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Cross-cultural transition: International teachers' experience of 'culture shock'

Donna Roskell Journal of Research in International Education 2013 12: 155 DOI: 10.1177/1475240913497297 The online version of this article can be found at: http://jri.sagepub.com/content/12/2/155

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JRI12210.1177/1475240913497297Journal of Research in International EducationRoskell

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JRIE
Journal of Research in International Education 12(2) 155172 The Author(s) 2013 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1475240913497297 jri.sagepub.com

Cross-cultural transition: International teachers experience of culture shock

Donna Roskell

Al Khor International School, Qatar

Abstract
Decades of culture shock research has generally focused on student and business sojourners; few studies have examined the experience of teachers who relocate abroad to teach in international schools. This study addresses this imbalance and examines the perspective of 12 teachers who experienced cross-cultural transition in moving abroad to teach in an international school in South East Asia. An underlying assumption is that such teachers will inevitably experience some degree of culture shock. This study proffers a detailed description and analysis of the first year of these 12 teachers, delineating how they negotiated the stages of culture shock and whether they adjusted successfully. Their experience is also interpreted and discussed from the perspective of loss.

Keywords
Culture shock, cross-cultural transition, international teachers, loss

Introduction
Cross-cultural transition is widely regarded as a potentially distressing life changing event. Researchers including Berry (1994) postulate that such a change will inevitably engender what is commonly referred to as culture shock. Culture shock is manifest as anxiety, stress and disorientation, and arises when an individual is confronted with an unfamiliar environment, where existing familiar social patterns are rendered ineffective (Mumford, 2000). It is often heralded as a negative phenomenon, and more than five decades of research have demonstrated how culture shock, at its worst, can lead to depression and even breakdown. A plethora of studies (for example, Brown and Holloway, 2007) have delineated the debilitating influence of culture shock upon some international students abroad. In addition, research on business organizations has surmised that culture shock is the catalyst that precipitates an inordinate number of premature returns by expatriates deployed abroad (Mendenhall and Oddou, 1985). Many other studies have examined the influence
Corresponding author: Donna Roskell, Al Khor International School, PO Box 22166, Doha, Qatar. Email: donnaroskell@gmail.com

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of culture shock on immigrants and refugees (Austin, 2007; Kim, 1988). The emphasis in this article, however, is on the sojourner experience. The concept of sojourner, in this instance, refers to temporary between-society culture travellers (Ward etal., 2001: 6). The existing field of research has generally focused on student and business sojourners, but this study examines the perspective with respect to the experience of cross-cultural transition of 12 teachers who moved abroad to teach in an international school in South East Asia. The study provides a detailed description and analysis of their experiences in negotiating the stages of culture shock. Seven of the 12 teachers were so dissatisfied that they abruptly terminated their contracts and, in light of this development, the study examined the transition in terms of their adjustment to the non-work environment (daily activities), host interaction (relations with host country nationals) and, importantly, to work (work-related objectives).

