SPECIAL ARTICLES

Nupi L a n : Manipur Women's Agitation, 1939

Sanamani Yambem
The N u p i Lan, which started as an agitation by Manipuri women against the economic policies of
the Maharaja and the Marwari monopolists, later on changed its character to become a movement for con-
stitutional and administrative reform in Manipur.
The original demands of the women were confined to the banning of rice exports, but later their
demands also included changes in the Darbar and the administrative set-up.
The importance of the N u p i Lan lies in the fact that it prepared the ground for the leading role
played by the women of Manipur in the emergence of a new Manipur after the end of the Second War.
I e r , but also to the women folk. In Political Agent, it was the women of
'he agrarian economy of Manipur, rice Imphal that rose up in protest. The
Introduction plays a crucial role, and the division violent agitations and demonstrations
TO apologists of the combined feuda of labour between the farmer who led by the market women had to be
listic-imperialist rule of the Maharaj; grows it and the women who sell the dispersed by the use of force but u l t i -
— Manipur and his Political Agent hnal product is a traditional one. The mately the British had to b u i l d the
The outbreak of the Nupi Lan or the involvement of women with the pro- houses at their own expense.4 When,
women's Agitation of 1939 in Mani- duction and marketing of rice is an in 1925, the state authorities increas-
pur was merely an awkward situatior integrated one, from the time of trans- ed the water tax, there were widespread
which Gimson (Political Agent in plantation upto the selling of the demonstrations against this measure.
Manipur, 1933-45), had to face;1 bul final produce. The role of women in The main participants in this agita-
to the people of Manipur it market the economy of the state is indeed tion were again women. 5 The point to
a dividing line between the oppressive crucial, and a boycott of the market be noticed here is that these agita-
economic and administrative policies by them would mean a virtual hartal tions were ail led by the tradeswomen,
followed by the Maharaja and the Poli- of the whole bazar, severely affecting similar to those that were to take a
tical Agent, and the new Manipuj the economy. leading role in the women's agitation
which emerged out of the Nupi Lan However, in contrast to this high of 1939.
The event also showed that political level of participation of the women
consciousness had grown among the in the economy of the state, their so- II
people of Manipur. cial status is not enviable. After the
Politics of Rice
The Nupi Lan, can perhaps be bcttei Manipuri-Burmese War of 1817, and
understood if we have some idea of the seven years of devastation of the British interest in Manipur at the
the position of women in Manipuri Manipuri countryside that followed i t , early stage of their conquest was
society. Women in Manipur hold a the male population of Manipur was purely strategic, and the taking over
high and free position, and all internal greatly reduced. This probably led to of the administration in their hands
trade of the country is managed by the ready social sanction given to the was a sequel to the Anglo-Manipuri
them. The practice, in Maaipur is to practice of polygamy. The result was War of 1891. 6 Unlike in Mysore and
have bazars at convenient spots by that Manipuri women, even while they Baroda where the relations of these
the roadside where a group of women positively contributed to the economic states w i t h the British Government
gather either in the morning or in the prosperity of the state, also needed to were allowed to remain more or less
evening and sell rice, vegetables, fish look for a husband to gain social secu- unchanged, Manipur was considered as
tobacco, salt, o i l , baskets and other rity, Thus the woman of Manipur, a state which had rebelled against the
things. In Imphal, the capital of Mani- despite her economic 'independence', British as a whole. 7 Manipur, in B r i -
pur, there is a market which is be- cannot be termed as an emancipated, tish eyes, had forfeited its rights to
lieved to have been founded by Kha- satisfied participant in Manipuri so- exist as a separate state.
gemba about the year 1580.2 In this ciety and economy. The Anglo-Mani- Direct British administration con-
market, k n o w n as Khwairamband Bazar, puri Wax of 1891, further reduced the tinued upto 1907 when Churachand
over two thousand women occupy re- male population of Manipur 3 result- was installed as the Maharaja. After
gular stalls while an even larger num- ing in the greater acceptance of the the Kuki rebellion of 1919,8 British
ber are seated outside. The whole mar- practice of polygamy, and increased administration began to acquire two
ket has always been managed by the dependence on women for the upkeep major characteristics;
women; this practice is still continu- of the family. The Manipuri women
also continued to cherish the feelings (a) The Maharaja was made respon-
ing. Apart from the economic activi-
of political independence even after sible for the administration of
ties, the market is also an important
Manvpur's 'annexation'. When, in 1904 the state and was assisted by
venue of social and political interac-
(just 13 years after 'annexation') the a Darbar, the President of
tion. It was this aspect of the Khwai-
Political Agent, Maxwell, tried to re- which was selected by the Gov-
ramband Bazar which played a crucial
introduce Lalup (a system of forced ernor of Assam. The Maharaja,
role in the outbreak of the Nupi Lan
labour which had been abolished) and however, had the power to veto
in 1939.
force the people of Imphal to rebuild any resolution of the Darbar.
Rice provides a means of livelihood
not merely to the producers, the farm- the b u n i t - d o w n house of the Assistant (b) The Darbar was the highest o r i -

