the meaning of intense feelings of hurt and
anger in relation to supervisory feedback at work as well as in relation to
the sociopolitical causes of diminishing job opportunities in a previously
flush labor market.
3. Exploring Discrepant Beliefs and Behaviors: In contrast to the Hill and
Williams (2000) and Heppner and Heppner (2003) positions that describe
284 / CH A PT ER 9

confrontation as a process component, I prefer to use Wachtel’s (1993)

conceptualization (and corresponding terminology) to convey the impor-
tance of exploring discrepant beliefs and behaviors. The provision of feed-
back or input to a client that differs from a client’s core understanding of a
given set of beliefs, feelings, and reactions to events forms a key element in
the psychotherapy change process. Following the recommendations of
Wachtel, I view the careful and empathic articulation of alternatives to pre-
vailing client intrapsychic constructions as a major source of therapeutic
change. The key difference between confrontation and the more explor-
atory tone that I adopt here is based on the notion that therapists and cli-
ents are mutually discovering the lived experience of a client (Stolorow &
Atwood, 1997; Wachtel, 1993). Given the advances in social construction-
ist thought (cf. Gergen, 1999), I believe that confrontation, which assumes
a reality defined by the therapist, is generally not helpful. (Of course, there
are exceptions as there are to most inferences in psychological discourse.
In this case, confrontation is useful when clients are abusing drugs, abusing
others, or otherwise depriving themselves and others of their basic human
rights.) In the psychology-of-working realm, providing discrepant infor-
mation can help clients to face their underlying, and often disavowed, feel-
ings about the ways in which the opportunity structure and racism have
colluded to reduce their options. Initially, a client may respond with feel-
ings of anger or helplessness; however, creatively constructed therapeutic
efforts may help to channel this anger into critical consciousness, thereby
enhancing the client’s overall capacity to read and respond to the social re-
alities. Another example of using discrepant information in therapy is to
help clients who may have foreclosed on given choices and options due to
sex-role socialization to consider alternatives in areas that had been here-
tofore dismissed. This process, which is akin to Gottfredson’s (2002) ideas
about expanding the zone of alternatives, may involve complex sets of is-
sues pertaining to a client’s beliefs about social status, gender, and occupa-
tional attainment.
4. Helping Clients Change: One of Wachtel’s (1993) most important
contributions is his focus on creating the appropriate conditions for client
change. Similarly, Hill and Williams noted the importance of encouraging
client action, which Heppner and Heppner (2003) echoed in their contri-
bution on career counseling process. For those of us who have practiced
psychotherapy, the struggles of helping clients to move from insight to ac-
tion is certainly no easy task. An inclusive psychological practice does not
offer simple remedies. Yet, at the same time, I believe that a focus on the
working context brings clients closer to the real-life experiences that they
 AN INCLUSIVE PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICE / 285

face outside of the consulting office, and therefore may offer some useful
means of rooting therapeutic efforts in an action-oriented framework. As
M. S. Richardson (1996) noted, by including work-related issues in the dis-
course of psychotherapy, clinicians are confronted with social inequities,
racism, sexism, classism, and heterosexism in a manner that may have felt
abstract within a more circumscribed interpersonal and intrapersonal
framework. Some examples of helping clients to change were foreshad-
owed earlier in the discussion of the importance of enhancing both basic
skills and vocationally relevant skills among our clients. Improving a cli-
ent’s skills set can have dramatic effects on self-esteem (Creed, Bloxsome,
& Johnston, 2001; Creed, Hicks, & Machin, 1998) as well as on a client’s
ability to negotiate a rapidly changing world of work. Furthermore, helping
clients to become more assertive in the face of abusive supervisors can lead
to changes in the working environment that can have a ripple-like effect
throughout the various domains of life.

When considered collectively, these four change elements place an inclu-

sive psychological practice into the conceptual rubric of well-established psy-
chological interventions. However, I would like to underscore the tentative
nature of my analysis given that the perspective I am advancing is novel and
has not been explored empirically. Ideally, as counselors and therapists begin
to expand their practices to fully embrace the full scope of contemporary life
including working, it will be possible to revisit this brief list of change factors
to assess their veracity in light of empirical evidence and clinical experiences.

The Role of Assessment in Inclusive Psychological Practice

Within traditional vocational counseling, assessment has played, and no

doubt will continue to play, a major role in psychological interventions. In-
deed, the reviews by Brown and colleagues (Brown & Ryan, 2003; Brown &
Krane, 2000) along with the review by Whiston, Breicheisen, and Stephens
(2003) point to the consistent role of vocational appraisal (generally of inter-
ests or personality type) in vocational counseling. Consistent with the goals of
the psychology-of-working initiative, I seek to construct a perspective and a
practice modality that will be far more inclusive than the traditional modali-
ties of vocational counseling and psychotherapy to date. So, one might won-
der, how would assessment fare in this new, expanded field?
Given that my objective is not to supplant existing modalities of interven-
tion, but to enhance, enrich, and ultimately create different modes of practice
286 / CH A PT ER 9

for clients who had not been previously served in traditional treatment mo-
dalities, I would envision a healthy future for vocational appraisal. Naturally,
when clients enter counseling with questions related to decisional dilemmas
and the need to expand one’s array of considerations, vocational interest tests
and other measures may be helpful. However, as the work of counselors ex-
pands beyond the middle-class, European-American realm, it is critically im-
portant to construct measures that are relevant and informative to a wider
array of client populations. As such, the normative groups that are used to val-
idate tests need to be expanded so that the true scope of a given population is
represented. In addition, I support the calls for culturally framed interpreta-
tions of tests (e.g., Fouad & Walker, 2005; Helms & Cook, 1999), which insist
that test results be viewed from an explicit cultural framework in which the
meaning of the items and the nature of the scores is embedded within the
cultural understandings of the client’s life space and worldview.
In my view, vocational appraisal has the potential to function as both a so-
cial barrier and social resource. As detailed in the debates on the use of Hol-
land’s (1994) Self-Directed Search (Spokane, Luchetta, & Richwine, 2002),
scores can be used to describe the status quo with respect to the distribution
of personality types in relation to sex and/or racial group. Alternately, some
argue (e.g., Fouad & Spreda, 1995; Prediger & Swaney, 1995) that test
scores can be configured in a way that will enhance clients’ options without
distorting their meaning or validity. For example, many women will score
higher on the areas of an interest inventory that reflect their own experi-
ences, such as working in nurturing roles and working in clerical tasks, which
are embedded within contemporary socialization processes. These sorts of
responses, however, will enhance their scores on the personality types (such
as Conventional or Social) that are not associated with more prestige and
power in the contemporary social and economic world. This debate has
evoked a complex discussion about the use of norm-referenced scores for
each sex, which is beyond the scope of this book (see Betz, 1993, and Zunker
& Osborn, 2002, for informative reviews of this debate). However, in accor-
dance with the social change mission of the psychology of working, I advo-
cate that test developers and psychologists who work with such developers
appreciate how powerful test results can be in people’s lives. Given psychol-
ogy’s role in the use of intellectual testing as a means of controlling access to
schools and opportunities (Helms et al., 2005; Marshall & Tucker, 1992),
our field needs to be particularly careful in the design and use of testing ma-
terials. (I refer interested readers to Helms et al., 2005, for a further discus-
sion of the complexities of intellectual assessment and social change.) When
constructed in light of needs of clients and students, testing has the capacity
 AN INCLUSIVE PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICE / 287

to provide individuals with important information that can help identify un-
tapped talents. Yet, at the same time, testing can be used to sort people into
categories that further reify differences based on demographics, ethnicity,
and other irrelevant attributes of individuals.
Moving beyond the realm of traditional vocational counseling to the inclu-
sive psychological practice that is advanced herein, I do envision an important
role for testing in the design and delivery of counseling services. For counseling
issues that revolve around person–environment fit issues, the traditional tripar-
tite mode of assessment of interests, personality, and abilities/achievements
can be informative. However, given the problems with assessing and interpret-
ing measures based on the “g” factor (cf. Eisner, 2004; Helms et al., 2005; W.
Johnson, Bouchard, Krueger, McGue, & Gottesman, 2004), I advise that coun-
selors explore other, less traditional means of assessing abilities and achieve-
ments. For those clients who have some experience in the working world, I
suggest the use of the Transferable Skills Inventory (Bolles & Bolles, 2005),
which I reviewed in chapter 8. Similarly, I hope that greater efforts will be de-
voted to designing personality assessments that are based on meaningful and
culturally embedded taxonomies, which are relevant for each group of clients.
In addition to revisions needed for existing assessment practice, I believe
that an expanded net of tools can be useful in an inclusive psychological prac-
tice. For example, recent research has revealed that considerable differences
exist in how people construct work, school, vocational training, and education
(Chaves et al., 2004; Cinnamon & Gifsch, 2004). Initial qualitative research in
this area has revealed some notable distinctions that would very likely affect
how counselors would optimally discuss work-related issues in treatment
(Chaves et al., 2004). Given the strong trends identified in this research, I be-
lieve that a need exists for a user-friendly quantitative measure of construc-
tions of work that may have informative implications for practitioners. In
addition, given that the psychology of working moves beyond the scope of vo-
cational interests and job matching that has defined traditional vocational
counseling to date, I believe that assessment tools that can identify the values
of both individuals and work environments may be quite useful (cf. D. Brown,
2002b). Furthermore, measures that assess variations in motivational orien-
tations with respect to working environments will be helpful in an inclusive
psychological practice. For example, assessing the extent to which clients are
able to internalize their extrinsically motivated experiences and construct
self-regulating activities in relation to working would be quite informative at
various phases of the counseling process.
In sum, the role of assessment in the psychology of working has the potential
to have an equally important role as it has in traditional vocational counseling
288 / CH A PT ER 9

and I/O psychology. With the increased knowledge of how tests function in the
broader social context (Helms et al., 2005), it is now possible to develop mea-
sures that will have greater local relevance for given groups of clients. My pref-
erence for the role of tests, as implied thus far, is in the realm of explanation and
exploration as opposed to prediction. Given the expanded range of issues and
concerns that exist in an inclusive psychological practice, I believe that a signifi-
cant role for a revitalized and culturally sensitive assessment process exists in
expanding the reach and impact of our collective efforts.

The Psychology of Working and Challenging

Therapeutic Relationship Issues

The inclusive psychological practice perspective advanced here offers some

unique challenges and opportunities with respect to the therapeutic relation-
ship. The contributions of Axelrod (1999) and Socarides and Kramer (1997)
underscore the potential richness that can be achieved in insight-oriented ex-
plorations of working. However, the movement toward a more affirming un-
derstanding of working in counseling evokes the potential for some
complications in the therapeutic relationship as well as creative responses
that can help advance the clinical applications of the psychology of working.

The Role of Empathy

Empathy serves as a key element in helping therapists to connect to their cli-

ents, understand their life experiences, and, in many cases, in facilitate thera-
peutic gains (Bohart & Greenberg, 1997). One of the challenges that an
affirmative approach to working presents in psychotherapy is in finding ways
to truly connect with clients whose working experiences may be dramatically
different from our own. As detailed in chapter 7, empathy functions in a num-
ber of ways in the psychotherapeutic process, with significant implications for
research and scholarly endeavors. In the clinical context, I envision that em-
pathy will provide both a challenge and opportunity for therapists who wish to
fully include the psychological experiences of working in their clinical efforts.
For example, a therapist who is working with a migrant farmer in a community
agency may not understand even the most superficial aspects of the client’s
working life. The lack of knowledge, however, does not need to function as a
barrier. In this context, the therapist’s desire to understand the full scope of
 AN INCLUSIVE PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICE / 289

the client’s life can provide a means for an emotional exploration of the cli-
ent’s working experiences.
The following passage, constructed from an amalgam of previous clinical
work, describes how the process of enhancing empathy can be powerfully
beneficial for clients and therapists:

Therapist: Marcus, I understand that you’re feeling very depressed now and
that you’re not clear about how this depression arose. You have been quite
open and clear about your family life and relationships, which as you indicate,
are going well. I would like to ask you more about your life working in the tex-
tile plant.
Marcus: I actually don’t really like the job, but it’s a paycheck, you know? I
just feel a bit scared right now as the company is starting to lay off workers. I
have seniority, but I’m not sure how long it will last. I have two kids who are
getting close to college age; I’m just not sure what I am going to do if I lose
my job.
Therapist: Marcus, I can sense your feeling of vulnerability as you speak. It
seems as if the world that you have known is no longer feeling secure.
Marcus: That is exactly it. You have hit the nail on the head! I feel so scared
these days. I’m not used to feeling this way and I just don’t know what to do.
Therapist: How depressed are you feeling now as we speak?
Marcus: I still feel depressed, but I’m now aware that I am also feeling
frightened and a bit helpless.
Therapist: Okay, this is really helpful. Now you are putting some words to
the feelings that have been haunting you for months. With this clearer sense of
your own experience, it may be possible for you and I to work on some ways
for you to become less helpless in your working life. This may actually help to
reduce your feelings of depression. Now, let me see if I can understand more
about your working life. Tell me what you have felt as you’ve entered the plant
in recent days ….

As this brief interchange suggests, the therapist followed the empathic

trail, which led to fruitful emotional experiences that seemed to underlie at
least some of the depressive mood. Naturally, the depression that Marcus re-
ports here may have a multifaceted etiology; however, the difficulties that
Marcus reports in feeling safe and secure in a world with no guarantees is
clearly contributing to the emergence of the depressive symptoms. By seeking
to learn more about Marcus’ working life, which represents a very different
world for this therapist (and for many others as well), the empathic connec-
tion becomes stronger, leading to greater emotional awareness (Bohart &
Greenberg, 1997).
290 / CH A PT ER 9

Countertransference Challenges

Countertransference represents another source of both challenge and oppor-

tunity for therapists who wish to incorporate the psychology of working into
their practice. Hill and Williams (2000) noted that two definitions of counter-
transference exist. One definition is derived from a strict interpretation of
Freud’s (1910/1959) work and encompasses the therapist’s unconscious and
distorted reactions to therapeutic material and relationship issues. The sec-
ond definition, which is derived from the ego psychological contributions of
Fromm-Reichman (1950), consists of the full array of therapist reactions to
clients. As Hill and Williams noted, considerable disagreement exists with re-
spect to these two positions. For the present discussion, I concur with the lat-
ter definition, which provides a rubric for understanding the reality that
therapists are human and that they react to clients both professionally and
from a more individualistic and emotional perspective. Ideally, the profes-
sional reactions will remain in control, which is, thankfully, the case with the
vast majority of clinicians. However, for many therapists who have developed
a modicum of self-knowledge, the emotional reactions that clients’ material
evokes in us often may stimulate further “grist” for the therapeutic mill.
For the most part, discussions of countertransference tend to focus on such
feelings as anger, attraction, frustration, and admiration with respect to a
given client (Mills, 2004). In the psychology-of-working realm, countertrans-
ference can take on new meanings. As we embrace the importance of working
in our clients’ lives, therapists will increasingly need to confront their own is-
sues about their working lives. For example, a therapist may find herself or
himself feeling envious of a given client’s wealth, which may have been ob-
tained without much effort. The feelings of envy, if not acknowledged and at-
tended to, could in fact defuse therapeutically important explorations of the
meaning of money in a client’s life. An additional example would be a case in
which a client presents concerns about starting a new business, which may
parallel the therapist’s own entry into private practice. The therapist’s anxiety
about the unknowns of private practice may function to limit a productive
exploration of the meaning of the client’s new business endeavor.
My concern with work-related countertransference is that many therapists
have little exposure to their own inner life with respect to working. Inherent in
clinical discussions of working are concerns about equity, fairness, access to
opportunity, parental expectations for achievement, as well as the entire spec-
trum of issues pertaining to race, gender, social class, sexual orientation, and
ableism (Blustein, 2001b; Flum, 2001; M. S. Richardson, 1996). As the knowl-
edge base grows in the psychology of working, one would expect that clini-
 AN INCLUSIVE PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICE / 291

cians, scholars, and others will develop a language for exploring these issues
clinically. In the meantime, I urge therapists who take on the full spectrum of
work-related issues to take note of their countertransference and to contrib-
ute to the professional discourse by sharing their observations in conferences,
journals, and books.