Conceptual framework
In the field of cross-cultural transition research, Oberg in 1954 was the first to introduce the concept of culture shock, which he (1960: 177) defined clinically as an occupational disease of people who have been suddenly transplanted abroad. He identified six different aspects of culture shock, which Furnham and Bochner (1986) have subsequently endorsed as follows: (i) strain engendered by attempts to continually adjust; (ii) a sense of loss regarding friends, family, home or professional status; (iii) being rejected by and/or rejecting members of the new culture; (iv) confusion about role, role expectations, values, feelings and self-identity; (v) surprise, anxiety, even disgust and indignation after noting differences; (vi) feelings of impotence engendered by inability to cope with the new culture. Since its initial recognition, many have sought to describe and explain the effects of culture shock upon the lives of sojourners. The majority of research suggests that the aspects or symptoms of culture shock, outlined above, are manifested at particular stages during a sojourners journey from cultural discontinuity (Ramsey, 1998) to eventual cultural adjustment. Central to these phase or stage theories, claims Selmer (1999), is the assumption that cultural adjustment follows a predictable pattern that can be depicted by a curve extended along a time frame. A drop or trough in the measure of adjustment is taken to indicate an increase in degree of culture shock experienced. A peak in the measure of adjustment generally indicates that the individual has successfully adjusted to the new culture. The shape, amplitude and fluctuation of the curve may be idiosyncratic and subject to individual differences (Black and Mendenhall, 1991). Lysgaard (1955) was the first to note that the culture shock curve customarily follows a U shape the so-called U-shape hypothesis. In his model of cross-cultural transition Lysgaard focuses on the effects of culture shock upon the individuals feelings of satisfaction and well-being, and outlines three distinct stages. The initial stage is characterized by positive feelings and is expected to be followed by a period of maladjustment (culture shock) until cultural adjustment is eventually achieved. Oberg (1960) refined this model and defined four stages that are typically embodied by a U curve. The first stage the honeymoon stage is where feelings of fascination with the host culture and euphoria dominate. A crisis stage then ensues, during which symptoms of culture shock such as homesickness, loss and depression emerge. The next stage is recovery, during which the individual begins to adjust to the new cultural environment, followed finally by the fourth stage adjustment where cultural adjustment is complete. Several other models, such as

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Adlers (1975) model of transitional experience or that of Torbiorn (1982, cited in Selmer, 1999: 516) have since evolved that deviate, to varying degrees, from Obergs model. The depiction of the first stage as a positive, almost euphoric experience, however, is a common denominator underpinning many of the earlier models (Ward etal., 2001). Searle and Ward (1990) contend that there is little evidence for the initial euphoria that is central to the U-curve hypothesis. Black and Mendenhall (1991) also argue that the research supporting the U-curve hypothesis is generally not empirical and lacks methodological rigour. Research that is deemed empirical, however, has neither confirmed nor refuted the U-curve phenomenon. Church (1982: 542), in his review of culture shock and sojourning students, concludes that the majority of studies have employed a largely inappropriate cross-sectional or retrospective design and that evidence for the U-curve is weak, inconclusive and over generalised. Ward etal. (1998) posit that an alternative, longitudinal approach is a more appropriate basis on which to examine changes in sojourner adjustment over time. Another contentious point in the study of culture shock is raised by Ward and colleagues who note that, although Lysgaard (1955) and Oberg (1960) studied psychological aspects of adjustment (subjective well-being), subsequent studies have substituted socio-cultural aspects of adjustment. They warn that adjustment outcomes have since been operationalized and measured in many disparate ways, such as feelings of acceptance (Brislin, 1981, cited by Ward and Kennedy, 1999: 659) or personal development (Gmelch, 1997, cited by Ward and Kennedy, 1999: 660) and that this may, understandably, result in varying degrees of support for the U-curve hypothesis. Furthermore this haphazard conglomeration of operations may deter comparisons between studies and the potential aggregation of findings into a coherent, comprehensive theory (Ward and Kennedy, 1999). Despite extensive research, conceptual confusion over the definition and measurement of sojourner adjustment prevails say Ward etal. (1998: 279), who recommend that cross-cultural adjustment should be divided into two domains: psychological and socio-cultural. The stress-coping framework should be used to elucidate psychological adjustment, says Ward (1996), and the culture learning paradigm used to explain socio-cultural adjustment. The socio-cultural framework focuses pro-actively on the acquisition of social skills. Ward and Kennedy (1999: 660) describe sociocultural adjustment as the ability to fit in, to acquire culturally appropriate skills and to negotiate interactive aspects of the host environment. Failure to communicate effectively with the host environment frequently degenerates into the misunderstandings, anxiety and hostility that characterize culture shock (Austin, 2007). Stress levels are expected to peak at the point of entry to the new host culture, but quickly subside during the adjustment stages when sojourners learn the culture-specific skills necessary to interact successfully and integrate with the host environment (Ward etal., 1998). The stress-coping framework, in contrast, is concerned with psychological well-being and conceptualizes cross-cultural transition in terms of stressful life changes (Ward etal., 1998). The framework is based on the assumption that any change is inherently stressful (Holmes and Rahe, 1967). That life changes inevitably incur personal loss is also central to the framework. The stress of the change precipitates a series of affective, behavioural and cognitive coping responses designed to alleviate the symptoms of culture shock (Austin, 2007: 242). Individual and contextual characteristics are expected to ameliorate or exacerbate the appraisal process, coping strategies and consequent adjustment. Stress is also predicted to peak at the beginning of the transition, but the timing and pattern of the adjustment is subject to idiosyncrasies and liable to be unpredictable. Although these processes pertain to all life changes, the framework recognizes that additional, and more specific, factors such as cultural distance (Babiker etal., 1980, cited by Ward etal., 2001) relate specifically to cross-cultural transition and adjustment.