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 February 2 1 , 1976 E C O N O M I C A N D P O L I T I C A L WEEKLY

ginal and appellate court, both outflow of rice by motorised transport adverse effect upon the harvesting of
in civil and criminal matters. The question of rice export from early paddy. Again, in mid-November
The administration of the h i l l areas and Manipur to British India is closely hailstorm destroyed most of the stand-
the British Reserve Area was under linked with the growth of Marwari ing crops ready for harvesting, and
the control of the Political Agent, and capital in Manipur. The Marwari busi- the harvest was badly affected.17 This
was beyond the jurisdiction of the ness community began their business combined w i t h the large quantity of
Darbar. at the beginning of this century and rice exported in the previous year,
The opening up of Manipur by the were settled in the British Reserve resulted in severe shortages.
British had its own economic implica- Area beyond the jurisdiction of the In view of the anticipated bad har-
tions.'The valley area of Manipur is a State Police. They gradually captured vest the Darbar in its meeting of Sept-
rice growing area and rice is its main the cotton and handloom trade. Pro- ember 13, 1939 passed a resolution de-
product. While trade between Manipur minent Marwaris were Kasturichand manding that export of rice be stop-
and the outside areas in Assam was and Sons, Ganeshlal, Guru Dayal and ped. 18 The urgency of the matter was
conducted even before 1891, it was others. 13 The Marwaris excelled in the perhaps realised by the Darbar, for this
only after 1891 that large scale export export of rice through the growing particular resolution was placed in ad-
of rice began. It was reported as early vehicular traffic. They made further vance of other resolutions of the day.19
as 1892-93 that rice was being freely progress when the Maharaja and the The resolution had to gain the concur-
exported to Kohima; 9 and it is record- Darbar gave them the monopoly of rence of the Maharaja before it be-
ed that in 1894-95 some 8,000 maunds the Cart Tax, a levy on rice exported. came an order; and the Maharaja while
,of rice were exported to Kohima. 10 In 1933 the Cart Tax contract was concurring w i t h the Resolution pointed
Upto the t u r n of the century the transferred from Sadasakh Mansukha out that the ban on export would no
export of rice from Manipur was Roy Saroagi to Mangolchand Meghraj, apply to the Government contract we
restricted to the Kohima area; and The following year, Meghraj made a Assam Rifles in Kohima and Sadiya,
considering the fact that at times of profit of Rs 33,215 from the Cart Tax The Darbar which again met on Sept-
scarcity in the valley there was no monopoly after paying Rs 73,000 to the ember 23 agreed to the request of the
way of importing foodgratns, this ex- State.14 A year later the state collect- Political Agent for the export of rice
port of rice was considerably checked ed Rs 91,250, out of the total amount to the Kohima Civil Station. 21 The
and regulated. Apprehensions were ex- of Rs 1,24,865 realised by the Cart Tax Darbar, however, reserved the right to
pressed by Maxwell, the Political monopolist. 16 stop this export anytime; it also ex-
Agent, about the possibilities of rice Rice export came under two catego- pressed apprehensions about famine in.
scarcity. " I still think that when ries — the Cart Tax and the L a i Pass. Manipur. Under another resolution
thousands of people are on the verge The former allowed free movement of passed on the same day, the Darbar
of starvation and there is no means of rice, the exporters merely paying the approved a scheme whereby no rice