Case Explorations of an Inclusive

Psychological Practice

With the goal of helping to illustrate the clinical attributes of an inclusive

psychological practice, I offer two cases, each representing amalgams of my
previous clinical work. The two cases each reflect distinct aspects of the sort
of clinical work that can emerge as work-related issues are fully and openly
accepted into the realm of counseling and psychotherapy. Naturally, these
two cases do not cover the full scope of the material presented thus far; how-
ever, they ideally provide readers with ideas about how to implement the in-
clusiveness and affirmation of work-related issues into the natural rhythm
of counseling.

Chrissie

Chrissie is a 20-year-old woman who has recently immigrated to the United

States from Jamaica in search of more employment opportunities and to get
away from a stressful family situation in her home back on the island. Chrissie
graduated from high school in an urban community in Jamaica; she devel-
oped excellent skills in typing and other clerical duties, which allowed her to
obtain a job in a doctor’s office near her family’s home. She was also involved
in a romantic relationship with a man that culminated in an unplanned preg-
nancy. Unfortunately, once her boyfriend heard about the pregnancy, he
backed off from his commitment to Chrissie and soon thereafter, broke off
the relationship. Chrissie’s parents were very upset that she was pregnant and
that she did not have an opportunity to marry the father of the baby. Both of
her parents were quite religious and felt that Chrissie shamed the family. As
such, the family climate soon disintegrated into a highly conflictual state,
leaving Chrissie feeling depressed and overwhelmed.
Chrissie contacted a cousin living the United States and arranged to emi-
grate to the small urban city where her cousin and her cousin’s family lived.
(Chrissie’s cousin was a teacher and her cousin’s husband was an auto me-
292 / CH A PT ER 9

chanic; they had two children, ages 7 and 10 as well as a nice home.) Chrissie
arrived in the United States about 8 months prior to her contact with the ther-
apist. During that time, she struggled to find employment, moving from job to
job, in fields ranging from caring for the elderly to working in a department
store. In each of these jobs, she struggled to make ends meet. She did not
make enough money to support the expensive child care that was available in
her community. In addition, Chrissie continued to struggle with depression,
which was associated with an increasingly isolated social life with little contact
with friends or relatives (aside from her cousin and her family). She also
blamed herself for the difficulties that she experienced in obtaining a job and
further education and training. She convinced herself that she was useless and
that she had nothing to contribute to the world, aside from being a mother. In
this context, Chrissie reported feeling good about her parenting; she also indi-
cated that she was close with her cousin, who became an important friend and
mentor to her since her arrival in the United States.
Chrissie’s family in the United States suggested that she consider psycho-
therapy to deal with her depression and her isolation. She concurred and began
treatment, with most of her concerns focusing on her depressed mood, struggle
to find employment, low self-esteem, and ambivalence about being a single par-
ent. She did not report suicidal ideation; moreover, her depression fit into a
dysthymic diagnosis as opposed to a major depression. Chrissie indicated that
she really needed someone to talk with, as her parent’s disapproval of her cou-
pled with her struggles in the United States had left her feeling sad. She did,
however, maintain some hope that a good job or training opportunity might
help her to feel more optimistic. She also was very much interested in meeting
new people and expanding her social connections. Chrissie indicated that she
did not understand the American educational system; she did not view herself
as a good student and was unclear about what she would like to do.
During the course of the 9 months of treatment, Chrissie began to feel
more hopeful and was increasingly engaged in exploring options and making
new friends. She was able to project herself into a future that involved greater
self-determination in her work life and in her relationships.

Discussion

As the therapist in this case, I initially offered Chrissie a treatment plan con-
sisting of a synthesis of traditional psychotherapy and vocational counseling,
culminating in an integrative and inclusive mode of treatment. As such, an as-
sessment about the potential of suicidal ideation or intent coupled with a con-
 AN INCLUSIVE PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICE / 293

sideration of the use of psychotropic medications (which were not indicated)

provided useful starting points after the initial intake sessions. In addition,
the domain-sensitive approach, detailed in the previous chapter, provided
guidance about ways of integrating the vocational and nonvocational themes.
However, Chrissie’s case includes numerous other issues and factors that sug-
gest a broader array of therapeutic influences and objectives.
One of the notable factors in Chrissie’s case is her sense of isolation and lack
of interpersonal support. Consistent with the relationally oriented views of
working (Flum, 2001; Schultheiss, 2003) and the literature on work-based tran-
sitions (Blustein et al., 2000), it seems clear that Chrissie would benefit from far
greater social support and intimacy in her life. Exploring Chrissie’s feelings
about her family’s rejection of her parenting status emerged as a very useful is-
sue to examine in the early stages of treatment. One plausible inference is that
Chrissie has internalized negative views of herself, which made it harder for her
to take risks in interpersonal relationships. In addition, the reality of immigra-
tion needs to be examined in treatment. Specifically, given the very real chal-
lenges of moving to a new country and learning new social and cultural mores,
the immigration experience often leaves people feeling very disengaged and
alienated (Suarez-Orozco, 2004). Furthermore, interventions designed to help
Chrissie feel more engaged and agentic in her life, which are described shortly,
were used as a central aspect of the therapeutic work. Yet at the same time, I ac-
knowledged the very real challenges that face Chrissie, especially in immigrat-
ing to a country where little opportunity awaits those without high levels of skill,
which is further complicated by racism and sexism.
The predictors of an adaptive school-to-work transition that my colleagues
and I identified (Blustein et al., 2000) also furnished useful conceptual ideas
for the counseling efforts with Chrissie. Clearly, the role of relational support
is important for both Chrissie’s mental health as well as her capacity to locate
a more rewarding working life. In addition, the consistent observation that
adaptive transitions are associated with the acquisition of competent basic
skills and relevant vocational skills would suggest that some discussion ensue
about Chrissie’s skill level and openness to further education and training.
Like many clients who feel depressed and/or who suffer from low self-esteem,
it is often difficult to internalize their positive attributes. Helping Chrissie to
see herself via affirming mirroring experiences (Tolpin, 1983; Wolf, 1980)
may be instrumental in helping her to own her resilience, flexibility, and
agentic stance in life. Certainly, Chrissie’s transition from Jamaica to the
United States reflects a level of initiative that she may have lost touch with
since her move. The importance of a supportive relational context, particu-
larly in the education and/or training realm, is often overlooked in traditional
294 / CH A PT ER 9

vocational counseling and in many types of psychotherapy. In the approach

suggested by the psychology of working, clear attention to the clients’ context
is indicated, including but not limited to relational support.
The counseling approach for Chrissie entailed a complex yet integrated
approach to exploring her strengths, resources, and barriers. In my work with
Chrissie, I initially sought to provide some positive mirroring experiences for
her, exploring and affirming the overt and more subtle aspects of her person-
ality and character that have been diminished by her depressive mood. One
particularly useful means of enhancing self-esteem and consolidating self-co-
hesion is to use the Quick Job-Hunting Map and the Transferable Skills In-
ventory (Bolles & Bolles, 2005); this task can be very affirming for clients and
was quite beneficial for Chrissie.
The integrative nature of Chrissie’s issues suggested the importance of ex-
plicitly highlighting the embedded nature of her presenting problems. Given
that Chrissie understood the linkage between her sense of loneliness, pessi-
mism about the future, family relationships, and interpersonal alienation, I
asked her to identify how her life can be improved. In doing so, I encouraged
Chrissie to dream more openly about a working life and interpersonal relation-
ships that would be more rewarding. To help Chrissie dream, I asked her to
complete an interest inventory, specifically, the Strong Interest Inventory
(Harmon, Hansen, Borgen, & Hammer, 1994). One of the implicit goals of this
work was to help Chrissie feel more hopeful about her life, which was helpful in
reducing her depressive mood. Once Chrissie was able to connect the dots in
her picture of herself, I worked on helping her to engage in active, exploratory
behavior, which also functioned to get her out of her home more and into the
community. For example, helping Chrissie to access financial aid and linking
her to a community college was very helpful in mobilizing her adaptive skills
and in reducing her sense of helplessness. Chrissie ended treatment by starting
community college; once she entered the community college, she then began to
join groups and organizations that functioned to enhance her social supports.
While many of the features of this approach are consistent with best prac-
tices in working with immigrant youth or single parents (e.g., Blustein et al.,
2000; Falk, 1993; Riala, Isohanni, Jokelainen, Jones, & Isohanni, 2003), there
are a number of ways in which the work with Chrissie conveyed salient ele-
ments of the psychology-of-working aspects of an inclusive psychological
practice. First, the narrative that was used with Chrissie in helping her to un-
derstand her problems was framed to reduce her sense of self-blame. In par-
ticular, Chrissie’s difficulty in understanding her struggle to obtain work and
training was reframed within a broader discussion of the changing world of
work and of the importance of basic skills and vocationally relevant skills.
 AN INCLUSIVE PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICE / 295

This discussion functioned to help Chrissie feel more empowered as well as

less prone to negative self-statements, which are associated with depressive
moods (Beck, 1987).
Second, the work with Chrissie helped her to enhance her critical con-
sciousness, which yielded both greater levels of energy from Chrissie and the
emergence of social activism. Naturally, the process of exploring the broader
social, economic, and political framework of Chrissie’s life served to move the
treatment into an overly intellectual space that, at times, was not entirely pro-
ductive in exploring her emotional life. In my work with Chrissie, I sought to
find natural linkages between her own personal narrative and the exploration
of contextual factors that were contributing to her struggles. For example, in
describing her movement from Jamaica to the United States, Chrissie noted
that she experienced far more racism in the United States due to the fact that
people of color are a minority in this country. This discussion evoked greater
openness about Chrissie’s ambivalence about moving to a primarily Euro-
pean American culture and also helped her to explore how racism plays a role
in the maldistribution of resources in her community. The struggle here was
to enhance Chrissie’s sense of agency in the face of this racism as opposed to
enhancing her sense of helplessness.
As in the domain-sensitive approach, I also sought out an area of Chrissie’s
life wherein she demonstrated greater resilience. In this case, Chrissie was in-
creasingly comfortable with her parenting and her relationship with her
cousin. This suggests that she has solid interpersonal skills, which may func-
tion as a source of resilience in her life. As such, the treatment benefited con-
siderably from exploring ways for Chrissie to expand her social network. Once
a broader social support system was identified and cultivated, it was possible
to explore the more tender issues related to Chrissie’s self-esteem as a worker
and her relationship with her parents.
The case of Chrissie provides some texture and depth to the clinical impli-
cations of the psychology of working that have been presented thus far in this
chapter. While the specific treatment interventions are all consistent with ex-
isting practices, the integrative nature of the counseling process and the
tightly weaved context in which work and nonwork issues were explored rep-
resent new vistas in psychotherapeutic practice.

Bill

Bill is a 27-year-old African American man who presented for treatment due to
problems in dealing with supervisors at work and his fears of a layoff (which were
296 / CH A PT ER 9

soon confirmed). He was urged to seek out therapy by his Employee Assistance
Program counselor at the state agency where he worked in a shop repairing com-
puters. Bill also reported increasing problems in sleeping and in modulating his
overall level of anxiety. During the course of the 11 months of treatment, Bill was
ultimately laid off due to the fact that the state agency no longer invested in re-
pairing computers given that the desktop computers were increasingly less costly
and that they were being updated and replaced periodically. The few computers
that would be repaired would be outsourced to a local shop.
Early in the treatment, Bill presented as passive and anxious, particularly
with respect to his work-related issues. In fact, he reported that his relation-
ship with his fiancée, Sandra, was excellent; they were living together and en-
joying the process of creating a romantic partnership. However, once Bill
received notice that he was being laid off because his unit in the state agency
was being severely downsized, he became enraged and began drinking more
regularly. Bill was prone to outbursts of anger in the various domains of his
life, including but not limited to his job. He reported that his fiancée was be-
coming more inpatient with his dark moods. Bill also acknowledged that he
was using alcohol and, when available, marijuana to cope with his deep sense
of disappointment.
Bill is the youngest son in a working-class family; he has two other siblings
(a brother and sister), both of whom also worked for the state government.
Bill’s father was a salesman at a local department store and his mother worked
for a local hotel chain. Both of his parents struggled in obtaining steady em-
ployment. Bill’s father, in particular, had numerous periods of unemploy-
ment and underemployment (part-time jobs without benefits), which were
profoundly painful events in his childhood and adolescence. He indicated
that he had good relationships with his parents. He sometimes argued with his
parents about curfews in adolescence, but he recalls that they were generally
supportive of him. Bill described himself as “an average student” in high
school. After his high school graduation, he went to the local community col-
lege and majored in data processing and computer repair. Bill does not recall
making a conscious decision about his choice of major in college. He indi-
cated that he pursued this area because it seemed to offer the most secure job
openings in his community.
Bill reported that he had never considered counseling before. He indicated
that he was reasonably content in his life until the recent episodes at work
which resulted in this referral. (The incident that evoked the referral involved
a shouting match that he engaged in with his boss. Bill was upset by his own
lack of control and sought out the input of the Employee Assistance coun-
selor in his agency, who then recommended psychotherapy.) He did not nec-
 AN INCLUSIVE PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICE / 297

essarily enjoy his working tasks; he did, however, dislike his boss a great deal.
Bill indicated that his boss reminded him of a supervisor he had had when he
was 18 and worked in a department store in shipping and receiving. His super-
visor at that time was described as a sadistic man who liked to humiliate his
subordinates with insults, profanity, and manipulation. Bill reported that his
supervisor in the department store often called him “a moron” in front of
other workers and stated that he would be a failure in his life. At times, the su-
pervisor threw boxes at him and called him “college boy” (as he was attending
community college full-time while he worked part-time). Bill also felt that the
supervisor was racist, as he treated the European American staff members
with greater respect. Bill very much wanted to walk out of this job, but his fa-
ther worked in the same store and he did not want to embarrass his father by
either leaving the job or arguing back to the supervisor. He ended up leaving
the job when he was 20, after receiving his Associate’s degree. He received a
job offer from a computer repair shop that provided him with a full-time job
and an opportunity to learn more about his trade. A few years later, Bill was
hired by the state agency to work in their computer repair shop.
Early in the counseling process (before he was laid off), Bill was not very
verbal in sessions. He was not sure how to engage in therapy and seemed to
struggle with how to talk about his feelings. After his layoff, he became much
more verbal, particularly in relation to his anger. He was able to connect his
anxiety with his boss from his job with the state to his fears of his supervisor at
the department store job. Bill also explored issues pertaining to the institu-
tional racism in his agency, which was manifested by both overt acts of hostil-
ity and covert acts of neglect. Bill’s supervisor at the state agency would often
make nasty comments about Affirmative Action hires, while looking directly
at him. The more subtle acts of racism involved providing other workers
(from European American backgrounds) with opportunities for training and
development, which were not generally available to Bill. He continued to feel
angry throughout the sessions, but was able to contain the anger more effec-
tively as the therapy winded down. Bill reported that his relationship with his
fiancée improved and they set a date for a wedding. Also, Bill returned to col-
lege to continue his studies in graphic design, and was working part-time in
computer-based graphics when he elected to terminate treatment.

