Modernity and Social Change Chapter I: Introduction Change is such an evident feature of social reality that any socialscientific

theory, whatever its conceptual starting point, must sooner or later address it. At the same time it is essential to note that the ways social change has been identified have varied greatly in the history of thought. Furthermore, conceptions of change appear to have mirrored the historical realities of different epochs in large degree (Haferkamp and Smelser, 1992)1. Heaphy (2007)2 further mentioned that the idea of modernity is an important one in contemporary social theory and has been influential in debates about the direction sociology should take in the twenty first century. The history of sociology itself is closely bound up by with that of modern and some argue that sociologys destiny is intrinsically intertwined with that of modern society. Modernity, as a sociological construction, has its foundations in the overarching frames for conceptualizing the economic, social, cultural, political and subjective that emerged in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centurys. The concept modernity; has from the beginning been articulated in terms of dualisms that highlight the core processes, dynamics and relations that were thought to be central to it. The conceptual frames that contribute to the constructive movement in theorizing modernity articulate these dualism differently as pointed out by Delanty (1999) that
1

Haferkamp, H. and Smelser, N.J. (1992). Social Change and Modernity, University of California Press: Los Angeles 2 Heaphy, B (2007) Late Modernity and Social Change: Reconstructing Social and Personal Life, Routledge: USA

conflicts between capital and labour (Marx); anomie and disintegration (Durkheim); freedom from tradition and rationalization (Weber) and desire and repression (Freud). Luhmann (1998)3 analyses modernity in

contemporary society by making a distinction between social structure and semantics. It is further mentioned that the current popularity of the concept of modernity is to be ascribed to a shift in emphasis from economy to culture, which is itself still in need of expansion. The description of modernity is just as carelessly applied to post modernity. Modernity and social change is a continuous process that is in progress all over the world. Many European countries have transformed their culture into the contemporary which has been mostly impacted by the trade and commerce activities which brought about radical change in the European societies both from previous versions of themselves and from other societies (Ringmar, 2005)4. Modernity is a resultant of the development and advance of practical sciences which further leads to the development of industrialism,

individualism, democracy, freedom and the ideologies of social philosophies opposed to metaphysics and theology. The concept of modernity is based upon the social structure prevailing in highly advanced countries mainly characterized by rapid urbanization, growing literacy, meaningful concourse of idea among people by means of new media, radio, television and books, etc; increase in proficiency and skill which builds up man power the support the economic progress of the country and growth of political consciousness.
3 4

Luhmann, N. (1998) Observations on Modernity, Stanford University Press Ringmar, E. (2005) The Mechanics of Modernity in Europe and East Asia: The Institutional origins of Social Change and Stagnation, Routledge: USA

This results in increasing geographical mobility and mechanization invades most of the walks of life. Modernity is a different indicator of culture whose characteristics are discernment, broadmindedness, diversity, and the respect for individual which implies the freedom to follow ones own ideas (Sharma, 2004). In India, social change in evident in various walks of life which is taking place through the instrumentality of factors like urbanization, industrialization, westernization, secularization, democratization and

Sanskritisation. In the perspective of contradictory goals being pursued through social change in India, the social scientists have pointed towards the interaction of tradition and modernity. The role of modernity and tradition in social change in the developing countries was very relevant to the Indian scenario (Sharma, 2004)5. The role of modernity has been very profound in creating a social change in religion and caste allowing the people of backward classes to get acquainted to the outside world through education and cultural transformation. This study aims to identify the role of modernity in bringing about social change in the lives of people especially people from Lambada tribe who have being exploited for centuries from the hands of upper class on various pretexts. Background to the study "Tradition" and "modernity" are widely used as polar opposites in a linear theory of social change. It is incorrect to view traditional societies as static, normatively consistent, or structurally homogeneous. The relations between the traditional and the modern do not necessarily involve
5