importing food to the valley, the ex- levy known as the Cart Tax. Under could be exported from Manipur, w i t h -
port of rice, however small, should be the latter category rice was exported out the permission of the Political
prohibited. Let me express the hope under a contract between the Manipur Agent. It also defined 'export' as the
that the occasion may not arise to fight State and the Government of Assam. movement of rice along the Manipur-
out this disputed point." Even so, rice Under the Government contract rice Dimapur Road to any place beyond
exports for that year (1898-99) was re- was exported to the Kohima C i v i l Sta- Sekmai.22 The Darbar also refused to
corded as 36,430 maunds. 11 tion, the Assam Rifles posted at grant permission for the export of
W i t h the turn of the century we Kohima, Sadia and other parts of chira and ushana (flattened and par-
notice that the rice export policy began Assam. We thus notice that there were boiled rice) apprehending that this
to assume a peculiar character. T i l l the two parallel monopolies for the export would lead to export of rice after be-
introduction of motor vehicles, rice was of rice: the Cart Tax, a Marwari mono- ing converted to chira and ushana)
carried mainly in bullock and hand poly, and the Lal Pass, a State mono- But the Maharaja, while approving
carts. But w i t h the introduction of poly. other resolutions of September 23,
motor vehicular transportation the rice The area under rice cultivation in 1939, did not give his consent to re-
export trade was captured by the i m - Manipur between 1921 and 1939 i n - solution No 4, pertaining to the ex-
migrant Marwari entrepreneurs. As creased by merely 18,838 acres, while port of chira and ushana. He argued
long as the rice trade was under the the volume of rice exported increased that the quantity of ushana and chira
control of the local population there by 2,92,174 maunds. Rice export from in stock was small and, if they were
was little resentment against i t ; but Manipur reached an all-time record of not exported ithin a reasonable
once the Marwaris and the motor vehi- 3,72,174 maunds in 1938, the year period they would rot, as they were
cles took over, the whole character of before the outbreak of the Nupi Lan, not consumed by the people of M a n i -
the export trade changed. The first A situation had thus arisen where any pur and Kohima. 24 Meanwhile the
major impact of the motor vehicular failure of the harvest in the following Darbar also refused an appeal from
traffic on the export of rice was felt year would result in severe shortages. the Maharaja for allowing export of
in 1925 when export of rice was per- The accompanying Table indicates the rice to the Dacca Battalion. 23 Applica-
mitted for a period of only six months, nature and trend of rice export from tions from individuals asking for the
and was subsequently stopped from Manipur. re-opening of the rice export were also
February 1, 1926, because of the rise refused by the Darbar. 28 In fact, at
In 1939, while the world saw the
in the price of rice. 1 2 It may be noted this period, the Darbar was consider-
outbreak of the Second W o r l d War,
that export of rice had been stopped ing the idea of having the rice trade
Manipur witnessed the uprising of its
earlier, in 1921; but while the earlier as a state monopoly. 27 However, when
women. 16 Excessive rain during July-
embargo was due to genuine scarcity, the Darbar met on November 9, 1939,
August of that year had seriously
the 1925-26 embargo was due to price there was a dramatic reversal in the
damaged standing crops. Further heavy
rise consequent upon the increased rice export policy. Export of rice was
rains in September-October had an