Discussion

While this case ends seemingly “happily-ever-after,” there were many bumps
along the therapeutic journey that reflect some of the important aspects of in-
298 / CH A PT ER 9

clusive psychological practice. Bill’s case reflects some of the most salient as-
pects of the psychology of working in a clinical context. The fact that Bill was
reserved early in the process of therapy is actually consistent with some of the
challenges in counseling men and particularly men of color (G. Brooks &
Good, 2001; Hayes & Mahalik, 2000; Levant, 2000). As Mahalik (1999), G.
Brooks (2001), and Levant (2000) have discussed, counseling men often en-
tails a wide array of complexities and nuances related to the impact of gen-
der-based socialization. In short, Bill’s reticence to present in therapy, rather
than reflecting resistance, may be a function of growing up as an African
American man in contemporary U.S. culture.
By reaching out to Bill in ways that he was able to relate to, which naturally
included his working life, I was able to establish a solid and flexible therapeu-
tic alliance. Indeed, focusing on his work life, while beset with pain and disap-
pointments, provided Bill and me with a means of exploring many aspects of
his emotional life in depth. For example, I was able to learn more about his
sense of vulnerability at work, which was initially connected to the traumatic
experiences he faced while working in the shipping and receiving department
of the department store. His sense of vulnerability also was connected to his
experience as person of color in an agency where the staff and supervisors
were primarily European American. As we explored these issues in greater
depth, it became clear that his father’s struggles to locate work that helped the
family to survive and thrive played a major role in his anxiety about work in
general. By talking about working, Bill was able to open up to his own sense of
vulnerability, which was manifested early in the treatment by his anxiety and
later in the treatment by his anger.
The second part of the case emerged around halfway through the
8-month period when Bill received notification that he was going to be laid
off indefinitely. This experience stirred up deep levels of fear, which Bill
could not give voice to easily. He became much more reactive and angry,
with increasing outbursts directed at his family members and friends. I en-
couraged Bill to monitor his angry feelings and to take notice of them rather
than attempt to act on them. In fact, using some of the approaches suggested
by Eastern traditions (K. Brown & Ryan, 2003; Linehan, 1993; Masske,
2002), I explored with Bill ways of attending to his anger, carefully, inten-
sively, and without judgment or interpretation. By using his anger as a signal
from his inner life to take notice of his emotional state, Bill began to develop
more diverse responses to anger, which resulted in a marked decrease of
outbursts and tantrums. At the same time as we focused on developing new
coping skills, I worked with Bill to explore the anger to see where it led us.
Bill was clearly angry at the supervisor at his state job, who he felt had sabo-
 AN INCLUSIVE PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICE / 299

taged his department. He also had considerable anger related to the trauma
he experienced in his job at the department store.
While Bill was able to reduce his anger and anxiety, he struggled consid-
erably in moving to the next step, which involved preparing for the working
world that existed in his community rather than the one he wished existed.
For a number of months, Bill steadfastly refused to consider returning to
school. He reported that he hated school and that he was not going to be “a
newly married husband (and father, hopefully) attending college with a
bunch of kids.” He also indicated that he did not do well in college and that
he was going to try to get his job back with the state. During this time period,
I used the Transferable Skills Inventory (Bolles & Bolles, 2005) and the
Strong Interest Inventory (Harmon et al., 1994) with Bill. One of the inter-
esting findings from both assessment tools was an interest in academic pur-
suits and the recognition that he enjoyed art and graphic design. Some of the
vignettes that Bill prepared in the Transferable Skills Inventory were partic-
ularly evocative of successful experiences at community college, including
his art courses. Bill then discussed how he felt very ambivalent about moving
into a 4-year college as he somehow thought that this would be disloyal to his
family. Bill’s family and siblings were not college educated and tended to
feel a bit alienated from the world of professionals. Discussing the meaning
of success for Bill naturally encompassed deep feelings of empathy for his
father who had struggled so much in finding work. Indeed, during this phase
of treatment, Bill was able to cry as he recalled how hurt he felt when his fa-
ther was home all day long, waiting for calls from prospective employers that
never came.
Bill also reflected on racism in the United States and was able to explore his
own racial identity in counseling. He increasingly demonstrated a growing
critical consciousness that allowed him to understand the broader social and
political forces that colluded to keep him and others from his community
from reaching their goals.
Bill explored the option of graphic design tentatively at first, by taking a
course at the local community college. However, once he entered this course,
there was no looking back. His graphic design instructor loved his work and he
began to feel powerfully mirrored and affirmed (Kohut, 1977), which helped
him to explore programs in 4-year colleges. During this period of treatment,
we also explored his substance use in greater depth. A careful analysis re-
vealed that he was prone to alcohol abuse, although I made him aware that
abuse could quickly emerge as dependence. He also gave up his episodic use
of marijuana, which he associated with the potential for birth defects in his fu-
ture offspring. Thus, as treatment ended, Bill was enrolled full-time in a
300 / CH A PT ER 9

graphic design program and was working part-time at a printing shop which
gave him some experience in graphic design.

Concluding Comments

Both of these cases reflect some, but clearly not all, of the features and nu-
ances of an inclusive psychological practice. The common themes in these two
cases are the integrative focus on work and nonwork issues, the explicit focus
on affirming work-related issues in treatment, and the use of the domain-sen-
sitive approach as the organizing meta-perspective in the treatment. In both
cases, I worked with the clients’ strengths, consolidating internal and external
resources prior to moving to the more painful and vulnerable aspects of their
functioning. Moreover, both cases dealt with clients who initially did not ex-
perience much choice in their working lives; through the treatment process,
we were able to expand their volition by helping them to develop their skills
and their access to resources.

Evaluation Issues

In the current era in psychotherapy and counseling, it seems disingenuous to

write about clinical issues without reference to evaluation and empirically
supported treatments. Mental health practitioners of all stripes (i.e., social
workers, mental health counselors, psychologists, psychiatrists) need to deal
with managed care, empirically supported treatment protocols, and evalua-
tion issues (Wampold, 2001). The two cases presented here reflect the flexibil-
ity that exists in the pages of a book wherein one does not have to answer to
treatment limitations imposed by circumscribed health care resources.
In evaluating these cases, one can explore a host of viable outcome vari-
ables that would have currency in the managed care and insurance worlds. For
example, the reduction in symptoms reported by both Chrissie and Bill is cer-
tainly affirming. In addition, I would argue that the development of meaning-
ful work-related plans for both of these clients represents an important index
of return to full functioning (Shore, 1998; Shore & Massimo, 1963). Further-
more, the fact that these treatments were with clients with diagnosable condi-
tions suggests that inclusive psychological practice would in fact meet the
criteria for third-party reimbursements. Indeed, I would argue that the focus
on work-related issues in both of these cases is not a luxury, but is the most
appropriate ethical and professional treatment decision.
 AN INCLUSIVE PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICE / 301

The question of developing empirically supported treatments for work-re-

lated issues is clearly premature. Far more research and clinical work is needed
prior to exploring this issue in depth. I am also concerned with the development
of highly structured treatment protocols that are not sufficiently flexible to
adapt to cultural and historical changes. Despite my concerns, the movement
toward the use of empirically supported treatments is clearly advancing
(Barlow, 2004) and will merit the full attention of practitioners engaged in
work-related treatments. I also would argue that existing empirically supported
treatments need to be reviewed in depth to determine the degree to which they
adequately deal with working. This issue represents a critical research en-
deavor that would illuminate the psychotherapy literature immeasurably.

Conclusion

This chapter has sought to present some preliminary ideas about the clinical
and counseling applications derived from the psychology of working. The
map that I have drawn here was intended to provide a sketch for future jour-
neys into this rich and exciting area rather than furnishing a specific set of in-
structions or treatment recommendations. As the psychotherapy and
counseling fields move further into the 21st century, the challenges that
emerge from work-related issues that our clients bring into treatment will be-
come increasingly complex. As in other areas of complexity, it may be that the
movement to embrace the work-related domains of life experience will, in
fact, serve as a means of further enhancing psychotherapeutic efforts. By in-
cluding the entire spectrum of life domains, my view is that therapists have a
far greater chance to build on client strengths, to help clients become more
fully empowered, and to help clients develop a critical consciousness about
the world we live in.
I also hope that this chapter will evoke further clinical discussions of the
therapeutic meaning of working. Ideally, this chapter (and the entire book)
can serve as a stimulus for counselors and therapists to listen with an en-
hanced set of senses to the dreams and disappointments that are evident in
their clients’ experiences in work-related contexts. By helping our clients to
listen to their own voices about work with greater honesty and affirmation, it
may be possible to help clients construct lives that provide meaning, strength,
and vigor in all domains of human experience.
 Conclusion:
The Future of the Psychology of Working

In thinking about constructing the closing chapter for this book, I have fo-
cused on preparing one that will serve as a beginning as well as an ending.
Throughout this book, I have sought to engage readers in a journey that
seeks to explore the richly complex and often bittersweet landscape of the
psychology of working. In addition, I have sought to add my voice to those
who are dedicated to the study of work as a focal point in efforts to reduce in-
equity and to level the playing field of our lives (e.g., Fassinger, 2000; Fouad
& Brown, 2000; M. S. Richardson, 1993; Wilson, 1996). As a means of help-
ing readers to consider the broad implications of the material presented
thus far, I have two interrelated objectives for this chapter. First, I discuss
the underlying themes that cohere across many of the chapters of this book.
Second, I highlight the potential implications of the psychology of working
for public policy, encompassing education, mental health, unemployment,
and training.

Overriding Themes and Dialectical Conflicts

Within the Psychology of Working

The preceding nine chapters have sought to carve the conceptual structure
of the psychology of working in a manner relatively consistent with existing
psychological discourse. However, in using traditional categories that dif-
ferentiate among such issues as historical trends, broad social and economic
influences, clinical issues, and research and theory implications, some of the
underlying themes that transcend these categories may have been dimin-
ished or less visible in the preceding chapters. In this section, I examine
these issues, which include a number of questions and dialectical conflicts
that merit our collective attention as we move forward with the psychology
of working.
302
 CO NCLUSIO N / 303

Need for Inclusiveness in the Study of Working

One of the most prevalent themes in this book has been the need for greater
inclusiveness in the psychological study of working. As I conveyed in the first
few chapters, the relative absence of attention to those who exercise little to
no volition in their choices of jobs and experiences at work is noteworthy in
vocational psychology, I/O psychology, and other branches of psychological
discourse, including the psychotherapeutic literature. Giving voice to the
modal worker across the globe has been a major goal of this book, reflecting a
concerted effort to expand the scope and impact of psychological consider-
ations of working. However, other aspects of inclusiveness are relevant to the
future of the psychology of working and may have been overshadowed in the
material presented thus far.

Working Outside of the Labor Market. The reality of life for most people is
that work does not end when we leave our place of employment. In addition,
many people, either out of choice or necessity, devote many of their working
hours to caregiving (Barnett & Hyde, 2001; Hesse-Biber & Carter, 2000). Con-
sistent with M. S. Richardson’s (1993) position, I believe that the exclusion of
caregiving from psychological considerations of working has had a markedly
limiting impact on our ability to fully understand the nature of working. I do
want to underscore that my commitment to including caregiving is not intended
to buttress the notion that women ought to assume the majority of caregiving
responsibilities. A fully inclusive psychology of working will need to confront
gender-based inequities in caregiving and work within a household. As I have
indicated earlier in this book, I endorse the view that preparing for adulthood
must include a systematic effort for everyone to enter the paid labor market
with the full richness of his or her talents. In this manner, I concur with the posi-
tion that women who are socialized to focus on caregiving to the exclusion of
work in the labor market are essentially being cut off from their rightful place
within our society (cf. Fitzgerald & Weitzman, 1992).
With this point in mind, the relative avoidance of family and relationally
based work has further bifurcated psychological thinking about working.
With the growing life expectancy of many people in Western societies, the
complex demands of caregiving will continue to expand across the life span.
Certainly, a rich literature exists on family–work interactions within organiza-
tional psychology and vocational psychology (e.g., Parasuraman &
Greenhaus, 1997; Whiston & Keller, 2004); yet, much more work is needed in
this area, particularly with respect to individuals who have little to no access to
304 / CH A PT ER 10

the “grand career narrative.” The emergence of the relational perspectives of

working (Blustein, 2001b; Flum, 2001; Schultheiss, 2003) offers important
opportunities to explore the complex space shared by work outside the home,
work within the home, and caregiving. In addition, the impact of caregiving in
relation to the striving for survival, relational connection, and self-determina-
tion will need to be explored. As the psychology of working matures, it is criti-
cal that we value all modalities of work. In addition, the disparity of social and
economic rewards that exist with respect to caregiving and market-based
work will need to be revisited in the coming decades. Ideally, the research and
public policy that emerge from the psychology of working will prove to be
useful as we strive to dignify, and reduce inequities in, all working
experiences.

The Psychology of Working for Nonworkers. A subtle and, at times, more

overt theme of this book has been that many of the issues and concerns raised
herein are relevant to the unemployed and to those who are preparing for
work (e.g., students, young people, adults in training programs). A key asset
of vocational psychology is its focus on the continuity between the student
role and the worker role (e.g., Blustein et al., 2000; Super, 1980). This point is
critical as well in an inclusive psychology of working. As I detail later in this
chapter, one of the policy realms in which the psychology of working is likely
to have the greatest impact is in educational reform. Consistent with the view
of Lapan (e.g., 2004; Lapan & Koscuilek, 2001) as well as others in both edu-
cation and psychology (see Baker & Taylor, 1998; Blustein et al., 2000; Evans
& Burck, 1992), students who are able to internalize the connection between
school and work are in a much better position to become engaged in school
and develop their basic skills. Moreover, the linkages between the social and
economic policies that govern schools are of immediate relevance to the psy-
chology of working. The social justice roots of the psychology of working de-
tailed in this book and elsewhere (e.g., Blustein et al., 2005) include a
concerted commitment to reduce inequities in schooling and other social and
economic resources that can nourish or impede the development of adaptive
levels of basic cognitive skills and work-based attitudes.
Another group of nonworkers are unemployed individuals, who have been
significantly neglected in contemporary psychological discourse. As I have
detailed at different points throughout this book, lack of employment for
those who want to or have to work is a serious psychological issue as well as an
economic one. The majority of social scientific research has focused on
macro-level analyses (e.g., Neumark, 2000), which regrettably functions to
 CO NCLUSIO N / 305

keep the lived experiences of unemployed adults out of our individual and
collective consciousness. The focus of the psychology of working on the actual
life experiences of people interacting with work-based demands and chal-
lenges offers an important remedy to the trend of considering unemployment
as a statistic as opposed to acknowledging that the inability to locate work
profoundly affects real people.
In addition, individuals with disabling conditions, encompassing physical,
psychological, and developmental domains, need to be included in the re-
search, theory development, practice, and public policy efforts of the psychol-
ogy of working. Thanks to research in rehabilitation counseling in particular
(e.g., Neff, 1985; Riggar & Maki, 2004; Szymanski & Parker, 2003), a rich
scholarship exists on the interface of work and disability. One of the most
complex challenges is that of developing activities for individuals whose dis-
abling conditions do not allow for the sorts of jobs that offer volition about
work-related tasks and relationships. Another issue of relevance is in design-
ing work environments that will satisfy the essential needs that working opti-
mally may fulfill and that will be supportive of individuals with disabling
conditions. My hope is that future efforts using the ideas presented here and
related lines of research will advance theory, research, and policy
recommendations that will positively enhance the lives of workers and people
who wish to work.

Intellectual Diversity in Research and Theory Development. One of the

risks of writing a solo-authored book is that one’s individual perspective and
values have the potential for assuming an intellectual hegemony within a new
field like the psychology of working. I am certainly aware of this risk and the
limitations that arise from my vision and agenda. I have sought to counter this
possibility by including an expansive body of work that draws from multiple
disciplines and conceptual positions. In this context, I would like to under-
score that I advise against establishing one particular epistemological posi-
tion over another. While I have used elements of social constructionist
thinking (e.g., Gergen, 1999) as well as the emancipatory communitarian ap-
proach (Prilleltensky, 1997), I also have endorsed the use of traditional quan-
titative and positivist methods as one of many vehicles for exploring the
nature of working.
In addition, I have sought to present an open mind with respect to debates
about psychodynamic conceptualizations, behavioral explanations, person–
environment fit models, and social cognitive theories. In my view, the psy-
chology of working is a field of inquiry that seeks to provide a foundation for
306 / CH A PT ER 10

subsequent theory development and research. Thus, I envision a broad level

of inclusiveness with respect to theoretical ideas and positions within the
psychology of working.