Sharma, R.K. (2004) Indian Society, Institutions And Change, Atlantic Publishers & Dist: India

displacement, conflict, or exclusiveness. Modernity does not necessarily weaken tradition. Both tradition and modernity form the bases of ideologies and movements in which the polar opposites are converted into aspirations, but traditional forms may supply support for, as well as against, change (Gusfield, 1967)6. It is in this context that the transformation of the people of Lambada tribe in researched to reveal the causes and factor behind their modernization. The culture contact has given rise to so many types of tribes and has created a set of different types of tribes on acculturation level (Vidhyarthi & Rai, 1976). Ghurye (1943) divided them into three classes: first, members of fairly high status within Hindu society; second, partially Hinduized; and thirdly, hill sections. Assimilation of the tribals attracted a number of anthropologists. Majumdar (1953) held Hindu influence responsible and gave a threefold classification: (i) real primitive (ii) primitive tribe with a degree of association with Hindu caste and (iii) Hinduized tribes. Whereas Elwin (1943) talked about it as the external influence and suggested four types of tribes: (i) most primitive (ii) individualistic and used to outside life (iii) detribalized and (iv) tribal aristocrats. In the Indian Conference of Social Work in 1952, four divisions of tribals were made: (i) tribal communities (ii) semi tribal communities (iii) acculturated tribal communities and (iv) totally assimilated tribals (Vidhyarthi & Rai, 1976). Dube (1960) classified them into five categories considering their habitation and behavior of the new Gusfield, J.R. (1967) Tradition and Modernity: Misplaced Polarities in the Study of Social Change, American Journal of Sociology, 72 (4) pp 351-362
6

communities which come in contact. According to this classification, they are: (i) aboriginals living in seclusion (ii) tribal groups with some village folk association (iii) tribals living in mixed villages (iv) tribals who have been forced to live as untouchables and (v) tribals enjoying a high social status (Xavier, 2012). The Lambadas are a colorful, versatile scheduled tribe inhabiting most of the districts of Andhra Pradesh except a few districts of coastal Andhra. They are numerically predominant in Telangana districts of Andhra Pradesh. According to 2011 census, the ST population in Andhra Pradesh was 5,024,104(6.6%) and there are 33 Scheduled Tribes listed in the census. Out of the total ST population 2,077,947 (41.4%) are Lambadas. They are also known as Lambadas, Lambadis, Lambanis, Labanis, Lamaras, Banjarans, Banjaris, Banjaras, Brinjaris, Vanjars, Vanacharas, Vanjaris, Sugalis, Sukalis, etc. It is agreed by all the scholars as well as by the elders of this community that all these names are one and the same or they are synonyms. In Telangana districts of Andhra Pradesh they are called as Lambadas, and in Rayalaseema areas they are known as Sugalis. Various explanations are given as to how these names have been derived. Banjara is the corruption of Vanchara, which means those who live or roam in the forests. Lambada is derived from Lavana, meaning salt, since their forefathers were traders in salt or Lamba meaning tall. Lambadas are very tall and so they are called Lambada. Sugali has been derived from Supari meaning betel nut, since their forefathers were traders in Supari or they were the descendents of Sugriva of

Ramayan times. Banjara might have been derived from the Sanskrit Vanijya meaning trade. Thus, it is agreed by all the scholars as well as the people themselves that the names Banjaras, Lambadas, Sugalis are in one way or the other connected with their traditional occupation namely trading. The lambada community has been undergoing a massive cultural change in Andhra Pradesh. The adivasis mode of thinking about the forest universe, their social and cultural practices and work culture, which transforms their universe into a living space, emerges from egalitarian values and practices. The notion of self-reliance is central to this social life; the forest their main source of livelihood. The lambada community has come out of this mode of thinking and embodied caste-Hindu practices and ethos in their day-to-day life today. However, the costs of the new practices have thrown them into a crisis. The shift from bride price to dowry has transformed the girl child into a felt burden; lambadas give up this girl child for just for a sari valued at Rs 200. The lambadas are one of the larges adivasi communities in Andhra Pradesh. The term lambada might have been derived from the Sanskrit lavan meaning salt. Ancestors of the lambadas were traders of salt. They were basically a nomadic community till recent times. There are still some groups of lambadas of Medak distric who continue their nomadic existence. Generally, they are scattered around the old forts across the country. Colonial accounts underline the fact that the lambadas were originally from wester Rajputana, and that they spread throughout India in order to supply grain and salt on caravans to the army as well as the

general populace. There are also any number of mythological stories among them, revealing this movement to different parts of India and their ancestral link with the rajputs. It is recounted that they played an important role in deciding the victory and defeat of rulers. They even rendered great services to the British in the Karnataka wars. The advent of modern means of transportation dislocated the lambadas from their traditional occupation. For some time, they were involved in cattle breeding, later they settled in banjar lands (non-patta government lands). As their thandas