326
ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY February 21, 1978

thousand women gathered under the

guidance of those women who had been
responsible for the rounding up of bul-
lock-cart drivers who had tried to sell
rice to the Marwaris The Darbar ap-
prehended that there would be famine
in Manipur unless the export of rice
was banned. It asked the Land Settle-
ment Officer and Land Revenue Officer
to give an early report on the size of
the year's harvest.34 The President of
the Darbar was also asked to ascertain
the quantity of rice available in the
market, and the average quantity of
rice being exported. 35 The near famine
condition, and the general apprehen-
sions of the people, could perhaps have
been controlled had the Darbar and
the Maharaja taken immediate preven-
tive measures. However, no such
preventive measures were taken.

While the Darbar was in session, the

women demonstrators who had gather-
ed around the office began shouting
slogans — "Stop the export of rice
to be resumed from November 24, stocks of rice to the Marwaris. There immediately'', "Stop the running of
1939;28 following the orders of the was also a great scarcity of purchase- mills", etc. The members of the Darbar
Maharaja, it was in fact resumed from able rice. The women who traded in fled through the back-door. But
November 2 1 , 1939.29 rice and paddy were now deprived of Sharpe, the President of the Darbar,
Thus the rice export was stopped their means of livelihood Meanwhile was immediately surrounded by the
only for a period of forty days — all available stocks of rice were being women and had to face them alone.
from September 14 to November 21, bought by the foreign traders. (Persons He told them that orders for a ban on
1939. As the discussions and resolutions other than the original inhabitants of the export of rice could not be issued
passed by the Darbar indicate, the Manipur were categorised as foreigners, without the sanction of the Maharaja
Darbar was in favour of state mono- and a separate office to deal w i t h them who was away at Nawadeep on pilgrim-
poly of rice export trade as a measure was maintained by the State.) Foreign age. The women — whose number
to control it, However, there was traders had set up rice mills to m i l l had by then swollen to about 4,000
strong opposition to it from the and export rice. This combined w i t h — then went along w i t h Sharpe to the
Maharaja. It would perhaps not be the bad harvest hit the poor people telegraph office, and confined h i m , the
wrong, therefore, to assume that the hard. 33 Civil Surgeon and other officers there, 36
decision to re-open rice export trade On December 11, just before the out- They refused to allow the President of
by the Darbar on. November 21 was break, many small traders arrived as the Darbar and other officers to leave
taken under heavy pressure from the usual at the Khwairamband Bazar, but the telegraph office u n t i l the receipt of
Maharaja, who in turn was pressurised there was not even a Meruk (one mexuk the necessary orders from the Maharaja,
by the Cart Tax monopolists and other is almost equal to one seer) of rice for They also prevented the Commandant
merchants. This re-opening of the rice sale. There were fifty to sixty women of the 4th Assam Rifles who had arrived
export was directly responsible for the retailers that evening and they were all there on hearing about the confinement
outbreak of Nupi Lan on December disappointed to find that there was no of the officers) from rescuing the con-
13, 1939. rice to buy. However, they all prepared fined men. At about 2.45 in the after-
for an agitation the next day. Other noon, when a platoon of the Assam Ri-
Ill campaigns against the price rise were fles arrived .the women seemed to weak-
on the move. L Kanhai and L Babun en a little at the sight of guns and bay-
N u p i Lan campaigned for a boycott of the cinema onets. At this moment one of the wo-
Before the outbreak of Nupi Lan, halls because of the famine conditions. men from the crowd repeatedly shouted
the price of rice was Rs 1.12.0 per They also met the disappointed women "Vande Mataram" and "Manipur Mata
maund; this rose to two rupees a retailers. They immediately went to the Ki Jai". 37 This raised their morale and
maund just before the December foreign traders' houses to check any buy- they became more militant and aggres-
upsurge. 30 According to some partici- ing of rice from the local farmers. A sive. The situation became so dangerous
pants in Nupi Lan, the price of rice rumour meanwhile bad spread that some that the sentry on the steps of the office
was even higher, The price of paddy bullock cart drivers were being rounded sounded his bugle, and the troops charg-
too rose sharply. 31 Conditions were fast up by the women and handed over to ed in to clear the grounds. Amidst a
approaching a near famine situation the police, 33 fusilade of stone, the women were push-
and the main sufferers were the pea- On December 12, thousands of women ed back. But although the ground was
sants. Since there was no other source began gathering around the Darbar cleared the women did not disperse;
of income or means of livelihood, the office petitioning for the immediate stop- they remained on the road outside the
peasants were forced to sell their page of the export of rice. A b o u t two compound. It was not until midnight