Dialectical Struggles

Opening up the vast vistas that exist in working around the globe certainly has
been an ambitious agenda that includes many potential pitfalls and chal-
lenges. I hope that readers of this book who will have the benefit of some dis-
tance from the issues that I have been studying for years, will help to identify
these difficulties, many of which are inherent in this sort of endeavor. Some of
the challenges, though, that have emerged in my work on this book are sum-
marized next.

The Tension Between the Individual and Context. In preparing the ground-
work for this project, I read extensively in sociology, anthropology, fiction, and a
host of other fields. One of the objectives of introducing this material has been
to provide balance between the inner experience of the individual, which has
been the purview of psychology, and the more contextual perspectives that are
the province of other social sciences and artistic endeavors. In using such a di-
verse array of ingredients, I certainly have been aware that the result might be
far too multifaceted to have any coherent meaning. At this point in the evolu-
tion of these ideas, I now view the amalgam of influences as a necessary
by-product of trying to describe the psychology of working in the real world.
In my view, the study of working from a psychological perspective will neces-
sarily involve a tension between the individual’s experiences and the context
that frames the individual. In giving voice to individuals, I hope that it may be
possible to understand the nature of this tension in greater clarity. The actual
experience of working brings individuals into direct contact with their contexts,
including education, job-search processes, various forms of discrimination, and
the wide spectrum of social barriers embedded in occupational contexts that
exist around the world. Hence, scholars and practitioners who seek to develop
viable research programs culminating in theoretical explanations of working
with logically derived policy recommendations need to take notice of this ten-
sion. Rather than seeking to avoid the muddiness of trying to understand the in-
dividual experience of workers and people who wish to work in the actual
context of that experience, I believe that the best scholarship and practice will
 CO NCLUSIO N / 307

embrace this tension and learn to explore it, work with it, and ideally help indi-
viduals live with the reality that their dreams may not always be fulfilled.

The Tension Between Describing Reality and Accepting Reality. One of

the most challenging aspects in writing this book has been my intention to de-
scribe the reality of life for most working people in a manner that does not im-
plicitly or explicitly endorse the status quo. For example, in presenting the
idea that many people do not have access to work that is consistent with their
interests, I am clearly not suggesting that this is an ideal state of affairs. More-
over, in providing less relative space to the topics covered in most career de-
velopment, industrial/organizational (I/O) psychology, and psychotherapy
books, I am not implying that we should abandon the tried-and-true methods
of career counseling, organizational development, and psychotherapy. My
objective in writing this book has been to give voice to those who have not had
much voice in our research, practice, and social change efforts. As such, the
lack of attention, for instance, to vocational interest inventories, is not in-
tended to suggest that they are not of use to a wider array of workers. In con-
trast, I hope that the research and public policy advocacy efforts that arise
from this book and related initiatives will result in interest inventories becom-
ing increasingly relevant as more people experience the privilege of making
decisions about the sort of work they will pursue.
The challenges that we face in mapping the psychology of working is
that much of the terrain remains unexplored to date. Therefore, I have felt
compelled to focus on the issues and themes not found in most scholarly
contributions. In describing this world, I have sought to understand the
fundamental human needs that working fulfills; much of this discussion
has explored the lives of the have-nots, who often live in rather under-
resourced environments. Entering this uncharted terrain has been chal-
lenging; however, I have sought to stress that describing this world does
not translate into an endorsement of an increasingly divided society. In-
deed, I believe that I have been profoundly transformed by this journey.
Reading and researching in this area has inspired me even more fervently
to advocate that the multifaceted talent that exists in psychology be ap-
plied creatively to the social and economic factors that develop and sustain
a world of inequitable resources. The next section of this chapter explores
some of the more promising directions for public policy efforts that may
help to change the unjust economic and social circumstances that have
been described throughout this volume.
308 / CH A PT ER 10

Implications for Public Policy

I am aware that it may be premature to offer highly specified public policy sug-
gestions for a field that is still taking shape. However, given the wealth of
knowledge reviewed in this book from psychology and related disciplines,
some preliminary ideas about the public policy implications from the psychol-
ogy of working can be inferred. Prior to reviewing these recommendations, I
would first like to outline some issues that may help researchers to enhance
their impact as they move forward with some of the ideas presented in this
book.
As I noted earlier in this book, interdisciplinary teams comprised of schol-
ars from various fields interested in working may provide the optimal frame-
work for effective policy-based research. It is clear that some of the most
important research cited here has been produced by scholars outside of psy-
chology (such as Newman, 1999; Wilson, 1996). Moreover, compelling argu-
ments have been developed (cf. Brabeck et al., 1997) to support the
importance and potential of interdisciplinary research for dealing with com-
plex social problems. I encourage scholars to seek out colleagues both within
psychology and outside of psychology who are invested in issues pertaining to
working to form collaborative teams. As noted in the previous section, the in-
dividual focus that is so integral to psychology can be powerfully informative
to sociologists, economists, and political scientists who tend to adopt more
macro-level views.

Educational Reform

The debates and challenges of educational reform have evoked significant

political discussions about evidence-based practice, the role of government in
dealing with educational problems, and inherent sources of inequity in the
U.S. opportunity structure (Hargreaves, 2000; Worthington & Juntunen,
1997). No doubt, similar reform issues are part of the political landscape of
other nations, as governments seek to prepare high-quality students who will
become an equally high-quality work force (Marshall & Tucker, 1992). Within
the past decade or so, counseling psychologists and others who study voca-
tional behavior have entered into this reform effort, primarily focusing on the
school-to-work transition for non-college-bound youth (Blustein et al., 2000;
Worthington & Juntunen, 1997). Given the fundamental role of education as
a training ground for workers and as a powerful means of socialization, it
would seem clear that some of the research that is conducted by psychologists
 CO NCLUSIO N / 309

who are studying work will have relevance for education, and vice versa. In ad-
dition, the pivotal role of education in providing people with the skills and re-
sources needed for meaningful working lives suggests that the
education–work linkage will continue to receive the attention that has charac-
terized recent scholarly initiatives (e.g., Blustein et al., 2000; Lapan, 2004).

School-to-Work Transition. As detailed in chapter 7, research on work-

based transitions has provided extensive input on the factors that predict an
adaptive transition from high school and college to work (Blustein et al., 2000;
Bynner et al., 1997). A close examination of this research reveals particularly
important implications for educational policymakers. One of the most impor-
tant points described in numerous studies and reviews (e.g., Blustein et al.,
2000; Lapan, 2004; Wilson, 1996) is that school and work ought to be con-
nected explicitly in academic curriculum, support services, and extra-curricu-
lar activities. Thankfully, this is an area where some career development
scholars have already carved out an important niche in U.S. federal govern-
ment circles. For example, the development and revisions of the National
Career Development Guidelines reflect the input of several vocational psy-
chologists and counseling professionals (http://www.acrnetwork.org/
ncdg.htm). A review of these national guidelines, as well as selected state
guidelines (e.g., the Massachusetts Department of Education Career Devel-
opment Education benchmarks; http://www.doe.mass.edu/cd/resources/), re-
veals that relevant scholarship has impacted on policy recommendations. For
example, the guidelines now detail the need for counselors and educators to
help students understand and internalize the connection between school and
work.
Another impact that the psychology of working can have in educational
policy may be at the level of developing sound arguments to support greater
equity in funding the education of children and adolescents. One of the unfor-
tunate aspects of U.S. education is the marked disparity that exists in schools,
primarily related to the socioeconomic characteristics and often the racial
and ethnic attributes of a given community. While compelling arguments
have already been advanced to reduce these “savage inequalities” (Kozol,
1991), evidence developed from psychological studies of the school-to-work
transition may help to buttress the existing rationales. For example, research
that can chart the precise means by which effective schools help young people
to develop the skills and attitudes that will generally predict adaptive work-re-
lated behaviors would help to enhance the case for greater equity in educa-
tional resources. Given that much of the policy debate in U.S. national and
310 / CH A PT ER 10

state capitals in recent years is devoted to cutting an ever-shrinking pie of

public resources, the nature of the evidence would ideally integrate the
psychological and moral consequences of inadequate schools with the
economic costs.

Training and Post-Secondary Education. The psychology of working has

considerable potential to inform policies that guide training and post-second-
ary education. The rapid evolution of the labor market is very likely going to
lead to even greater job instability as people regularly must confront a reality
that certain skills wax and wane in their viability (Hunt, 1995; Rifkin, 1995)
with concomitant changes in employment options. The psychology-of-work-
ing perspective may offer some critically important ideas that policymakers
can use in formulating new training structures and support services.
While the nature of the changes needed in training and post-secondary ed-
ucation are difficult to surmise at this point, some hints can be inferred from
recent contributions in the literature (e.g., Collin & Young, 2000; Hunt,
1995). One of the key issues to integrate into future thinking about higher ed-
ucation is the reality that people will increasingly rely on colleges and univer-
sities throughout their lives to seek out training (Green & Hill, 2003).
Naturally, this is not a new idea; many colleges and universities already offer
courses, degree and certificate programs to adults in their communities. Em-
bedding these programs and offerings with insights gleaned from the psychol-
ogy of working may help to ensure that the programs are relevant and
supportive of adults who are often struggling with many complex psychologi-
cal issues while they seek out retraining.
In addition, the importance of providing training and post-secondary edu-
cation in a manner that is constructed in conjunction with the prevailing cul-
tural framework of a given community is critical. For example, scholarly
efforts devoted to exploring how retraining can be presented in a culturally af-
firming manner may help to reduce the likely resistance that many adults will
experience as they struggle with shifting work options. Another important
policy implication that may grow out of psychological analyses of working is
the serious consideration of the vast potential of community colleges to be-
come major support systems for adults facing retraining. Given the impor-
tance of a supportive context for internalizing self-regulating attributes
(Flum & Blustein, 2000; Lapan, 2004; Ryan & Deci, 2000), community col-
leges as well as traditional universities may benefit from research that delin-
eates how these factors can be enhanced in a training and post-secondary
context.
 CO NCLUSIO N / 311

Unemployment Policy

In my view, one of the most promising areas for public policy influence for the
psychology of working is in the realm of unemployment policy. The existence
(and indeed tolerance) of structural unemployment strikes at the heart of
some of the key assumptions of the psychology of working. As I have stated in
previous chapters, working has the potential to fulfill a number of fundamen-
tal human needs. Empirical research (e.g., Caplan et al., 1997; Mallinckrodt
& Bennett, 1992; O’Brien, 1986; Wanberg, 1995; Waters & Moore, 2002),
coupled with vignettes scattered throughout this book, underscore the perva-
sive negative consequences of not being able to locate or sustain regular work.
How, then, can the psychology of working impact on this pernicious aspect of
life in contemporary market-based economies?
First, the literature reviewed here clearly supports the view that the chal-
lenge of unemployment and the potential for periodic or chronic increases
in unemployment in the coming decades does have critical psychological
consequences. As Rifkin (1995) and Wilson (1996) described in their of-
ten-chilling accounts of communities without sufficient connection to work,
the inner life of individuals and the overall stability of neighborhoods is ad-
versely impacted by the lack of work. Adding an explicitly psychological
analysis of working to our understanding of unemployment may help to
place a human face on what is often viewed as a macro-level problem. Thus,
one of the key contributions that the psychology of working can make to the
public discourse on unemployment is to ensure that the public is aware of
the human costs of lack of work. The human costs can be documented using
a variety of methods, including traditional quantitative approaches as well
as narrative and discovery-oriented approaches.
Second, the psychological study of unemployment and underemploy-
ment may help to identify some meaningful ways for counselors, therapists,
and others in one’s life to help people who have little or no opportunity to
obtain work. For example, by studying how people adjust to unemployment,
it may be possible to learn more about the nature of resilience and risk in re-
lation to working (Masten & Coatsworth, 1998). The study of resilience
among unemployed individuals seeking employment may furnish scholars
and policy analysts with important insights on how to structure maximally
supportive contexts.
In effect, I envision that the psychology of working may inform policy for
government officials and political leaders who face critical decisions about
the vexing problem of chronic and acute unemployment. At the same time,
the psychology of working may furnish ideas for designing effective and em-
312 / CH A PT ER 10

powering counseling and psychoeducational interventions. As in other ar-

eas noted in this chapter (and elsewhere in this book), I encourage
collaborations of psychologists and other social scientists in the study of un-
employment so that the findings of our efforts are sufficiently embedded in
the language and constructs that policymakers use.
I am hopeful that subsequent research on the psychology of working ide-
ally will lead to the development of a coherent rationale supportive of policies
directed toward full employment. I realize that the call for full employment
may seem outdated or naïve on my part. However, given my reading of the
empirical and theoretical literature on working, extensive hours counseling
unemployed adults, and reading the evocative accounts of people living with-
out work, I do believe that this objective needs to be revisited. The gradual
rise in the “acceptable levels” of unemployment in North America and Eu-
rope is quite troublesome, especially given the dramatic human cost that has
been detailed in the literature. While it is clearly easier to call for full employ-
ment as opposed to creating the structures that will culminate in expanded
employment opportunities, the reality is that without the statement of this ob-
jective, we ensure that we will not achieve this notable goal. Psychologists
studying working will need to collaborate with economists, sociologists, and
policy analysts to explore the moral and financial costs of accepting certain
levels of chronic unemployment as opposed to seeking innovative solutions
that create more opportunities for work. Research and theory emerging from
the psychology of working may also be informative about the most optimal
means of creating more employment opportunities. In particular, the self-de-
termination literature (Ryan & Deci, 2000) may furnish illuminating ideas
about the assets and limitations of government-based employment. At the
same time, the psychological costs and benefits of a strict reliance on the mar-
ket to create jobs can be ascertained.

Mental Health Issues and Working

The role of working in sustaining healthy psychological functioning has

been apparent since Freud’s (1930) prescient dictum about the importance
of work and love. As Shore and Massimo (1979; Shore, 1998) have observed,
a considerable body of empirical literature supports the view that a return to
work is a highly potent predictor of a successful recovery from a psychologi-
cal crisis or illness. I believe that subsequent research in the psychological
study of working will reveal even more pervasive and complex relationships
 CO NCLUSIO N / 313

between working and variations in mental health. Of course, the conditions

in which one is working have a considerable impact on one’s mental health.
Thus, there may be times when having no work may be more facilitative of
mental health when compared to work wherein one is exposed to abuse or
high levels of stress.
Advances in the psychological study of working may help in the design of
employee assistance programs, which have often been developed without
much attention to the working context. In addition, the psychology of working
may inform policy directed toward the development of less stressful and
healthier work environments. However, I believe that one of the most impor-
tant policy implications may emerge as research reveals the fundamental
striving of people to ensure their own survival, develop and sustain relational
connections, and establish self-determined conditions in their lives. By pro-
viding people with the opportunity to manifest these aspirations, it is likely
that people will experience less stress and hence will be less likely to suffer
dramatic fluctuations in their mental health. I am not suggesting that improv-
ing access to dignified work will radically decrease the prevalence of such ill-
nesses as schizophrenia and bipolar disorders, which are linked to significant
genetic and biological factors. However, the reduction of stresses related to
locating work and sustaining work may help to diminish the intensity of these
painful illnesses and perhaps provide greater resources for more meaningful
rehabilitation policies. For less pernicious psychological disorders, I believe
that working can provide the potential for the fulfillment of many of our fun-
damental human needs that would help to reduce or diminish the severity of
conditions such as depression, anxiety, and other mental health problems.
The policy implications of the psychological study of working in the men-
tal health field can have dramatic effects for highly marginalized cohorts of
our population. As I indicated earlier in this chapter, the questions about
the meaning of work for individuals with severely incapacitating conditions
need to be explored in light of emerging theory and research on the psychol-
ogy of working. In addition, exploring the complex space that exists between
the context of one’s work life and one’s inner psychological functioning may
help to inform policies on sexual harassment, racism at work, and other
forms of social oppression. As I present in the next section of this chapter,
the existence of these socially oppressive conditions at work (and in the edu-
cation and job-selection processes) offers policymakers an opportunity to
establish programs and laws that will help to prohibit racism, sexism, homo-
phobia, classism, ageism, and discrimination against individuals with devel-
opmental and psychiatric disabling conditions.
314 / CH A PT ER 10

Social and Interpersonal Oppression at Work

As I noted in previous chapters, working functions as a focal point for our inter-
actions with the social world. As such, individuals are often exposed to very pain-
ful interactions wherein racism, sexism, heterosexism, and other forms of social
oppression are expressed both explicitly and implicitly. Fitzgerald (e.g., 2003),
who has explored the impact of sexual harassment at the workplace, provides an
excellent exemplar of how scholarship on the interface of work and social oppres-
sion can yield important implications for public policy. Subsequent research on
the role of gender, sexual orientation, aging, social class, and ability/disability sta-
tus may yield important insights about how the work context serves as a vehicle
for the sustenance of inequality. This information can then be transformed in po-
sition papers, legislative initiatives, and lobbying efforts directed toward the re-
duction and ideally the elimination of social oppression at work.
Another potential policy domain has to do with interpersonal forms of op-
pression at work. A number of recent contributions (e.g., Crawford, 1997;
Lewis, 2004; Rayner & Keashly, 2005) have explored the phenomenon of bul-
lying at work. Further work in this area, informed by the psychology of work-
ing, may facilitate the development of work-based policies and governmental
regulations that will reduce the incidence of bullying at work. The literature
on bullying at work has demonstrated the importance of understanding the
psychological attributes of both the individuals and the context of a work-
place. Ideally, collaborations with other psychologists and social scientists
studying interpersonal and social forms of oppression at work may help to in-
form the training efforts and policies needed to establish more humane
working environments.