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Furnham and Erdmann (1995) and Searle and Ward (1990) also affirm that it is important to distinguish between psychological and socio-cultural adjustment because they are conceptually and empirically distinct, and are likely to engender contrasting patterns of adjustment. Black etal. (1991) further identified three domains or dimensions of socio-cultural adjustment: general nonwork environment (managing daily activities); host interaction (relating to host nationals); and work (work-related objectives). In contrast, Nicholson and Imaizumi (1993) focused on psychological adjustment and differentiated between the satisfaction and well-being experienced in work and non-work situations. This may be related to the double culture shock outlined in Austins (2007) study.

Methodology
A qualitative study was undertaken to describe and assess the experience of teachers relocating abroad to teach in an international school. The study was conceptualized in response to the dearth of studies, models or theories pertaining to the cross-cultural transition of sojourning international school teachers. The decision to undertake a qualitative study was taken after careful consideration of Black and Mendenhalls (1991) review which contends that cross-cultural transition research has been reduced to a desultory search for an increasing number of factors that influence adjustment. These factors may be quantified and statistically analysed using questionnaires and surveys that are frequently the tools employed within instrumentalist quantitative studies. Maxwell (1996: 73) counters that the main risk of instrumentalist studies is that you will lose sight of what youre really interested in, and narrow your study in ways that exclude the actual phenomena you want to investigate. Maxwell suggests that an open-ended, inductive and qualitative approach is better suited to ascertain the meanings, contextual influences and, more importantly, the processes of cross-cultural transition. The study was longitudinal and employed an ethnographic approach. The primary research tools employed were participant observation and in-depth interviews; both considered to characterize ethnography (Fetterman, 1998, cited in Brown and Holloway, 2007: 35). The decision to undertake a longitudinal and ethnographic approach was taken after careful consideration of a review of previous studies that question the methodological rigour of retrospective or cross-sectional studies (Black and Mendenhall, 1991). A longitudinal approach is considered the most appropriate method to study sojourner adjustment over time (Ward etal., 1998). The study was conducted in a small privately owned British international school in South East Asia that catered for approximately 280 pupils ranging from Nursery to Year 7. The school was multinational with a range of native English speakers and children with English as an Additional Language (EAL), including a proportion of children from the host country. The researcher was a teacher there and had ample opportunity to engage in participant observation and conduct in-depth interviews with other teachers. All 12 teachers who agreed to participate were interviewed over the course of an academic year (1 August to 4 June). Informed consent was obtained and participants were assured of confidentiality and anonymity. Table 1 presents a demographic profile of participants denoting age, gender, total number of years teaching, number of assignments abroad and whether the participants terminated their contract. All the mainstream (not EAL or special educational needs [SEN] specialist) teachers were British (and British-trained), with the majority being relatively inexperienced (six had less than five years experience). Several teachers had previous employment experience in other fields. Four had experience in international teaching (having taught in two international schools previously) but the majority either had no previous experience or had previously only taught in one international school.

Roskell
Table 1. Demographic profile of participants. Participant 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Age 38 41 29 32 38 33 25 27 27 37 38 27 Gender Male Male Female Male Female Female Male Female Female Female Female Female Total years teaching 8 9 7 5 8 4 2 3 1 15 16 3 Number of assignments abroad 2 2 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 2 2 1

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Terminated contract? Yes Yes Yes Yes No No No No No Yes Yes Yes

Note: Females: 8; males: 4; average age: 32.7; average years of teaching: 6.1.