327
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February 2 1 , 1076
ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY February 2 1 , 1976

that the officers could leave the tele- IV meeting held at the Police Bazar on
graph office, In the event, 21 women January 9, 1940, lrabot was arrested
were seriously injured, some receiving Role of Manipuri M e n under section 124 of the Indian Penal
bayonet wounds. 34 This was denied by While the women of Manipur were Code. He was charged w i t h making
the officials; five women were removed agitating, what were the men doing? inflammatory speeches. On March 22
to the Civil Hospital while the others On the evening of December 12, the the Darbar passed a resolution to keep
received first aid in the compound of Branch Secretary of the N i k h i l Mani- lrabot under arrest for three years. He
the telegraph office.39 The magnitude puri Mahasabha, L Kanhai Singh, and was to be kept at the Imphal Jail for
and intensity of the women's agitation T Ibotombi Singh, along w i t h others some time before being taken to
can perhaps be judged from the fact that requested the elders of the Mahasabha Cachar Jail, The Darbar passed another
troops had to be called to disperse them to discuss the agitation of the women. order prohibiting all public gatherings
and maintain law and order. The firm- The Mahasabha, however, said that it in the Police Bazar from January 13,
ness of conviction and the singleminded. had nothing to do w i t h i t . On the 1940. This, however, did not deter the
ness of the women who agitated that contrary, it suggested that an appeal people from organising meetings at
day cannot be underestimated, especial- should be made to the Judicial Mem- places other than the Police Bazar.
ly in view of the fact that this was ber of the Darbar. These young mem- After the arrest of lrabot, his follow-
achieved w i t h o u t male leadership or bers of the Mahasabha had therefore ers took up the cause of the women. L
participation. no alternative but to wait for the Kanhai led and organised numerous
It w o u l d be proper at this point to arrival of the President of the Maha- meetings all over Imphai except the
consider whether the agitations of sabha Hijam lrabot Singh, who was Police Bazar. A form of Civil Dis-
December 12 were w h o l l y spontaneous. then away at Cachar. On December 13, obedience movement then followed,
The women possessed a high degree of a meeting called "by the dissenting and many people began refusing to
conciousness and it is possible that members of the Mahasabha was held at pay the feudal dues and taxes like the
they themselves organised the agitation. the Police Bazar, as the Khwairamband Panchanapet (five anna) tax. In May
Some women even lay down in front Bazar market was under a hartal. This 1910, the members of the Praja Same-
of the lorries loaded w i t h rice and was a small gathering which passed off lini built a bamboo bridge at Naharup,
ready to move c u t It is thus clear peacefully. thereby defying the ferry tax order.
that Manipur women never lacked m i l i - W i t h the arrival of lrabot Singh at Thus the movement initiated by the
tancy once they were convinced of their Imphal on December 16, the N u p i Lan women received active support from
purpose. entered a new phase. The upsurge their male counterparts.
On December 14 the President of which so far had been led solely by The boycott of the Khwairamband
the Darbar received a message from the women, now received male sup- Bazar continued and this became a
the Maharaja asking the Political port. The day after his arrival lrabot matter of concern to the authorities
Agent to stop the export of rice, and called a meeting of the w o r k i n g com- since the economy of the state w o u l d
an order banning it was promptly mittee of the N i k h i l Manipuri Maha- suffer if women continued the boycott.
issued. The women then turned their sabha to discuss the N u p i Lan: in this The situation did not improve through-
attention to the rice mills. They were meeting, sharp differences between out 1940. This led the Governor of
able to extract written promises from lrabot and other members were Assam to demand a full detailed report
the m i l l owners that they w o u l d not revealed. The other members of the on the situation." Gimson in his reply