Cultural Knowledge: The Psychology of Working

A related point that may fuel policy implications relates to the growing knowl-
edge base about the cultural context that frames our understanding of working.
As detailed in previous chapters, the nature of working is very much an inher-
ent part of a culture’s belief systems and individual worldviews (e.g., Carter &
Cook, 1992; Wallman 1979). As the North American and European work
forces become increasingly diverse, the knowledge that cultural variations exist
and need to be affirmed will ideally grow. Research and practice efforts emerg-
ing from the psychology of working have thus far revealed that people construct
their working lives and needs in a manner rooted within their culture (Carter &
Cook, 1992; Flum & Blustein, 2000; Helms & Cook, 1999; Stead, 2004).
 CO NCLUSIO N / 315

Considering variations in the composition of the work force in tandem

with globalization, characterized by growing levels of multinational trade
and exchange, may make it possible for people to affirm the diversity that ex-
ists across the planet. I realize that my vision here is quite optimistic; how-
ever, in keeping with the notion that psychology can be a force for social
change, I hope that psychologists and counselors consider providing work-
shops for young adults and adults, both at work and looking for work, which
will highlight the importance of culture and diversity in contemporary work-
ing contexts. The policy implications of the changing world of work and the
growing diversity of work forces in Europe and North America may help to
frame psychoeducational efforts directed toward reducing racism, classism,
and other forms of human differences.

Summary of Policy Implications

The policy implications outlined here are limited by my own vision, which is
further inhibited by the relatively modest level of research on the psychol-
ogy of working. I am aware that I have outlined an ambitious agenda that
suggests a level of facility with public policy that is not typical among many
social and behavioral scientists and counselors. However, the psychology of
working is a field that ideally is integrally connected with public policy. By
moving our vision beyond the confines of the affluent and privileged, we
force ourselves to reckon with a world that generally does not offer many
choices with respect to work. In facing this world directly, I believe that we
have a valuable opportunity for sustained and positive internal development
of our professional identities. In effect, as we move from the inner world of
our clients and research participants to a clear focus on their outer world, we
will necessarily expand our skill set such that it includes engagement with
social justice issues and public policy (cf. Blustein et al., 2005). The founda-
tions for public policy-oriented scholarship are evident throughout the psy-
chological literature (e.g., Fitzgerald, 2003; Helms et al., 2005; Prilleltensky,
2003). These resources provide a road map and the moral rationale that may
fuel the design and dissemination of policy-oriented research on the psy-
chology of working.

Conclusion

In this chapter, I have sought to integrate the material presented in this book
across several relevant dimensions. First, I have identified themes about the
316 / CH A PT ER 10

psychology of working that transcend the boundaries of the specific chapters

and topics. Second, I have described a number of dialectical issues that under-
lie many of the concerns that will emerge from the psychology of working. Ide-
ally, knowledge about these inherent tensions will serve to enrich the
complexity, depth, and ultimately, the utility, of subsequent research and the-
ory development in the psychology of working.
The third section of this chapter focused on the description of public policy
implications that may emerge from the psychology of working. As I have pre-
sented, the psychological study of working is inherently linked to broader po-
litical, economic, and social contexts. The contributions of psychology to
existing debates about the nature of working and the future of working are
critical, in my view, to developing policies that build on existing knowledge.
The struggles of people to find meaningful and dignified work, support
their families, and connect to the social world have inspired this effort. In-
deed, it is these brave souls with whom I have spent countless hours as clients
in counseling and as participants in research studies, who have so powerfully
affected my work life and worldview. I am hopeful that this book will help all
workers and potential workers to receive the best of what psychology has to
offer. Ideally, this book will result in an expanded vision for our field, both in
terms of breadth and depth. By expanding our vision of the psychological as-
pects of working, I believe that we are in a much better position to create a
fully engaged psychology that supports working as a fundamental human act
that is the birthright of each person.
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 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Preface

Page xi, “Adam Raised a Cain” by Bruce Springsteen. Copyright © 1978 Bruce Springsteen
(ASCAP). Reprinted by permission. International copyright secured. All rights reserved.

Chapter 1
Page 1: From It Comes with the Territory: An Inquiry Concerning Work and the Person by A. Gini & T. J.
Sullivan. Copyright © 1989. Reprinted with permission by author.
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& F. Drasgow (Eds.), The Psychology of Work: Theoretically Based Empirical Research, Copyright
© 2002, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Reprinted with permission.
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& Sons Limited. Reproduced with permission.
Page 6: “Booker T. Washington.” Copyright © 1901, from The Oxford Book of Work by Thomas Keith.
Copyright © 1999, Oxford University Press. Reprinted with permission.
Pages 6–7: From The Oxford Book of Work by Thomas Keith. Copyright © 1999, Oxford University
Press. Reprinted with permission.
Page 9: From Families on the Faultline by Lillian B. Rubin. Copyright © 1994 by Lillian B. Rubin.
Originally published by Harper & Rowe. Reprinted by the permission of Dunham Literary as
agent for the author
Page 11: Reprinted from Journal of Vocational Behavior, Vol. 13, D. E. Super. A Life Span, Life
Space Approach to Career Development, pp. 282–298. Copyright © 1980 with permission
from Elsevier.
Page 16: From Remembering Arthur Kornhauser: Industrial Psychology’s Advocate for Worker
Well-being, by M. J. Zickar, 2003. Journal of Applied Psychology, 88, 363–369. Copyright © 2003
by the American Psychological Association. Reprinted with permission.
Pages 18–19, 25: From Work and the Evolving Self: Theoretical and Clinical Considerations by Steven
Axelrod. Copyright © 1999. The Analytic Press. Reprinted with permission.
Page 20: From Work and Human Behavior by W. S. Neff. Copyright © 1985 by Aldine Publishers.
Reprinted by permission of Aldine Transaction, a division of Aldine Publishers.
Pages 27–28: From The Corrosion of Character: The Personal Consequences of Work in the New Capi-
talism by R. Sennett, Copyright © 1998. W. W. Norton and Company, Inc. Reprinted with per-
mission.

Chapter 2
Page 27: From SATURDAY NIGHT AND SUNDAY MORNING by Alan Sillitoe. Copyright © 1958
by Alan Sillitoe. Used by permission of Alfred A. Knopf, a division of Random House, Inc.
Page 32: From AMOSKEAG: LIFE AND WORK IN AN AMERICAN FACTORY-CITY by Tamara K.
Hareven. Copyright © 1978 by Tamara K. Hareven & Randolph Langenbach. Photo copyright ©

339
340 / ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

1978 by Randolph Langenbach. Used by permission of Pantheon Books, a division of Random

House, Inc.
Pages 33–34: From The Oxford Book of Work by Thomas Keith. Copyright © 1999, Oxford University
Press. Reprinted with permission.
Page 34: ‘Factory’ by Bruce Springsteen. Copyright © 1978 Bruce Springsteen (ASCAP). Reprinted
by permission. International copyright secured. All rights reserved.
Page 38: From THE END OF WORK by Jeremy Rifkin. Copyright © 1995 by Jeremy Rifkin. Used by
permission of Jeremy P. Tarcher, an imprint of Penguin Group (USA) Inc.
Page 41: Neumark, David. In On the job: Is Long Term Employment a Thing of the Past? Copyright ©
2000, Russell Sage Foundation, 112 East 64th Street, New York, NY 10021 Reprinted with per-
mission.
Pages 43, 56–57: Excerpts from “Tourist with an Attitude” and “The Groundswell” from THE LEXUS
AND THE OLIVE TREE: UNDERSTANDING GLOBALIZATION by Thomas L. Friedman.
Copyright © 1999, 2000 by Thomas L. Friedman. Reprinted by permission of Farrar, Straus and
Giroux, LLC.
Page 44: From Secure Base Relationships at Work by W. A. Kahn, in The Career is Dead, Long Live
the Career by D. T. Hall (Ed.). Copyright © 1996, Reprinted with permission of John Wiley &
Sons, Inc.
Page 45: From ONE NATION, AFTER ALL by Alan Wolfe, Copyright © 1998 by Alan Wolfe. Used
by permission of Viking Penguin, a division of Penguin Group (USA) Inc
Pages 47–48: From The Career is Dead, Long Live the Career by D. T. Hall, Copyright © 1996.
Reprinted with permission of John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Page 49: From The Corrosion of Character: The Personal Consequences of Work in the New Capitalism
by R. Sennett, Copyright © 1998. W. W. Norton and Company, Inc. Reprinted with permission.
Pages 55–58: From WHEN WORK DISAPPEARS by William Julius Wilson. Copyright © 1996 by
William Julius Wilson. Used by permission of Alfred A. Knopf, a division of Random House, Inc.
Page 56: From Lives on the Line by Martha Shirk, Neil G. Bennett & J. Lawrence Aber. Reprinted by
permission of Westview Pre, a member of Perseus Books, L.L.C. Copyright © 1999.
Pages 58–59, ‘The River’ by Bruce Springsteen. Copyright © 1980 Bruce Springsteen (ASCAP).
Reprinted by permission. International copyright secured. All rights reserved.

Chapter 3

Page 67: From The Jungle by Upton Sinclair. Copyright © 1906. Random House, Inc.
Page 67: From Blood, Sweat & Tears: The Evolution of Work, 1st ed., by R. Donkin. Copyright © 2001,
NY: Texere. Reprinted with permission.
Pages 67–68: From SATURDAY NIGHT AND SUNDAY MORNING by Alan Sillitoe. Copyright ©
1958 by Alan Sillitoe. Used by permission of Alfred A. Knopf, a division of Random House, Inc.
Page 68: From Falling from Grace: The Experience of Downward Mobility in the American Middle Class
by Katherine Newman. Copyright © 1999 by Katherine Newman. Used by permission of Univer-
sity of California Press
Page 70: From Work and the Evolving Self: Theoretical and Clinical Considerations by Steven Axelrod.
Copyright © 1999. The Analytic Press. Reprinted with permission.
Page 73, WRITING FOR A LIBERATION PSYCHOLOGY by Ignacio Martín-Baro. Edited by
Adrienne Aron & Shawn Corne, p. 62. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, Copyright
© 1994 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College.
Pages 75–76: From Issues in Racial Minorities’ Career Behavior by E. J. Smith. In Handbook of Vo-
cational Psychology, Vol. 1, W. B. Walsh & S. H. Osipow (Eds.). Copyright © 1983 Lawrence
Erlbaum Associates. Reprinted with permission.
Pages 76–77: From The Collected Poems of Langston Hughes by Langston Hughes. Copyright © 1994
by the Estate of Langston Hughes. Used by permission of Alfred A. Knopf, a division of Random
House, Inc.
Pages 77–78, ‘Sinaloa Cowboys’ by Bruce Springsteen. Copyright © 1995 Bruce Springsteen
(ASCAP). Reprinted by permission. International copyright secured. All rights reserved
Pages 78–79: From WHEN WORK DISAPPEARS by William Julius Wilson. Copyright © 1996 by
William Julius Wilson. Used by permission of Alfred A. Knopf, a division of Random House, Inc.
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS / 341

Chapter 4
Page 86: From NO SHAME IN MY GAME by Katherine S. Newman. Copyright © 1999 by Russell
Sage Foundation. Used by permission of Alfred A. Knopf, a division of Random House, Inc.
Page 86: ‘A Death at the Office.’ From SURE SIGNS: NEW AND SELECTED POEMS, by Ted
Kooser. Copyright © 1980. Reprinted by permission of the University of Pittsburgh Press.
Page 87: From THE MIND AT WORK by Mike Rose, Copyright © 2004 by Mike Rose. Used by per-
mission of Viking Penguin, a division of Penguin Group (USA) Inc.
Pages 90–91: From Women, Men, Work, and Family by R.C. Barnett & J. S. Hyde, 2001. American
Psychologist, 56, 781–796. Copyright © 2001 by the American Psychological Association. Re-
printed with permission.
Page 92: From WOMEN IN THE MINES, by M. Moore. Twayne Publishers, Copyright © 1996
Twayne Publishers. Reprinted by permission of The Gale Group.
Pages 92–93: From Chicago Poems by Carl Sandburg, Copyright © 1994. Dover Publications.
Page 100: From Death of a Salesman by Arthur Miller, Copyright © 1949, renewed © 1977 by Arthur
Miller. Used by permission of Viking Penguin, a division of Penguin Group(USA) Inc.
Page 101: From American Indian Perspectives on the Career Journey, by C. L. Juntenen, D. J.
Barraclough, C. J. Broneck, G. A. Seibel, S. A. Winrow, & P. M. Morin, 2001. Journal of Counsel-
ing Psychology, 48, 274–285. Copyright © 2001 by the American Psychological Association.
Reprinted with permission.
Page 102: From Journal of Vocational Behavior, Vol. 61, No. 2, pp. 202–216. Copyright © 2002. In
Preparations for the School-to-work Transition by S. D. Phillips, D. L. Blustein, K. Jobin-Davis,
& S. F. White. With permission from Elsevier.
Page 103: From SATURDAY NIGHT AND SUNDAY MORNING by Alan Sillitoe. Copyright ©
1958 by Alan Sillitoe. Used by permission of Alfred A. Knopf, a division of Random House, Inc.
Page 105: From Families on the Faultline by Lillian B. Rubin. Copyright © 1994 by Lillian B. Rubin.
Originally published by Harper & Rowe. Reprinted by the permission of Dunham Literary as
agent for the author.
Page 110: From Beyond Self-Interest: Professional Advocacy and the Integration of Theory, Re-
search and Practice, by M. Shore, 1998. American Psychologist, 53, 474–479. Copyright © 1998 by
the American Psychological Association. Reprinted with permission.