A semi-structured interview schedule was employed and all interviews were conducted face-toface. Interviews took place in different locations and were pre-arranged at appropriate times. Each interview generally required 2030 minutes and was audio-taped and transcribed. In addition, questions were asked, and answered, spontaneously during conversations conducted via email networking. These interviews were complemented and enriched by the many conversations and observations that took place outside these interviews. Observations were recorded at intervals throughout the year. Examples of observation sites included the classroom, the staffroom, the canteen, the office, the corridor, induction, and formal or informal social events. Interviews were conducted at the start of the academic year (within two weeks of arrival) and at 4-, 8- and 10-month intervals. The decision to conduct the initial interview within two weeks was taken after careful consideration of previous studies. Oberg (1960) claimed that the honeymoon period may last only for the first few days, but many studies did not explicitly examine experiences at this critical stage. Ward etal. (1998) suggest that the characteristic euphoria may already have dissipated by the end of two weeks. Although several studies gathered data over the period of the first three or four months, such data were recalled retrospectively and with questionable results (Church, 1982). Preliminary data analysis, which involved coding field and interview data, was conducted after the initial interviews were completed. Audio recordings and transcripts were repeatedly scrutinized in order to discern regularly occurring themes. To increase validity and minimize (though not eradicate) researcher bias, feedback in the form of respondent validation was solicited (Bryman, 1988: 7880, cited in Maxwell, 1996: 111). Data collection was completed at the end of the academic year, so that the total experience was captured. After analysis of transcripts several common themes emerged. Maxwell (1996) maintains that qualitative study trades generalisability and comparability for internal validity and contextual understanding. Furthermore, with a case-study comprising such a small sample size, results cannot be generalized to the larger population. It is, however, possible for the theoretical concepts to be transferred to explain culture shock in similar settings (Daymon and Holloway, 2002, cited by Brown and Holloway, 2007: 37) (such as British international schools

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in South East Asia). It may also be tentatively surmised that the findings from this study could reflect a universal experience that incorporates the experiences of international sojourning teachers more widely.

Findings Host culture characteristics (food, weather, transport, local people and environment)
At the outset, participants were looking forward to getting to know Asia. They envisaged experiencing huge differences but found them revitalizing and that these made them feel they were really abroad. In the first two weeks the participants were very positive about their new environment. They adored the weather, reporting that everyone at home would be jealous of the endless sunshine. The tuk tuks (local mode of travel) were considered quaint and environmentally friendly. They were delighted with the extensive variety of foods available as they envisaged losing weight on a diet of rice and noodles. Host country nationals were esteemed for their real smiles and gentle, acquiescent manner. Four months after arrival, the participants were highly critical of the host culture characteristics. They complained incessantly, and the insufferable heat, humidity and mosquitoes were the bane of everyones lives. Horror stories were exchanged daily about dangerous traffic conditions and tuk tuk drivers who invariably got lost, overcharged or set off without waiting for a destination. A source of continual dismay was the school lunches, which were always fried and usually devoid of vegetables. Cockerels crowing, dogs barking, cats screeching, neighbours noisily hawking or coughing, horns blaring and ice-cream vendors jingles either prevented them from sleeping or woke them early, and they often complained that they were always tired. Participants yearned for fish and chips, Sunday roasts, changing seasons, long evenings, their own cars, silence and personal space. Eight months after arrival temperatures peaked, and the heat and inefficient air-conditioning caused sleepless nights and lethargy. Sickness soared and one supply teacher, who had served in several international schools, remarked that there were more people sick here than [at] other schools. Ten months after they arrived, participants continued to complain periodically about the heat but appeared acclimatized and didnt notice it as much. Complaining about the heat was regarded as a weakness and there was an element of competition about who could cope the best. Most used their own transport (bicycle or motorbike) to journey to work and those who continued to use tuk tuks like tourists were derided. Participants were extremely proud that they knew their way around and considered themselves true locals. Speaking the language, having host nation friends, shopping in local markets and eating locally were regarded as evidence that you are not a tourist.