run their mills. However news of a Mahasabha were against the move- to J P Mills, pointed out that the boy-
m i l l owner who had soaked rice and ment, and lrabot opted out of the cott of the Bazar began on December
boiled some paddy to convert it into Mahasabha. On December 24 he form- 12, 1939, as a spontaneous protest
par-boiled rice, led to some 10,000 ed a new political organisation called against what was called the "Bayonet
women marching that night to one of Manipur Praja Samelini at a meeting Charge" and continued as a protest
the largest rice mills. It was only after held at the Police Grounds. 40 against foreign merchants. As long as
the removal of electrical connections The tempo of this movement, parti- the leaders of the agitation were
to the mills that the women could be cularly among the women, was further active, the boycott was complete. But
persuaded to go home. revived on December 29. Seme rice after the arrest of four women leaders
On December 15 the Darbar con- carters who had been thrown i n t o the in January 1940, the situation was
sidered whether the telegram of the gutters by the women agitators lodged near normal- though the Women's
Maharaja implied a ban on the export a complaint w i t h the Political Agent Bazar continued to be empty. In
of rice to the Kohima C i v i l Station and and named five women as the assail- August, the Political Agent issued an
Assam Rifles at Kohima and Sadiya. ants. The Agency police thereupon order that, since the stalls in the
This was not clearly indicated in the asked the State police to produce the Women's Bazar had been empty for so
Maharaja's telegram. In view of the women for recording their statements. long, he would allot them to anyone he
agitation a resolution sanctioning A large crowd of women objected to chose. Even this threat d i d net bring
t h i r t y state m i l i t a r y police and fifteen this. They beseiged the Inspector of back the women, though it gave rise
Dolai Pabas at the disposal of the the State Police Thana for several hours to some excitement. However, Gimson
Police Member was adopted. The for having kicked a Manipuri Brahmin did not make any new allotment as that
Darbar's action showed that it was not woman, Chhabi, in front of the would have led to ill-feeling and resent-
always necessary to receive the Maha- people.41 ment43
raja's prior approval for the implementa- From December 13 the women had After the order of August 1940, the
tion of an order. The women agitators boycotted the Khwairamband Bazar, women filed a petition signed by K u -
therefore had a point when they urged Large public meetings were organised mar! and Rajani of Sagolhand, Maipak-
that the Darbar need not wait for the w i t h lrabot as the principal speaker. pi of Thangmeiband, Sanatombi of
Maharaja's sanction for the imposition Under his leadership, Manipuri men Bramhapur, Nainbi of Segalambi and
of an embargo on rice export also took part in the movement At a Ibemcha of Nongmeibung. They point-

329
February 21, 1978 ECONOMIC A N D P O L I T I C A L WEEKLY

ed out that their main grievances were were redressed they would attend the tions, as they had done is the past.' 45
(a) the unfitness of the present Darbar Bazar.44 By the time (he boycott was in full
members, (b) the unfitness of the Police The handling of the Women's Boy- swing, the state authorities had begun
Member, (c) the illegal action cf the cott, in contrast to the Bayonet Charge, to consider the women as a force to
Inspector of Police, (d) the illegal con- showed that the authorities had some reckon w i t h . Their handling of the
viction of the four women, (e) the appreciation of the militancy of the boycott showed a far greater degree of
unexpected police assualt on the public women of Manipur. Gimson noted caution than the action taken by them
on January 14, 1940, and (f) the illegal that "economic distress or political ex- in the telegraph office incident of
action of Dulap Singh, A m i n , They citement may lead the women of Mani- December 12, 1939.
assured that as soon as these grievances pur to take up other forms of agita- The grievances of the women were
ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY February 2 1 , 1976