Chapter 5

Page 114: From “chapter 14” THE GRAPES OF WRATH by John Steinbeck. Copyright © 1939, re-
newed © 1967 by John Steinbeck. Used by permission of Viking Penguin, a division of Penguin
Group (USA) Inc.
Page 115: From Blood, Sweat & Tears: The Evolution of Work, 1st ed., by R. Donkin. Copyright ©
2001, NY: Texere. Reprinted with permission.
Pages 115, 131, 135, 136, 139, 142–143: From GIG by John Bowe, Marisa Bowe, & Sabin Streeter.
Copyright © 2000, 2001 by John Bowe, Marisa Bowe, and Sabin Streeter. Used by permission of
Crown Publishers, a division of Random House, Inc.
Pages 116, 129: From Border People by Oscar Martinez. Copyright © 1994, University of Arizona
Press. Reprinted with permission.
Page 118: From The Psychology of Careers. Copyright © 1957 by Donald E. Super, Harper & Row.
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Brown & Associates (Eds.), Career Choice and Development. Copyright © 2002. Reprinted with
permission by John Wiley & Sons.
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342 / ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

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William Julius Wilson. Used by permission of Alfred A. Knopf, a division of Random House, Inc.
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of Minority Persons, by J. Cohn. In Diversity and Women’s Career Development: From Adolescence
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Sirin, & K. S. Bhati, 2002. Journal of Counseling Psychgology, 49, 311–323. Copyright © 2002 by
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G. Soleck, J. Hopps, K. Dunston, & T. Pickett, 2004. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 51, 3–18.
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Pages 187–188: From On Visibility by Ruthann Rudel. In Out in the Workplace: The Pleasures and
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Chapter 7
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with permission of John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
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© 2002. Preparations for the School-to-Work Transition by S. D. Phillips, D. L. Blustein, K.
Jobin-Davis, & S. F. White, with permission from Elsevier.
Pages 202–204: From Values, Assumptions, and Practices: Assessing the Moral Implications of Psycho-
logical Discourse and Action by I. Prilleltensky. Copyright © 1997 by the American Psychological
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cal Discourse and Action by I. Prilleltensky. Copyright © 1997 by the American Psychological As-
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with permission from Elsevier.
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search and Practice by M. Shore, 1998. American Psychologist, 53, 474–479.Copyright © 1998 by
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& P. M. Spengler. In B. W. Walsh & S. H. Osipow (Eds.), Handbook of Vocational Psychology:
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Chapter 9
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Heppner & M. J. Heppner, with permission from Elsevier.

Chapter 10
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 Author Index

A Barnett, R. C., 51, 53, 90, 91, 303

Barrios de Chungara, D., 161
Abdul-Adil, J., 281 Barron, K. E., 224
Aber, J. L., 52 Beck, A., 295
Adams, J. S., 123 Bell, H. M., 173
Ainsworth, M., 50, 96 Bennett, J., 268, 269, 311
Altmaier, E., 96 Bennett, N. G., 52
Amundson, N. E., 213, 247 Berg, L., 237
Andersen, M., 169 Bergin, A., 25
Anderson, N. B., 155 Bergman, S. J., 53
Andrews, S., 87, 93 Bernstein, J., 214
Angrosino, M. V., 232 Berridge, J., 249
Applebaum, H., 72 Berven, N., 260
Aquino, J., 96 Besalel, V. A., 268
Arbona, C., 154, 156, 163, 164, 223, 271, 273 Bettenson, H. S., 5
Aronfreed, J., 239 Betz, N. E., 13, 17, 26, 51, 52, 90, 154, 165,
Aronowitz, S., 9 166, 167, 168, 171, 172, 174, 211,
Arthur, M. B., 4, 15, 29, 47, 53, 212, 213, 218 221, 222, 223, 244, 247, 250, 252,
Aryee, S., 16 275, 286
Ascher, C., 85, 226 Beutell, N., 17
Astin, H., 167 Bieschke, K., 265, 266
Atkinson, P. H., 166, 168, 172, 173, 174, 199 Bingham, R. P., 13, 156, 270, 271, 273
Atwood, G., 283, 284 Black, B., 184
Auerbach, C., 165 Bladassarri, M., 61
Axelrod, S. D., 18, 19, 25, 70, 107, 108, 110, Bloch, D.P., 64, 245, 262
111, 228, 243, 249, 278, 288 Blos, P., 8
Azrin, N. H., 261, 268, 269 Bloxsome, T., 285
Blumenfeld, P.C., 226
B Blustein, D. L., 10, 24, 25, 60, 64, 79, 87, 88,
89, 94, 95, 97, 99, 100, 101, 107,
Bailyn, L., 15, 99 108, 110, 111, 112, 113, 117, 118,
Baker, D. B., 10, 35 120, 137, 138, 143, 144, 146, 164,
Baker, S. B., 90, 217, 304 165, 173, 175, 176, 191, 199, 200,
Bamber, G., 136 201, 203, 204, 210, 211, 212, 217,
Bandalos, D., 221 219, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 233,
Bandura, A., 138, 140, 268 234, 237, 241, 243, 245, 247, 250,
Bankart, P., 248 253, 254, 262, 263, 267, 278, 280,
Banks, N., 222 282, 290, 293, 294, 304, 308, 309,
Barkham, M., 254 310, 314, 315
Barling, J., 16 Boatwright, K., 265
Barlow, D., 248, 251, 301 Bogart, G., 245

345
346 / A U T H O R IND EX

Bohart, A., 25, 238, 239, 240, 258, 283, 288, Cinnamon, R. G., 17, 89, 287
289 Clark, R., 155
Bolles, M. E., 64, 127, 258, 267, 287, 294, 299 Clawson, D., 9, 53, 54
Bolles, R. N., 64, 127, 258, 267, 287, 294, 299 Clawson, M. A., 9, 53, 54
Bond, G., 262 Close, W., 245
Bonney, N., 169 Coatsworth, D., 311
Bordin, E., 283 Cochran, S., 93, 218, 228
Borgen, W. A., 213, 294 Codding, J., 61
Borman, K. M., 91 Cohen, R., 11
Bouchard, T., 287 Cohn, J., 162, 164
Boulet, D., 231 Coles, N., 179
Bowe, J., 25, 115, 127, 131, 135, 136, 139, 142, Collin, A., 4, 26, 38, 46, 88, 119, 199, 212,
143, 163, 164, 170, 185, 215 218, 310
Bowe, M., 25, 115, 127, 131, 135, 136, 139, 142, Collins, P., 169
143, 163, 164, 170, 185, 215 Comaling, K., 210
Bowen, M., 93 Constantine, M., 156
Bowlby, J., 31, 50, 89, 95, 96, 97, 137, 140, 251 Cook, D. A., 13, 17, 26, 76, 143, 144, 154,
Boyd, D., 51 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 166,
Boyer, S., 262 174, 180, 181, 193, 221, 222, 225,
Brabeck, M., 166, 209, 308 237, 247, 252, 270, 271, 272, 273,
Breicheisen, B., 285 286, 314
Bridges, M., 171 Cooper, C. L., 52, 98
Brockner, J., 20 Corbin, J., 224
Brodsky, A., 169 Corning, A. F., 211, 247, 275
Brooks, G., 105, 298 Couchman, C., 140
Brooks, L., 167, 168, 169, 278 Cramer, S. H., 10, 213
Brown, D., 71, 141, 250, 259, 264, 287 Crawford, N., 314
Brown, J. A., 31 Creed, P. A., 285
Brown, K., 191, 192, 298 Croteau, J., 265, 266
Brown, M. T., 13, 26, 143, 156, 173, 174, 175, Crothers, M., 271
176, 223, 302 Csikszentimihalyi, M., 134
Brown, R., 221 Cutler, J., 9
Brown, S. D., 116, 167, 229, 246, 285 Cutrona, C., 96
Brownlee, W., 8, 9
Burck, H. D., 217, 304 D
Burr, V., 198, 199
Bynner, J., 214, 217, 225, 263, 279, 309 Dalla, R. L., 170
Damon, W., 134
C Danziger, S. H., 174
Davidson, M., 52
Campbell, E., 240 Davis, H. V., 10
Caplan, R. D., 110, 311 Davis, M. H., 239
Cappelli, P., 216, 219 Dawis, R.V., 116, 117, 118, 211
Carter, G. L., 51, 90, 104, 303 De la Peña, T., 153
Carter, R. T., 13, 17, 76, 155, 156, 157, 159, Dearborn, W. E., 173
166, 174, 221, 222, 237, 247, 270, Deci, E. L., 22, 115, 125, 127, 128, 129, 132,
271, 272, 273, 314 133, 134, 137, 138, 139, 140, 143,
Cartwright, D., 15 144, 145, 149, 150, 151, 216, 226,
Casas, M., 221 227, 229, 310, 312
Chan, F., 260 Dekovic, M., 214
Chaves, A. P., 212, 233, 235, 287 DeLeo, P. J., 123
Chay, Y., 16 Denzin, N., 232
Chochran, L., 94 Devine, P. G., 154, 155, 160, 224
Choi, J., 266 Diamond, J., 31, 33
Christopher-Sisk, E., 97 Diener, E., 267
Chun, C., 162 Doherty, W., 252
Chung, B., 154, 186, 265, 266 Donkin, R., 4, 5, 9, 30, 31, 67, 115
Chusid, H., 93, 94, 228 Dooley, D., 216
 A U T H O R I ND EX / 347

Dorfman, P., 16 Fox, D., 252

Dowrick, P., 226 Fox, M., 37, 55, 65
Drenth, P., 16 Fox, S., 222
Drucker, P., 31, 42 Frazer, E., 203
Duan, C., 239 Frazier P. A., 224
Dunkle, J. H., 186, 265 Fredricks, J. A., 226
Dunne, H. P., 93 Fredriksen-Goldsen, K. I., 90, 91, 104, 105,
Dunston, K., 180 106
Freedheim, D., 247
E Freire, P., 202, 245, 272, 280
Freud, S., 2, 18, 25, 69, 70, 71, 95, 248
Earle, T., 71, 74, 88 Frey, J. H., 232
Edwards, R., 9 Friedan, B., 166
Eisner, E., 287 Friedlander, M., 89
Ellwood, D. T., 213 Friedman, T. L., 24, 28, 30, 42, 43, 44, 46, 55,
Enright, M. S., 183 61
Epstein, M., 147, 148 Fromm, E., 70
Erikson, E. H., 18, 25, 113, 248 Fromm-Reichman, F., 290
Erlebach, A. C., 213 Frone, M. R., 17
Ettinger, J. M., 183 Fuchs, D., 222
Etzioni, A., 203 Fuhrmann, A., 134
Evans, J. H., 217, 304 Fukunaga, C., 143
Furnham, A., 213
F
G
Fabian, E., 261
Falk, A., 294 Galinsky, M. D., 15
Farmer, H. S., 1, 26, 163, 167, 168, 172 Gallagher, L. A., 233
Fassinger, R. E., 13, 26, 154, 168, 172, 186, Gardner, H., 134
187, 221, 224, 252, 265, 302 Garfield, S., 25
Feeney, J., 96 Gelatt, H. B., 46
Ferreira, J. A., 212 Gergen, K., 120, 198, 199, 201, 234, 238, 240,
Ferri, E., 217 284, 305
Ferrie, J. E., 17 Giddens, A., 173, 177
Feshbach, D. L., 239 Gifsh, L., 184
Festinger, L., 123 Gil, L., 203
Fielden, S., 52 Gilbert, L., 91, 167, 211
Fine, M., 37, 236, 271 Gilbert, M., 265
Fineman, S., 97 Gilbride, D., 260, 261
Finkelberg, S. L., 97 Gilligan, C., 49, 50, 64
Firth, R., 5 Gillman, S., 92
Fischer, W., 5, 8 Gini, A., 2, 7, 8, 9, 37, 38, 40, 69, 75, 88, 112,
Fisher, J., 17 127, 212
Fitzgerald, L. F., 13, 17, 26, 51, 52, 90, 105, Gladfelter, J. H., 248
165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 171, 172, Gladstein, G., 240
174, 221, 223, 252, 303, 314, 315 Glover, R. W., 217
Fletcher, J. K., 49, 50, 90, 99 Goffman, E., 182
Flum, H., 24, 64, 87, 88, 95, 96, 97, 99, 112, Goldschmidt, W., 4, 8, 59, 71, 72, 74, 75, 88, 112
137, 138, 169, 210, 212, 226, 227, Gonick, L., 202, 203
229, 250, 290, 293, 304, 310, 314 González, R. C., 3, 8, 13, 28, 29, 55, 60, 244,
Fontana, A., 232 246, 252, 270
Ford, D., 237 Good, G., 298
Forrest, L., 167, 168, 169, 265, 278 Goodman, J., 111
Foster, M., 153 Goodman, L., 252, 271, 272
Fouad, N. A., 13, 26, 143, 173, 176, 223, 270, Googins, B. K., 211
271, 273, 286, 302 Gordon, E.E., 39
Foucault, M., 182 Gore, S., 97
Fowers, B., 202 Gorz, A., 40
348 / A U T H O R IND EX

Gottesman, I., 287 270, 271, 272, 286, 287, 288, 314,
Gottfredson, G., 222 315
Gottschalk, P., 40 Heppner, M. J., 250, 253, 282, 283, 284
Grantham, C., 24, 29, 37, 43, 55, 124 Heppner, P. P., 250, 253, 282, 283, 284
Gravino, K., 97 Herr, E. L., 10, 21, 40, 213, 226, 244, 245,
Grayson, J. P., 17 249, 250, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270
Green, R., 310 Herriot, P., 88, 98
Greenberg, E., 17 Hershenson, D. B., 183, 261
Greenberg, L., 25, 238, 239, 240, 258, 283, 288, Herzberg, F., 122
289 Hesse-Biber, S., 51, 90, 104, 303
Greenfield, P., 225 Hession, C., 8
Greenhaus, J. H., 17, 87, 89, 90, 96, 104, 303 Hetherington, M., 171
Greiff, B., 216 Hicks, R. E., 285
Greiner, B., 17 Hill, C. E., 224, 228, 239, 253, 282, 283, 284,
Griffiths, A., 16 290
Grigorenko, E., 85 Hill, J., 310
Grossman, F., 240 Hoffman, M., 253
Grossman, J. M., 233 Holland, J. L., 12, 24, 113, 115, 116, 117, 127,
Grotevant, H., 113 211, 253
Grunberg, L., 17 Hollenback, J., 123
Guba, E. G., 230 Höpfl, H., 166, 168, 172, 174, 199
Gudmundsdottir, M., 37 Hopps, J., 180
Gutek, B., 165, 167 Hotelling, K., 221
Gysbers, N., 245, 250, 270, 271 Howard, K., 245
Howell, J., 16
H Hughes, L., 77
Hulin, C., 1
Hackett, G., 13, 24, 116, 167, 221 Hunt, E., 60, 61, 310
Hagen, D., 216 Hyde, J. S., 51, 53, 90, 91, 303
Hagner, D., 261
Hall, D. T., 4, 15, 24, 28, 29, 36, 46, 47, 48, 49, I
50, 55, 87, 88, 95, 96, 97, 98, 122,
124, 137, 196, 211, 245 Iedema, J., 214
Halle, D., 177, 178 Imhoff, A. R., 165
Hammer, A. L., 294 Insabella, G., 171
Hanisch, K., 214, 216 Ireland, M., 166
Hanley-Maxwell, C., 261 Isohanni, I., 250, 294
Hansen, D., 41 Isohanni, M., 250, 294
Hansen, J. C., 294 Issacson, L., 250
Hareven, T. K., 9, 32, 33
Hargreaves, A., 308 J
Hargrove, B., 156
Harmon, L. W., 1, 26, 127, 165, 167, 168, 172, Jaeger, D. A., 40, 41, 213
294, 299 Jain, S., 169, 172
Harren, V., 234 Jeanquart-Barone, S., 222
Hartung, P., 10, 117, 270 Jeffrey, J. M., 100
Hauser, R. M., 173, 175 Jernigan, M., 85
Haveman, R.H., 174 Jobin-Davis, K., 60, 97
Hawley, E., 221 Johnson, A. W., 71, 74, 88
Hayes, J., 298 Johnson, G., 16
Heckman, J., 263 Johnson, M. J., 161
Heesacker, M., 91, 104 Johnson, R., 61, 226
Heidegger, M., 2 Johnson, W., 16, 287
Heilbroner, R., 5, 9, 72 Johnston, J., 250, 285
Heilman, M., 221 Johnston, K., 250, 285
Helms, J. E., 13, 26, 76, 85, 143, 144, 154, Joiner, T., 125
155, 156, 157, 158, 160, 174, 180, Jokelainen, J., 294
193, 221, 222, 225, 237, 247, 252, Jones, P., 294
 A U T H O R I ND EX / 349