Relationships (co-nationals, leadership, support staff, children)

In the first two weeks participants were extremely positive about their colleagues as everyone gelled quickly. They were delighted to have at least one eager to please learning support assistant (LSA) per class. After four weeks participants were exasperated by the LSAs and children. Instructions were often misinterpreted and the LSAs were regarded as an extra burden, like having another child in the class. They often nodded to say they understood, then went off without the slightest idea what you want doing, they never used their initiative and undermined my authority

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or were too lax with the children. The children were described as lethargic and immature; they rarely asked questions and were of very low ability. Participants began to question their teaching ability and were becoming increasingly demoralized. Four months after their arrival a co-national group (of individuals sharing the same nationality) coalesced, with the exclusion of two teachers. These two teachers proceeded to form strong bonds with the host nation members. The co-national group was tense and irritable; conversations were invariably negative, and backbiting and distrust were evident. Group norms pressurized participants to do as little as possible why should we work?, while others complained that Im doing more than my fair share to keep this school afloat. Leadership issues dominated conversations. Initially leaders were approached for help, advice and support, which was not forthcoming; any suggestions were taken personally as a criticism of the school. The principal was criticized for being defensive, spiteful, prevaricating, rarely making a decision, worrying excessively about trivialities whilst ignoring important issues, having favourites sycophants, wanting a playgroup not a school. Indeed the principal was cited as one of the main reasons that seven teachers decided to end their contract prematurely after one year. Seven months after teachers first arrived, participants were enjoying good working and personal relationships with host nation staff and their social life remained busy.

Work characteristics (timetables, environment, roles and expectations, assessment)

Participants did not envisage difficulties as the curriculum was from England and delivered in English. During the first two weeks participants were delighted with the school, which was spacious and light. They were pleased with the generous PPA (preparation, planning and assessment: non-contact time) allowance. They were especially pleased with the low number of children per class and believed that now they could finally do what I always wanted to do teach! After four weeks participants were disgruntled and complaints were frequent. Many remained confused about their roles and the expectations of the leaders. This was particularly the case with two specialist teachers who attested that they were left to [their] own devices and had no idea what the principal wants us to do. They complained that there were no existing structures in place and nobody was prepared to make a decision or to offer advice or support. Although also citing personal problems, one of the two terminated her contract and left in disgust. The shock reverberated throughout the school and heralded several months of intense disquiet. Participants were astounded by the absence of any standardized, or even informal, assessment. This quickly became the focus for all the negativity and was discussed at every opportunity. It reflected the amateur nature of the school and its leadership. Several began to feel they had made the worst mistake of my life in coming here. They worried about the lack of professional development available and were concerned they would never be able to get another job back home. The participants felt de-professionalized, that they were not doing a good job and did not feel like real teachers. Teachers who elected to stay for a second year made additional plans such as helping local charities so I havent completely wasted my time. Eight months after arrival participants were resigned and did only the minimum necessary to get through the day. Everyone was eager to leave but remained bitter about their experiences. Participants were generally depressed, de-moralized, de-motivated and desperate to leave the four Ds, as they were commonly referred to. Participants gathered in corners to disparage the school and positive remarks were rarely heard in interviews. Indeed, they appeared to await interviews eagerly in order to vent their anger and disappointment.