(settlements) are close to villages, they came under the influence of village society, which is caste-stratified, within a short time (Ramaswamy and Bhukya, 2001)7. The oral tradition reveals that the Lambadas had a long history going back to the time of the Delhi Sultanate (13th and 14th centuries) and Vijayanagara empire (14th and 15th centuries), the Mughals (16th and 17th centuries), and the Nizam and British (18th century) when they were the chief trans-porters of goods and services throughout the Indian subcontinent. Known as the Banjaras of former times, the Lambadas had been major caravan traders and merchants since the 11th century. The state armies throughout the Indian subcontinent sought their services as bag-gage carriers and food grain transporters. Traditionally, they played a crucial role in long-distance trade and also carried food-grains from surplus to deficit areas during famines. Merchants in their own right, they acted as carriers for
7

Ramaswamy, G. and Bhukya, B. (2001) The Lambadas: A community besieged, UNICEF, Hyderabad

other merchants and dealers as well. But the establishment of the British colonial raj in India enforced new economic relations through legal control and the railways ruined and marginalised this community. The innumerable fairs and jataras (pilgrimages) that had created a vibrant network of trade and commerce throughout the Indian subcontinent were declared by the British as backward and irrational, and were discouraged and suppressed. The reason for such drastic action against the colonised peoples and their culture can be found in the European intellectual culture during the second half of the 19th century. In Europe, the mental attitude was dominated by pseudoscientific theories of social Darwinism, scientific racism and eugenics, which looked at the conquered non-Europeans in racial terms as biologically inferior. The same mindset was transmitted to the colonies whereby the subject people were categorised by their racial features. Accordingly, permanent characteristics were accorded to them based on their physical appearance. The Lambadas had always traded and provided their

commissariat services freely to all parties including the State armies. But once they entered into contract with the British colonisers they lost their independence. Their trading activities came under strict regulation. They were not allowed to trade with anyone other than the British. Any breach of contract was deemed criminal and severely punished. The British destroyed the unity of the Lambada thandas (camps) by setting up one naik (thanda chief) against another, thus reducing the entire community to desperation and want. Cotton and salt, the two prized items, which the Lambadas traded

throughout the subcontinent, became an East India Company monopoly whose production, distribution and price were strictly regulated. Whatever little internal trade that was left became subject to heavy custom duties and outright plunder by the colonial officials. Colonial custom and tax policies therefore benefited the British at the expense of the local people. Structured and rigid colonial towns replaced the fluid mobile markets of the pre-colonial times. Under colonial patron-age, these towns came to be dominated by the Parsis, Jains, Baniyas, Marwaris and Christians who marginalised the Lambada caravan trade. The final damage to their livelihood was done when the colonial state introduced the railways and built roads to connect them. The Lambadas were forced to abandon their traditional occupation and take to cattle raising and agrarian labour (Bhukya, 2010) 8. Since then Lambadas have continued agrarian labour under the rule of British, Nizam and the successive landlords who exploited them for years. The issue of dowry has been central to the problem of relinquishment of the girl child in the perception of the lambada themselves. Out of 9,223 total surveyed women, 2,501 women said dowry was the main reason for relinquishment of girl children. Dowry is not part of lambada culture. It has come from mainstream Hindu society as a part of the package deal of modernity. The rapid transition to a money economy was signified by expansion o chit funds, availability of credit, and production for sale. In a money economy, dowry is an important source of capital, and the only
8