Jones, S., 251 Lansbury, R., 136

Jordaan, J., 11 Lapan, R., 116, 245, 246, 304, 309, 310
Jordan, J., 12, 49, 64, 95, 97, 109, 238 Lasoff, D., 246
Jordan, S., 213 Lawrence, B. S., 15
Josephs, R., 221 Lent, R. W., 116, 117, 119, 122, 127, 138, 167
Josselson, R., 50, 64, 95, 96, 97, 109, 113, 169 Leong, F., 162, 223, 270, 273
Juntunen, C. L., 13, 60, 101, 161, 217, 224, 235, Lerner, R. M., 88, 237
238, 262, 308 Levant, R., 105, 165, 298
Levenson, A. R., 40, 41
K Levine, D., 61
Levinson, D., 218
Kahn, A., 103, 249, 266 Lewis, D., 314
Kahn, H., 267 Lewis, O., 174
Kahn, W. A., 50, 97 Lewis, S., 52
Kane, R., 202, 264 Li, L., 162
Kaplan, A., 95 Liang, B., 162
Kates, N., 216 Liang, C., 162
Keashly, L., 314 Lincoln, Y.S ., 230, 232
Keister, L., 63 Linehan, M., 298
Keller, B., 303 Lippmann, W., 12, 36
Keller, F. J., 10 Liu, W. M., 173, 174, 180, 181, 182, 221, 222,
Kenny, M. E., 209, 233, 235 223, 237
Ketzenberger, K., 265 Locke, J., 7
Kidd, J., 85 Lofquist, L. H., 211
Kidd, K., 85 Lonborg, S., 24, 221
Kikoski, C., 165 Lopez, F., 87, 93
Kikoski, J., 165 Lott, B., 23, 154, 173, 182, 237
Kim, B., 162 Loury, G., 174
Kirschner, T., 253 Lowe, R., 61
Kiselica, M., 272 Lowman, R., 25, 94, 111, 228, 243, 249
Kliman, J., 173 Luchetta, E., 286
Kohut, H., 18, 34, 50, 96, 238, 251, 299 Luckey, E. B., 87
Kolodinsky, P., 216 Lynch, J. H., 137
Kooser, T., 86
Korten, D., 203 M
Kosciulek, R., 304
Kozol, J., 37, 62, 309 MacDonald, C., 136
Kram, K. E., 50, 97 Macedo, D., 203
Kramer, S., 108, 111, 249, 278, 288 Machin, M. A., 285
Krane, N. E. R., 229, 246, 285 Magoon, T., 253
Krause, N., 17 Mahalik, J., 53, 105, 298
Kress, H. M., 100 Mahrer, A., 231
Krueger, R., 287 Maki, D., 260, 305
Kruger, L., 240 Malamut A., 221
Krugman, P. R., 23 Malley, J., 52
Krumboltz, J., 141 Mallinckrodt, B., 268, 269, 311
Kuhl, J., 134 Manuele-Adkins, C., 253
Kurian, R., 56 Manzi, A. J., 100
Markel, K. S., 17
L Marshall, K. G., 217
Marshall, R., 8, 30, 31, 35, 39, 42, 45, 55, 60,
Lacey, N., 203 61, 62, 79, 164, 217, 224, 226, 279,
LaGuardia, J., 140 280, 286, 308
Lamberg, L., 17 Martín-Baro, I., 69, 73, 143, 202, 245
Lamont, M., 53 Martin, J., 192
Landy, F. J., 11, 14, 15, 115, 121, 122, 123, 127, Martin, W. E., 161
144, 211 Martínez, O. J., 116, 129
Langenbach, R., 9, 32, 33 Marx, K., 2, 7, 19, 20, 23, 32, 75
350 / A U T H O R IND EX

Mascher, J., 85 Oden, M., 166

Maslow, A. H., 1, 20, 70, 71, 79, 84, 116, 121, Offerman, L., 221
122 Oher, J., 249
Massimo, J., 110, 144, 248, 254, 300, 312 Orange, D., 283
Masske, J., 298 Oresick, P., 179
Masten, A., 311 Orr, A., 226
Matlin, N., 11 Osborn, D. S., 286
Maton, K. I., 236 Osipow, S., 165
Mays de Pérez, K. A., 232 Overstreet, P. L., 12
McClure, F., 282 Owens-Johnson, L., 261
McDonough, P. M., 174
McGue, M., 287 P
McMahon, M., 93, 94
McWhirter, E. H., 79, 221, 271, 278 Paganetto, L., 61
Meara, N. M., 283 Page, P., 104
Meeus, W., 214 Palladino, D., 89
Menaghan, E. G., 92 Parasuraman, S., 87, 89, 90, 104, 303
Menninger, K. A., 21 Parcel, T. L., 91
Miller, A., 100 Paris, A. H., 226
Miller, J. B., 50, 95, 97 Parker, R. M., 107, 182, 183, 247, 260, 261,
Mills, J., 290 305
Milner, A., 173 Parsons, F., 10, 14, 26, 115, 117, 244, 247
Miner, J., 11, 14 Parsons, S., 214, 225
Mirvis, P. H., 46, 47, 48, 69 Patton, M. J., 283
Mishel, L., 214 Patton, W., 93, 94
Mitchell, K., 186 Payne, R. L., 98
Mitchell, L., 141 Perry, J., 79
Mitchell, S. A., 50, 64, 95, 109 Perry-Jenkins, M., 91
Moffitt, R., 40 Petersen, A. C., 213
Moore, K., 213, 311 Peterson, B., 61
Moore, M., 92 Peterson, M., 226
Moore, R., 240 Peterson, N., 3, 7, 13, 28, 29, 55, 60, 244, 246,
Moore, S., 17 252, 270
Morgan, R. R., 38 Phelps, R., 156
Morrison, J., 53 Phillip, R. A., 268
Morrow, S., 230, 231, 232 Phillips, S. D., 60, 97, 99, 101, 102, 165, 234,
Mortimer, J. T., 213 241, 264
Munion, W. M., 248, 250 Pickett, T., 180
Pinderhughes, E., 236
N Pinterits, E. J., 156
Piper, R. E., 13, 157, 158
Neff, W. S., 5, 8, 11, 14, 18, 20, 21, 30, 31, 52, Pollack, W., 105
72, 144, 182, 183, 184, 210, 305 Polsky, D., 41
Nelson, G., 236 Ponticell, J. A., 39
Neumark, D., 40, 41, 42, 304 Pope-Davis, D., 156
Neville, H. A., 155, 156, 237 Pope, M., 111, 156, 186, 244, 245, 259
Newman, K. S., 68, 86, 130, 178, 182, 196, 210, Powell, G. N., 88, 165, 210
212, 215, 308 Pratt, T., 281
Niles, S. G., 10, 111, 213 Prediger, D. J., 286
Noller, P., 96 Prezioso, M. S., 88
Noonan, B., 186 Price, R. H., 110, 266, 267
Nougaim, K. E., 122 Price, T. D., 31
Noumair, D. A., 88 Prilleltensky, I., 69, 143, 144, 201, 202, 203,
204, 206, 207, 230, 236, 238, 240,
O 252, 281, 305, 315
Prince, J., 186
O’Brien, G. E., 3, 18, 20, 61, 69, 97, 210, 213, Pritchard, R. D., 123
311 Putnam, R., 152
 A U T H O R I ND EX / 351

Q S
Quick, J. C., 16, 17 Safran, J., 148
Salgado, S., 241
R Sampson, E., 202
Sandburg, C., 92, 93
Rafnsdottir, G., 37 Sanders, T., 170, 171
Ragland, D., 17 Santos, E. J. R., 212
Rankin, B., 267 Sardy, H., 8
Rasheed, S., 271 Savickas, M. L., 10, 11, 13, 24, 26, 29, 30, 35,
Rau, R., 17 36, 115, 117, 118, 246, 253
Rayner, C., 314 Scharlach, A. E., 90, 91, 104, 105, 106
Reddock, R., 169, 172 Schaufeli, W., 16, 17
Reese, L., 262 Schein, E., 46, 48, 112
Reich, R. B., 8, 9, 31, 40, 42, 48, 55, 60, 61, 62, Schlossberg, N., 218
179, 217, 226 Schor, J. B., 45
Riala, K., 294 Schul, Y., 266, 268
Rich, Y., 17, 89, 250 Schulenberg, J. E., 88
Richardson, C., 168 Schultheiss, D. E. P., 64, 87, 88, 97, 100, 112,
Richardson, F., 202 113, 137, 138, 212, 229, 293, 304
Richardson, M. S., 3, 8, 12, 13, 17, 24, 25, 26, Sekaran, U., 222
52, 79, 85, 87, 88, 116, 127, 165, 198, Seligman, M., 267
199, 200, 212, 243, 246, 250, 251, Sennett, R., 11, 12, 24, 28, 29, 35, 36, 37, 47,
252, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 285, 48, 49, 50, 53, 63, 98, 99, 127, 152,
290, 302 162, 227, 281
Richwine, M., 286 Serafica, F. C., 162
Rifkin, J., 28, 29, 35, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, Serrano-García, I., 203
46, 47, 52, 53, 55, 58, 60, 218, 279, Sewell, W. H., 173, 175
310, 311 Sexton, T., 230, 246
Riger, S., 168 Shaffer, J. B. P., 15
Riggar, T. F., 260, 305 Shapiro, D., 254
Riis, J., 33 Shapiro, J., 262
Riley, D., 236, 272 Sharf, R., 250, 259
Riverin-Simard, D., 143 Sheldon, K., 125, 126, 145, 146, 149, 150, 152,
Roarke, A. E., 97 229
Roberts, K., 173 Shepherd, P., 217
Robinson, D. N., 281 Shipler, D. K., 23, 53
Robson, W., 219, 220 Shirk, M., 52, 56
Rocha-Singh, I., 221 Shore, M., 107, 110, 144, 248, 254, 300, 312
Roessler, R. T., 184 Silbereisen, R., 237
Rogers, C., 19 Sillitoe, A., 27, 68
Rose, M., 87, 279 Silverstein, L., 165
Rossides, D., 173 Sinclair, U., 33, 67
Rossiter, A., 203 Singer, A., 5, 9, 72
Rossman, M. M., 263 Sirianni, C., 136
Rothney, J. W., 173 Sloan, T., 238
Rounds, J., 168 Smelser, N. J., 25, 248
Rousseau, D. M., 4, 47, 53, 212, 218 Smith, E. J., 12, 13, 17, 76, 156, 210, 273
Rowe, D. C., 156 Smith, M. L., 230, 231, 232
Rubin, L. B., 52, 91, 182, 215 Socarides, C. W., 108, 111, 249, 278, 288
Rubin, S. E., 184 Solberg, S., 245
Rudel, R., 187 Soleck, G., 180
Russell, D., 96 Solomon, B. B., 237
Russell, J., 37, 168 Speight, S., 252, 271
Ryan, R. M., 22, 115, 125, 127, 128, 129, 132, Spengler, P., 24, 87, 94, 107, 108, 113, 144,
133, 134, 137, 138, 139, 140, 143, 146, 191, 210, 211, 228, 243, 247,
144, 145, 149, 150, 151, 216, 226, 253, 254, 278, 282
227, 229, 310, 312 Spokane, A. R., 115, 253, 286
352 / A U T H O R IND EX

Spreda, S. L., 286 Thompson, B. J., 224, 233

Springsteen, B., 25, 77, 78 Thompson, C. E., 155, 156, 237
Stake, J., 232 Tix, A. P., 224
Stallworth, L., 222 Tolpin, M., 293
Starishevsky, R., 11 Triandis, H. C., 124, 125
Statt, D., 32, 43, 45, 52 Tucker, M., 8, 30, 31, 32, 35, 39, 42, 45, 55, 60,
Stead, G. B., 120, 198, 234, 314 61, 62, 79, 164, 217, 224, 226, 279,
Steinbeck, J., 33, 114 280, 286, 308
Stensrud, R., 260, 261
Stephens, J., 285 U
Sternberg, R., 85
Sterrett, E., 268 Ulrich, D. N., 93
Stevens, A. H., 40, 41, 213 Umemoto, D., 143
Stevens, G., 51
Stewart, A., 52 V
Stiller, J., 137
Stiver, I., 95
Valach, L., 119
Stockman, N., 169
Vera, E., 252, 262, 271
Stolorow, R., 283, 284
Vinokur, A. D., 110, 266, 268, 269
Strauss, A., 224
Viteles, M. S., 10
Strohmer, D., 108, 243
Vogel, D., 91, 104
Strozier, C., 103
Vondracek, F. W., 88, 237
Suarez-Orozco, C., 293
Voydanoff, P., 17
Sue, D., 271, 273
Vroom, V. H., 18, 119, 121, 122
Sue, S., 162
Vuori, J., 266
Sullivan, T. J., 2, 8, 9, 69, 75, 88
Super, D. E., 11, 12, 18, 19, 24, 26, 29, 35, 36,
88, 115, 116, 118, 175, 213, 218, 225,
W
252, 304
Wachtel, P. L., ix, x, 25, 82, 95, 191, 251, 273,
Surrey, J., 95
280, 282, 283, 284
Swaney, K. B., 286
Walbridge, M., 89
Swanson, J. L., 88, 246, 253, 282
Walker, C., 286
Swartz, J. L., 161
Wallen, A., 221
Swerdlik, M., 11
Wallman, S., 4, 30, 59, 72, 74, 75, 88, 89, 314
Szymanski, E. M., 107, 182, 183, 247, 260, 261,
Walsh, M., 209
305
Walsh, W. B., 13, 156, 159, 165, 211, 270, 273
Walsh-Bowers, R., 203
T Wampold, B., 248, 282, 300
Wanberg, C., 217, 311
Takeuchi, D., 162 Ward, C. M., 13, 156
Tamkins, M., 222 Warnath, C., 13
Tan, H., 16 Waters, L., 213, 311
Tango, R., 216 Watts, R., 281
Tatum, B. D., 155, 156 Way, W. L., 263
Taylor, J. G., 217, 304 Weis, L., 37
Tedlock, B., 232 Weitzman, L. M., 105, 165, 167, 169, 171, 303
Tenorio, R., 61 Wester, S., 91, 104
Terkel, S., 65, 69, 215 Whiston, S., 230, 246, 285, 303
Terman, L., 166 White, R., 138, 140, 158
Tesser, A., 74 White, S. F., 60
Tetrick, L. E., 16, 17 Whitely, J. M., 244, 252
Teyber, E., 282 Wicker, L., 143
Thienes-Hontos, P., 268 Williams, D. R., 155
Thierry, H., 16 Williams, E. N., 224, 228, 282, 283
Thomas, K., 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 33, 34, 65, 69, 112, Williams, G., 125
260 Willis, P., 173
Thomas, R. J., 15, 17
 A U T H O R I ND EX / 353

Wilson, W. J., 9, 23, 28, 29, 37, 39, 40, 45, 46, Y
52, 55, 57, 58, 62, 79, 107, 121, 127,
143, 154, 155, 156, 159, 178, 182, Yardley, J. K., 17
193, 210, 212, 214, 216, 217, 226, Yelland, N., 222
233, 237, 270, 271, 279, 281, 302, Yoder, J., 51
308, 309, 311 Young, K., 162
Winefield, A., 45, 216 Young, R. A., 4, 26, 38, 46, 88, 119, 120, 199,
Wolberg, L. R., 248 212, 218, 310
Wolf, E., 293
Wolf-Powers, L., 219 Z
Wolfe, A., 103
Wolff, C. de, 16 Zander, A., 15
Worthington, R. L., 13, 101, 217, 224, 262, 308 Zaretsky, A., 251
Wright, B. A., 183 Zeig, J., 248, 250
Zickar, M. J., 14, 15, 16, 17, 26
X Zinn, H., 161
Zunker, V. G., 286
Xuewen, S., 169 Zytowski, D., 10
 Subject Index