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Interpretation Honeymoon stage

The findings of this study indicate that the participants had positive feelings about the host nation and did initially experience euphoria, which is consistent with the honeymoon phase in Obergs (1960) model of cross-cultural transition and also with the U-curve hypothesis. This is not consistent, however, with a number of studies (Brown and Holloway, 2007; Ward etal., 1998) that report a contrary finding of an initial period of intense distress. It is possible, however, that findings derived from international student or business sojourner studies are not directly applicable to international teachers. The teachers in this study regarded the transition as a positive, life changing event; one that marked an exciting new start. International students included in many studies are generally younger and may never have left their families, or even ventured abroad before, and the experience therefore may engender more anxiety. In addition, business sojourners are often deployed abroad with little regard for their personal aspirations (Spiess and Waterman, 1999) and they may not necessarily regard the transition positively (Black, 1988, cited in Black and Mendenhall, 1991: 241). The findings of this study may also be inconsistent with studies that report an initial period of intense distress for a number of reasons. First, these studies often do not examine the sojourners experience during the first two weeks (for example, Kealey, 1989, cited in Ward etal., 1998). Oberg (1960) postulated that the honeymoon stage can occur between the first few days and six months and it is possible, as Ward etal. (1998) admit, that the honeymoon euphoria has already dissipated. One study that did conduct research within 24 hours of student sojourners arrival concluded that they exhibited intense distress (Ward and Kennedy, 1999). It is possible, however, that the distress was attributable to exhaustion after a long journey, and euphoria may have been evident the following day. Another study where participants were interviewed during the first few weeks of term also indicated intense initial stress (Brown and Holloway, 2007). This research catalogues intense feelings of distress, anxiety and disorientation which were generally related to language difficulties. Contrarily, the study also reports that students were simultaneously exhilarated, but concludes that this positivity was surpassed by the volume of negative emotions. The research notes that a feeling of panic was displayed during a constant stream of emails and office visits (Brown and Holloway, 2007: 44). It is possible, however, that students were equally exhilarated by the transition, but possibly less likely to visit the office to convey this information or to convey it in an email. That such positive feelings may be overlooked is important, in this instance, because the researchers appeared to base their conclusion about the non-existence of honeymoon euphoria on a dubious weighting of negative versus positive feelings. Another possible reason for the research findings not corroborating current studies is the disparate methods used to measure culture shock. A longitudinal study (Ward and Kennedy, 1996) investigating the experience of Japanese sojourners used questionnaires to measure depression (psychological adjustment) and social difficulty (socio-cultural adjustment). The researchers admit, however, that the scale used to measure depression has, because of translation issues, questionable validity, while also positing that depression may manifest itself in fundamentally disparate ways in different cultures. Nevertheless, they judge the findings as evidence against the U-curve hypothesis and the euphoric honeymoon stage. Moreover, the existence of depression does not necessarily preclude the existence of initial euphoria as both may co-exist simultaneously. It is questionable to conclude that euphoria does not exist if no attempt has been made to measure it. Ward and Kennedy (1999) assert that theory and research is dependent on the use of sound

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measures of adjustment. One must, however, question the validity of research which is based on such dubious quantifiable measurements. Furthermore, studies which are restricted to questionnaires because they are amenable to quantification and statistical analysis may not be recording the full range of emotions and experiences. A questionnaire distributed at four months may omit phenomena that occurred unexpectedly or that were particularly significant at, for example, three months. A longitudinal study, in contrast, is better able to describe and examine, more accurately, the sojourners journey through the different stages. As a participant-observer I was able to capture data between interviews and was therefore, arguably, in a better position to record the entire process than I would have been if only using a questionnaire. Some contend that the evidence supporting the U-curve hypothesis in not empirical, is not methodologically rigorous and has not been subjected to statistical analysis (Black and Mendenhall, 1991). A preoccupation with quantitative research appears to have forced researchers to restrict themselves to cross-sectional designs and quantifiable questionnaires which are not necessarily the most appropriate methods to use in investigating a phenomenon that extends over time. Church (1982) suggests that a within-subject (longitudinal) study is preferable to a between-subject (crosssectional) study when examining cross-cultural adjustment. He posits that individual data may actually represent a U curve but because of personal idiosyncrasies or situational contexts it is abbreviated or extended. When results are averaged during a snap-shot cross-sectional study, the U curve may be disguised within the aggregated data.