not immediately redressed; but the the movement, however, lies in the Secretary/Churachand to Sharpe,
women certainly made themselves felt. fact that in the emergence of a new Memo No 2698-S & J of 28-9-1939.
But the boycott itself came to an end, Manipur after the end of the Second 26 Manipur State Darbar Resolution
No 17 of 16-10-1939.
w i t h most of the population of Imphal World War, it was the women of Mani- 27 Manipur State Darbar Resolution
fleeing for safety as the War approach- pur who were in the vanguard of No 13 of 1-11-1939, Memo
ed Manipur. change. 1416G/1B-1 of 3-11-1939.
28 Manipur State Darbar Resolution
V Notes No 1 of November 9, 1939t Memo
No 1433G/1-B1 of November 9,
1 Evans, Geoffery and Brat, James 1939.
Conclusions Anthony, "Imphal", London, 1962, 29 Memo No 501 PI-1 dated Novem-
p 20. ber 21, 1939.
The Nupi Ian movement of 1939 2 Hudson. T C, "The M e i t e i s , 30 Administrative Report for the State
was based on genuine fears and ap- London, 1908, p 23, , of Manipur, 1940-41.
prehensions arising out of uncontrolled 3 The actual population figures are 31 Ebon, (Manipuri Daily), 12-12-
export of rice from Manipur, These not available as the records of the 1973: interview w i t h L Kanhai
1891 Census held before the War Singh, p 2,
fears were further aggravated by the were destroyed in the Anglo- 32 Administrative Report for the
heavy rains and floods of 1939. The Manipuri War of 1891. State of Manipur, 1939-40.
immediate cause of the movement, 4 Ried, Robert, "History of the 33 Larnyanba, op cit, p 33-4.
therefore, was the i n i t i a l impact of Frontier Areas Bordering Assam'', 34 According to the report submitted
the price rise and scarcity conditions on Shillong, 1942, p 89. to the Darbar by the Land Settle-
the women, who were more vocal and 5 Administrative Report on the ment Officer and Land Revenue
State of Manipur, 1923-24, Imphal, Officer on the size of the harvest
volatile than the male section of the of the year 1939, there were ap-
manipuri society. It was they who 6 Laldena, "British Policy Towards proximately 7,400 paris of land un-
Manipur, 1891-1919'', unpublished der rice cultivation, (one pari be-
initiated the agitation and sustained M Phil thesis, Jawaharlal Nehru
it. ing about 2.5 acres). The area
University, 1973, pp 18, 58. damaged by Hoods was about 900
W h i l e a movement for constitutional 7 Ried, Robert, op cit, p 7 1 , paris, and the average yield per
reforms in Manipur had been initiated 8 See G Bhadra, " K u k i Uprising: Its pari was 29 pots (one pot being
Causes and Nature'', paper for about 65 seers). Thus the amount
in 1938, it was the Nupi Lan which of paddy available for consump-
brought the matter to a head and private circulation.
9 Administrative Report for the tion was about 17.50,000 pots; and
focussed on the inadequacies in both State of Manipur, 1892-93. p 6. putting the population of the
the economic and administrative 10 Administrative Report for the State at 3,00,000 (1931 Census
State of Manipur, 1894-95, p 5, figure being 2,84,843). and the per
policies of the Manipur State. While capita consumption per year at 6
the original demands of the women 13 Administrative Report for the
State of Manipur, 1898-99, p 2. pots, the m i n i m u m requirement
were confined to the banning of rice 12 Administrative Report for the was less than 18,00,000 pots. A n d
export, their later demands also i n - State of Manipur, 1925-26, p 5. considering that fact that already