A career counseling
and changes, 24
African American racism, 156–160 concept of, 245
affluent population, 7–9, 30, 40, 52, 63, 175, and conflict, 99–100
190 and culture, 270
anthropological perspectives of working, methods of, 307
71–73 process of, 282–285
Asian American racism, 162–163 and psychotherapy, 229–230, 252–259,
assessment role, 285–288 276
at-risk youth, 247, 260, 262–264 and social connections, 110–111
see also school-to-work transition and vocational psychology, 10–17
autonomy see also career development, vocational
and control, 48–50 counseling
and empowerment, 194 career development
and independence, 64, 97 theories, 68–76, 115–121, 250–251
and motivation, 126–128 assumptions, 71, 107–108, 111–112,
need for, 133–137 116–121, 157, 168, 229–230,
and relatedness, 140–141 250–251
and self-expression, 70 practice, 73, 76, 204–205, 246, 250–253,
support for, 145–152 259–260, 294–295
see also self-determination theory see also career counseling, vocational
awareness (racial identity theory), 158 counseling
see also racial identity theory Career Development Quarterly, 99, 111
Career Is Dead—Long Live the Career: A
B Relational Approach to Careers,
29, 49
balance theory, 122–123 careers
basic skills role, 224–226 birth of, 30–37
bisexual clients, 265–266 changing nature of, 27–66
“Boss,” 179 counseling, 10–17
of today, 54–62
C see also working
caregiving
capitalism, 7–8, 43, 49, 98–99, 281 bonds in, 96
career choices changes in, 51–53
adjusting to, 94 and gender, 165–166, 303–304
and development theories, 115–121, 127, and working, 51–53, 96, 104–108,
141–142, 167 165–166, 303–304
finding, 11 changing career contract, 46–48
making, 246 Choosing a Vocation, 117
see also career development Civilization and Its Discontents, 69

355
356 / SU BJ ECT IND EX

classism and racism, 156, 162–164, 270–273

reducing, 313, 315 and sexual orientation, 265–266
and social barriers, 155, 194–195, 285 and social class, 173, 181, 306
and social class, 173–182 dissonance (racial identity theory), 158
and social filters, 220–223 see also racial identity theory
see also poverty, social class domain-sensitive approach to counseling,
client change, 284–285 146, 254–259, 293, 295, 300
see also inclusive psychological practice see also inclusive psychological practice
college Drift and Mastery, 12
and at-risk youth, 262–263
and job satisfaction, 100–102 E
and school-to-work transition, 308–310
and work-based transitions, 217–218 economic systems, 7–8
see also education education
competence and career, 28–30, 35–37
and motivation, 126 and counseling, 244–245
need for, 133, 138–141, 148–152 and globalization, 43
and power, 279 see also educational reform, training,
see also self-determination theory school-to-work transition
conflict educational reform, 304, 308–310
dialectical conflicts, 302–307 emancipatory communitarian (EC) perspec-
family–work conflicts, 165–166 tives
interpersonal conflicts at work, 257–259 and counseling process, 281
relational conflicts, 99–100 and psychological approaches, 197–206,
and working, 91, 99–100, 165–166, 205t
257–259, 302–307 and public policy, 262
conformity (racial identity theory), 158 and research, 236–238, 252
see also racial identity theory and social constructionism, 231, 242, 305
contextual conditions, 140 emmersion (racial idenity theory status), 158
contextual views, 19–20, 65–66 see also racial identity theory
counseling empathy, 238–241, 288–289
historical overview of, 244–247 employee assistance programs (EAPs),
and psychotherapy, 229–230, 252–259, 276 249–250
role of work in, 227–230 employer–worker connection, 46–48
and therapeutic implications, 243–274 empowerment, 75, 193–194, 278–280
see also career counseling, inclusive End of Work, The, 29
psychologicial practice, psycho- experience-distant perspectives, 25, 29, 184
therapy, vocational counseling experience-near perspectives, 25, 29, 59,
countertransference challenges, 290–291 75–79, 91–92, 182, 212
critical consciousness, 271–272, 280–282 experience-near research, 238–242
see also emancipatory communitarian experience of working, 1–26, 62–64
(EC) perspectives see also psychology of working
cultural knowledge, 314–315 external regulation, 128–129
see also self-determination
D
F
“Death at the Office,” 87
“Death of a Salesman,” 100 “Factory, The,” 34
dialectical struggles, 33, 64–65, 79, 89, 98, family life, 24, 89–95, 289, 303–304
302–307 family systems perspectives, 93–95, 257
disabling conditions, 106–107, 182–186, family and working, 112
260–262, 305, 313 see also family life, relational perspectives
discovery-oriented research, 231–234 future directions of psychology of working,
discrepant beliefs and behaviors, 283–284 302–316
discrimination
and disabling conditions, 184 G
and gender, 191–193
and oppression, 202–203, 223–224 gay clients, 265–266
 SUBJ ECT IND EX / 357

see also LGBT clients see also racial identity theory

gender, 165–173 integrative perspectives, 20–21
“Getting Down to Cases,” 99, 111 integrative taxonomy of working, 21–22
global economy, 27–28, 37–39, 99, 179–180 intellectual diversity, 305–306
see also globalization internalization
globalization implications of, 132
and changes in workplace, 42–47 processes of, 128–132
and information age, 33, 61, 64–66 and racial identity theory, 158
of labor market, 28, 43–44 see also racial identity theory, self-deter-
and technology, 42–50 mination theory
trends in, 49–51, 54, 258, 315 interpersonal oppression, 207–208, 314
interpretation in psychological treatment,
H 283
introjected regulation, 129–130
Hawthorne studies, 14 see also self-determination theory
heterosexism, 186–188 isolation, 48–50, 63–64
historical perspectives of working, 69–70
J
I
job security, 33, 37–44, 122, 255–256
identified regulation, 130–131 JOBS program, 268
see also self-determination
immersion (racial identity theory, 158
see also racial identity theory
K
inclusive psychological practice
knowledge gap, 60–61
assessment in, 285–288
Kornhauser, Arthur, 16
case explorations of, 291–301
challenges in, 277–278, 290–291
elements of, 282–285
L
goals of, 17, 63, 278–282
labor market
and study of working, 303–306
changes in, 14, 29–30, 54, 115–117,
and therapeutic issues, 288–291
215–220
and work-related issues, 26, 246–250,
globalization of, 28, 43–44
275–301
working outside of, 303–304
see also career counseling, counseling, psy-
labor unions, 53–54
chological treatment, psycho-
Latin American racism, 163–165
therapy, vocational counseling
lesbian clients, 265–266
industrial era, 2, 9, 25–35, 46–47, 179–180
LGBT clients, 187–188, 223, 265–266
industrial/organizational psychology (I/O psy-
see also bisexual clients, gay clients, les-
chology)
bian clients, and
history of, 13–17, 23
transgendered clients
motivational aspects of, 121–127
theories from, 20, 24–26
industrial trends M
post-industrial trends, 11, 29, 64, 72, 115,
136 “Mag,” 92
pre-industrial trends, 4–9, 30 Maslow’s theory, 70–71, 79
information age mental health issues
and globalization, 33, 61, 64–65 and psychological practice, 276–278, 300
and isolation, 63–64 and psychotherapy, 248–258
and job security, 37–42 rise in, 267–269
and technology, 6, 19, 60–61 and working, 312–313
trends in, 24, 29, 48 methodological issues in research, 230–238
see also globalization middle-class
instrumentality theory, 122 and caregiving, 52
integrated regulation, 131–132 and changes in workplace, 36, 41
see also self-determination theory and family life, 90–91
integrative awareness (racial identity theory), and globalization, 45, 65–66
158 and social class, 175
358 / SU BJ ECT IND EX

and social connections, 111–112 see also social functioning and working
and vocational psychology, 200, 286 psychological treatment
and working, 23–28 assessment in, 285–288
see also classism, social class case explorations of, 291–301
motivational issues, 114–152 challenges in, 277–278, 290–291
motivational theories, 121–152 elements of, 282–285
goals of, 63, 278–282
N inclusiveness of, 17, 291
and mental health issues, 276–278, 300
Native American racism, 160–161 and motivational issues, 144–150
need-based theories, 121–122 and power, 80–85
No Shame in My Game, 130 and relationships, 107–111
nonworkers, 304–305 and social barriers, 189–194
see also unemployment, unemployment and therapeutic issues, 288–291
policy and work-related issues, 275–301
see also career counseling, inclusive psy-
O chological practice, psycho-
therapy, vocational counseling
opportunity structure, 143–144, 208, 220–224 psychotherapeutic discourse, 259–273
oppression psychotherapy
and disabling conditions, 184 and counseling, 229–230, 252–259, 276
and discrimination, 202–203, 223–224 historical overview of, 247–252
impact of, 236–238 and mental health issues, 248–258
interpersonal oppression, 314 role of work in, 227–230
and racism, 157, 313–315 see also inclusive psychological practice,
and sexism, 169, 194 psychological treatment
and social barriers, 154, 207–208 public policy
P implications of, 79–80, 308–316
and labor issues, 2–4
Parsons’ Vocational Guidance Bureau, 10 and psychology of working, 155–166,
Person–Environment fit, 11, 117–118 304–316
see also career development theories and research, 216–217
policy implications, 79–80, 308–316
political oppression, 155–156 Q
poverty
and caregiving, 52 Quick Job-Hunting Map, The, 258, 267, 294
and changes in workplace, 40, 55–60
experience of, 10–13, 23 R
and social class, 174–178
and technology, 64–65 race, 155–165
see also at-risk youth, classism, social class, racial identity theory, 157–159
working-class racism
post-industrial trends, 11, 29, 64, 72, 115, 136 and counseling, 270–273, 293–299
see also globalization, information age and discrimination, 156, 162–164,
post-secondary education, 37, 43, 148, 270–273
244–245, 310 and housing programs, 15
see also college institutional racism, 76
power and working and oppression, 313–315
analysis of, 69–71 and social barriers, 153–165, 174–181,
experience-near analysis, 75–79 194–195
and psychological treatment, 80–85 and social filters, 220–222
and survival, 22, 73–80, 163, 171, 174, 179, in working context, 83–84, 159–160
225 reinforcement theory, 123
and working, 22, 67–85 relatedness
pre-industrial trends, 4–8, 30 culture of, 30–31
psychoanalytic perspectives of working, 18–19 dimensions of, 96
psychological functioning and working, need for, 87, 133, 137–141, 151–152,
210–213 193–194
 SUBJ ECT IND EX / 359

and working, 30, 87, 96, 137–138, 141, social class, 173–182
151–152, 193–194 social class worldview model (SCWM),
relational conflict, 99–100 180–181
relational perspectives of working, 95–113, social cognitive career theory, 119, 122, 167,
138, 199, 304 268–269, 305–306
relationships, 100–111 social connections, 22, 86–113, 137, 193
relativism, 234–235 see also relatedness
research social constructionist perspectives, 119–120,
directions in, 210–230 198–202, 206–211, 231, 234–242,
and emancipatory communitarian ideas, 305
236–238, 252 social filters, 220–224
implications of, 196–242 social functioning of working, 210–213
and methodological issues, 230–238 see also psychological functioning of
and participants, 238–242 working
pathways for, 206–210 social oppression, 154, 194, 207–208,
and public policy, 216–217 236–238, 314
and relativism, 234–235 social problems, 23–24, 42, 169, 241, 308
and researcher, 238–242 socialism, 7–8
and theory development, 25, 99, 201, 204, sociological perspectives, 71–73
209, 305–306, 316 spiritual growth, 64–65
“River, The,” 58 stereotypes, 162, 221–222, 265
survival, need for
S analysis of, 69–71
experience-near analysis, 75–79
and power, 22, 73–80, 163, 171, 174, 179,
Saturday Night and Sunday Morning, 103
225
school-to-work (STW) transition
and working, 4, 22, 60–61, 67–85
and at-risk youth, 262–263
and college, 217–219
and educational reform, 308–310 T
and family, 101–103
research on, 200 technology
see also at risk-youth, education and globalization, 42–50
self-concept perspectives, 19 and industrial era, 184
self-determination and information age, 6, 19, 60–61
role of, 226–227 and isolation, 63–64
theories of, 125–128, 132–141 and job security, 37–42
working as, 22, 114–152 see also globalization, information age
in working context, 140–144 theoretical implications of psychology of
see also self-determination theory working, 196–242
self-determination theory (SDT) theory development
applications of, 127–128 and research, 25, 99, 201, 204, 209,
assumptions of, 125–127 305–306, 316
concept of, 115–116 and emancipatory communitarian per-
contextual frame of, 132–140 spectives
and internalization process, 128–132 and scholarship, 181, 197
possibilities of, 227, 229 and social constructionism, 200, 211
working as means of, 22 therapeutic implications, 243–274, 288–291
working context of, 140–144 trade union, 9
see also self-determination see also labor unions
self-expression, 64–65 training, 37, 43, 148, 244–245, 310
sexism, 165–173 see also education
sexual harassment, 168, 221–222, 313–314 trait-factor model, 11–12
sexual orientation, 186–188, 223, 265–266 see also Person-Environment fit
see also gay clients, lesbian clients, LGBT Transferable Skills Inventory, 267, 287, 294,
clients 299
“Sinaloa Cowboys,” 77 see also Quick Job-Hunting Map
social access, 220–224 transgendered clients, 265–266
social barriers, 153–195 see also LGBT clients
360 / SU BJ ECT IND EX

U When Work Disappears, 29, 78

work availability, 63
underemployment, 213–216 work-based transitions, 217–220
unemployed clients, 266–270 work-related challenges, 277–278
unemployment, 213–216 work-related issues
unemployment policy, 311–312 inclusiveness of, 26, 246–250
unions, 9, 53–54 space for, 276–288
work-related strengths, 277–278
V working
and caregiving, 51–53, 96, 104–108,
value congruence, 141–144 165–166, 303–304
values role, 201–206, 205t changing nature of, 27–66, 79, 218,
vocational counseling, 11, 23, 75, 117, 121, 303–304
articulating goals, 278 and conflict, 91, 99–100, 165–166,
and assessment, 285–287 257–259, 302–307
and at-risk youth, 262–264 experience of, 1–26, 62–64
and clients of color, 270–273 and family life, 24, 89–95, 289, 303–304
and clients with disabling conditions, psychology of
260–261 analysis of, 17–22
and domain-sensitive approach, 254 and career counseling, 10–17
historical and contemporary overview, 244, defining, 2–4
245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251 future of, 302–316
integrating with psychotherapy, 252–253 history of, 4–9
and lesbian, gay, bi-sexual, and objective of, 22–26
transgendered clients, 265–266 perspectives of, 18–21
and psychology of working and practice, study of, 9–17
273–274 trends in, 4–9
role of working in, 229 views on, 2–4
therapeutic relationship issues, 288–289 and vocational psychology, 10–17
and unemployed clients, 266–270 relational approach to, 95–113
and work-related issues, 275–276 and relationships, 100–111
and work-related challenges and strengths, and social connections, 22, 86–113, 137,
277 193
see also career counseling, inclusive psy- in today’s world, 54–62
chological practice see also careers
vocational psychology working alliance, 283
and career counseling, 10–17 working-class
and gender, 165–166 analysis of, 105
and inclusiveness, 243–246, 287–288, and changes in workplace, 39–42, 55–60
303–304 experience of, 6–16, 22–32
landscape of, 24–26 and family life, 91–92
and social constructionism, 198–199 and relationships, 101–102
volition, 226–227 and social class, 174–180
and social connections, 112
W and technology, 63–65
see also classism, poverty, social class
Washington, Booker T., 6 World Is Flat, The, 29