Bhukya, B. (2010) Subjugated Nomads: The Lambadas under the Rule of Nizam, Orient Blackswan; India

models the lambadas had were the upper castes in the villages. Excessive dowry is a symptom of the marginalisation of the lambadas, and particularly of the lambada women. As the southern Telengana lambada thandas are located in plain areas and near villages they could not protect their cultural values from the onslaught of Hinduism. During the past 10 years, they have given up their traditional marriage systems. This phenomenon is not marked in the forest agency lambada thandas where they maintain their closed life and egalitarian values. In the lambada traditional marriage, the

bridesparents do not pay dowry. Rather, it is the bridegrooms parents who pay karar (bride price). The wedding expenses are also shared more or less equally. Mudavath Champli (Champli is a 30-year old woman who was married when she was 15 years old) of Bodagutta thanda of Balanagar (Mahboobnagar district) said that she was paid Rs 116 and offered two bullocks as bride price at her marriage. Today bridegrooms are demanding a dowry of Rs 50,000-60,000 for her daughter. Fearing the future, Champli gave up her one-month old sixth girl child for Rs 200. How fast dowry rampages through the lambada community can be understood by some responses to our survey. Nearly a third of our respondents said that dowry had come in the past five years. Over 59 per cent reported it as a process over the past 10 years. A minuscule 0.3 per cent reported it as being 15 years old. The sudden entry of dowry into the lives of the lambadas has been, in historical terms nothing short of a catastrophe. Within a short period of 10 years, dowry has spread far and wide within the community. The

community has had no time to adjust. Where a doctor or engineer can fetch Rs 3-4 lakh, a jeetagadu (farmhand) can fetch Rs 20,000-50,000. We have heard of a senior police officer who offered Rs 1 crore for his daughter. Of the 8,262 women who responded to the queries on the amount of dowry, half said it was between Rs 20,000 and Rs 50,000. Most of the rest said that it was between Rs 50,000 and Rs 1 lakh, and 1.42 per cent reported dowries of more than Rs 1 lakh. This is comparably higher than dowries, say, among similar economic status scheduled castes. The articles accompanying the cash dowry were also burdensome. An average expenditure of Rs 5,638 was reported for buying clothes, Rs 7,260 for gold, Rs 4,683 for household goods and vessels, and Rs 7,477 for extra purchases. Of the respondents, 3,609 reported the demand of a cycle and 268, the demand of a motorcycle. For those who have more than one daughter, the burden is especially heavy. The advent of the first educated lambada groom (hence employable) heralded dowry. Perhaps, the brides parents looked to a life of comfort for their daughter, and were willing to pay for this. The impact of modernity has not come with safeguards. Education and non-hereditary occupations, rightly seen as liberating forces, have been made available to a very few, creating wide disparities within the community. Coupled with the impact of Hindu customs, such as dowry and marriage customs, a crisis has been manufactured where the weakest, as always, bear the brunt. The radical change of dress pattern of the lambadas accompanies the dowry system. Their traditional attire is very colourful and it is the dress that distinguishes

them from non-adivasi society. Men ordinarily wear the dhothi and the pagdi (turban). The women wear ghaghra or petia (skirt) of coarse cotton cloth, rich in embroidery, and hung from the waist in ample folds. The kanchali (bodice) is also elaborately embroidered and is open at the back, where it is tied with coloured ribbons. In the thandas located near villages, where there is greater interaction with larger society, women are gradually giving up their traditional dress and imitating village womenfolk. This is a recent

phenomenon. Among 9,223 surveyed families, 58 per cent women are wearing the traditional dress, and 40 per cent are wearing saris. Among 3,923 sari-wearing women, 52 per cent started wearing it five years back, 30 per cent between five and 10 years ago, and 6 per cent between 10 and 15 years ago. The change in dress pattern also hints that dowry is oldest among sari-wearing families. We asked Salibai of Osmankunta thanda (Nalgonda district) how dowry has come among lambadas; without hesitation, she replied sado bandhin katnam ayoo (dowry has come with the sari). The dislocation of the traditional occupation (salt trading) has thrown the lambadas into despair. After losing their monopoly over salt trading, they were for some time involved in cattle breeding and later in cultivating banjar lands (non-patta public lands). As these lands are not fertile, there was little change in their economic position. Most of the holdings are marginal holdings. On the one hand, they lost their traditional occupation, and on the other, they were not allowed to take up any other occupation, since birth (and caste) decide occupation in the village society. The only work that

remained for the lambadas was to take up agricultural labour as well as road and building construction in urban centres.