Crisis stage
The data indicate that these international teachers experienced culture shock, and this is consistent with the crisis stage of Obergs (1960) model. Culture shock is correlated with cultural distance (the difference between the host and home cultures) (Babiker etal., 1980, cited in Ward and Kennedy, 1999: 671). UK sojourners travelling to South East Asia might therefore be expected to experience a high degree of culture shock, and this was evidenced in this study (Mumford, 2000). Participants displayed behaviours and emotions considered typical of culture shock: disorientation, homesickness, stress, loss, role confusion, depression, rejection of host nation and idealization of home country (Oberg, 1960). The findings evidenced distress and disorientation when familiar social patterns were rendered ineffective in their new surroundings. Also, confused about their role and work expectations, several began to question their skills and felt de-professionalized. Although some homesickness was evident, this was probably ameliorated by impending visits from family. Language problems might have been mitigated too because it was not necessary to learn the local language in order to interact effectively, as host nation staff and many locals spoke some English. Depression was most evident in regard to work situations as travel and social events continued to be enjoyed. In line with research about culture shock, the teachers formed strong, exclusive conational relationships which served to protect them from the stress of culture shock. In addition they were strongly critical of host nation characteristics while simultaneously idealizing aspects of their home country.

Recovery and adjustment stages

The data gathered in this study appear to indicate contrary findings with regard to work and nonwork situations. It is difficult to disentangle and isolate the data, but it may be surmised that all teachers acquired the social skills necessary to adjust successfully to non-work aspects (host

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country characteristics) of cross-cultural transition. Most acclimatized, ate locally, used non-tourist modes of transport and engaged successfully with members of the host nation, whom they regarded with increasing warmth. This is consistent with culture learning theory which posits that the acquisition of social skills facilitates integration and eventual cultural adjustment, but is not in accord with the supposition that most stress is encountered at the onset of transition. The U-curve hypothesis postulates that, after the crisis period, recovery will follow. When considering work adjustment it may be inferred that those who intended to remain for a second year had adjusted to a certain extent. However, closer examination (which may only have been possible with in-depth interviews and observations) suggests that they had adjusted in ways that were not immediately reconcilable with the schools best interests. Their performance was perfunctory and they executed their duties with the minimum of effort. Standards of teaching were low and morale and motivation abysmal. Some studies maintain that the adjustment stage is only reached after two years (Tange, 2005). It is therefore possible that, as time elapses, teachers will adjust to a greater extent until, eventually, (work) adjustment is complete. Contrary to the U-curve hypothesis and Obergs (1960) four-stage theory, not all of the teachers reached the adjustment stage with regard to their work. Seven of the original cohort of 12 abruptly terminated their contract and may be considered to have failed to adjust. This is consistent with studies of business sojourners (Black, 1988, cited in Black and Mendenhall, 1991: 241). Studies suggest that older staff should be better able to cope (Stirzaker, 2004). Interestingly, all the older staff (with the exception of one who was staying because of a promotion) terminated their contracts. Few studies examine why sojourners leave abruptly, but one study suggested that volunteer sojourners (adults who had elected to work abroad as volunteers) were more likely to leave prematurely if they were experiencing work problems or did not consider their work to be worthwhile (Mumford, 2000). Another study examining international school teachers employment experiences (Odland and Ruzicka, 2009) claims that problems with administrative leadership are most likely to precipitate rapid turnover. This finding is consistent with my own study, where all the teachers who terminated their contracts cited as the primary reason for premature departure problems with leadership and a belief that they were not able to perform effectively. Again, few studies explain, in depth, why sojourners elect to abort the adjustment process and leave prematurely. It may be surmised that the reason teachers may not have adjusted is primarily attributable to problems with work. Although they may have adjusted to the host nation culture (termed host culture adjustment) they appear to have experienced considerable difficulty adjusting to the unfamiliar work culture (work culture adjustment). These dimensions are not directly comparable to those used by Black etal. (1991) because the dimensions in this study referred specifically to socio-cultural adjustment. As these dimensions are not confined exclusively to psychological adjustment, it may also not be regarded as supporting the two dimensions outlined by Nicholson and Imaizumi (1993). The study described here, however, appears to be consistent with the experience of immigrant pharmacists who suffered double culture shock in Austins (2007) study.