13 " N u p i Lan, 1939', The Lamyanba, a large quantity had already been
cluded changes in the Darbar and exported, the Darbar did not rule
administrative set-up. The Nupi Lan, V o l 5, No 51, December 1973.
14 Administrative Report for the out the possibility of rice scarcity
while postponing consideration of State of Manipur, 1933-34, p 7. in Manipur before the following
further reforms, nevertheless emphasis- J5 Administrative Report for the year's harvest, (Manipur State
State of Manipur, 1934-35, p 6, Darbar Resolution No 12 of Janu-
ed the need for them. In so far as the ary 10, 1940, Memo No 2210G/
male participation and the role of 16 It was a strong belief among the
Manipuris that the years 1939- IB-I of January 12, 1940.)
Irabot is concerned, it is quite likely 1940 and 1941 would be years of 35 Manipur State Darbar Resolution
that had Jrabot not appeared at that trouble in Manipur. They further No 1 of December 12, 1939,
particular moment on the scene, the believed that this was in accord- Memo No 1973-G/IB-1 of Decem-
movement of the women might not ance w i t h the predictions of the ber 15, 19:39.
Puranas. The outbreak of the 36 The Hindu, Madras, 18-12-1939.
have received the required political Women's War in 1939 confirmed
support. It might have remained a 37 Lamyanba, op cit, p 37.
this belief among the local popula-
purely women's agitation. But despite tion. 38 Ibid
17 Administrative Report for the 39 The Pioneer, Lucknow, 19-12-
the role of Irabot and the participation 1939.
State of Manipur, 1939-40, p 5.
of the males, it was the women who 18 Manipur State Darbar Resolution 40 ''Manipur Itihasta Nupi Lan''
rose up in protest and who kept the No 11, Memo No 10589 of 13-9- 40 Lannianha, Vol 5, No 52, lanuary
movement alive. The boycott of the 1939. 1974.
market for more than one and a half 19 Sharpe, President, Manipur State
Darbar, to Churachand, the Maha- 41 Administrative Report for the
years certainly convinced the state raja of Manipur, 13-9-1939; here- State of Manipur, 1939-40, p 2;
authorities that the women of Manipur inafter referred to as Sharpe to and Petition filed by the women
Churachand or vice versa, of Manipur to the Political Agent,
could take up any form of agitation Imphal, dated September 25, 1940.
once they were convinced of their pur- 20 Churachand to Sharpe, Memo No
287, p 1, dated 14-9-1939. 42 M i l l s , Secretary to the Governor
pose. 21 Manipur State barbar Resolution of Assam to Gimson Political
It would perhaps not be very far No 1 of 23-9-1939. Agent in Manipur, Confidential,
f r o m the t r u t h to conclude that the 22 Marapur State Darbar Resolution DO No 710C Shiliong, dated 13-11-
No 3 of 23-9-1939. 1940, hereinafter referred to as
Nupi Lan, which started as a rice agita- 23 Manipur State Darbar Resolution Mills to Gimson or vice versa.
t i o n directed against the economic No 4 of 23-9-1939; Sharpe to 31 Gimson to M i l l s , Confidential DO
policies of the Maharaja and the Mar- Churachand Memo No 1120 G of No 5660 GA Imphal dated 21-3-
wari monopolists, later on changed its 24-9-1939. 1941.
24 Churachand to Sharpe, Memo No 44 Petition filed by the women mass
character to become a movement for 329, PT-1. dated 24-9-1939. of Manipur to the Political Agent,
constitutional and administrative re- 25 Manipur State Darbar Resolution dated 25-9-1940.
forms in Manipur. The uniqueness of No 15 of 4-10-1939; and Private 45 Gimson to Mills, op cit

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