Discussion
The findings described here suggest that teachers in the study encountered double culture shock (Austin, 2007) and had to adjust simultaneously to an unfamiliar host culture (termed host culture adjustment) and also, unexpectedly, to an unfamiliar work culture (termed work culture adjustment). It is possible that this phenomenon contributes to the inconsistencies that plague cross-cultural transition research. Black and Mendenhall (1991) reveal how individual

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differences may influence the pattern, amplitude and timings of U-curve adjustment resulting in elongated or abbreviated U curves. These idiosyncratic U curves may, when combined in a cross-sectional snap-shot, form an irregular adjustment curve which masks the more truly representational aggregate U shape. Similarly, should teachers encounter double culture shock then two concurrent, typically U-shaped, curves may trough and peak at varying times and produce various adjustment patterns such as a flat line effect, which are evident in some studies that rely upon snap-shot cross-sectional designs (Klineburg and Hull, 1979). This may result in the varying levels of support for the U-curve hypothesis produced by different studies. It may also explain why the students in Brown and Holloways (2007) study experienced positive and negative feelings simultaneously. Furthermore, if past studies have not taken double culture shock into account then different measures of adjustment may produce confusing results. For example, feelings of satisfaction may vary in regard to the work context and the non-work context (Austin, 2007). A study that reports satisfaction in the work context may not be compared with a study that reports satisfaction in the host culture context. In addition, studies that have operationalized adjustment in different (nonwork) ways may not, usefully, be compared with the U-curve patterns produced by studies that have measured adjustment using work variables. For example, Black and Mendenhall argue that academic morale (Selby and Woods, 1966, cited in Black and Mendenhall, 1991) may not be comparable to host culture interaction (Brislin, 1981, cited in Black and Mendenhall, 1991). The possible existence of double culture shock serves to emphasize the difficulty of defining criteria for a successful transition. Should a successful transition be measured in terms of work competence, host nation integration or overall satisfaction and well-being (Ward etal., 2001)? Seven teachers in this study chose to leave prematurely which implies that the overall transition was unsuccessful, though the findings suggest that host culture adjustment, to a certain extent, was successful. Furthermore, those who fulfilled their work obligations (arguably achieving work culture adjustment) harboured feelings of intense resentment and perceived the transition to be unsatisfactory. In addition, those who fulfil their work obligations satisfactorily in achieving work culture adjustment do not necessarily achieve host culture adjustment, preferring to minimize contact by confining themselves to expatriate enclaves (Selmer, 1999). Defining the criteria for successful transition is therefore problematic and requires further consideration. This study concurs with the recommendation of Ward etal. (1998) that psychological and sociocultural adjustment should be operationalized, and studied, separately. It is likely that what is tentatively described, in this study, as host culture adjustment relies on the socio-cultural framework that claims that adjustment is facilitated by understanding and adopting appropriate (in this case South East Asian) social skills and behaviour. It may also be hypothesized that what is tentatively defined as work adjustment pertains more closely to the psychological stress-coping approach because it influences concepts of identity. For many, work is a central component of their selfidentity (Watson, 1996). It is likely that feeling de-skilled or de-professionalized had an adverse effect on the teachers self-identity (Austin, 2007). The teachers in this study encountered difficulties in teaching effectively in multi-cultural classrooms and believed that a lack of formal assessment procedures signified an amateur school. They were concerned about being de-professionalized and struggled to re-form their professional identity. This process involves the adjustment of deeper attitudinal factors and is therefore likely to be problematic (Austin, 2007). Selmer (1999) postulates that the stress-coping (psychological) model refers to attitudes, while the socio-cultural (behaviour) model refers to the social behaviour that exemplifies these attitudes. It may be speculated that psychological adjustment is therefore more difficult to achieve as it involves the modification of fundamental attitudes that are resistant to change (Selmer, 1999).

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Interestingly, socio-cultural adjustment may occur independently of psychological adjustment. That is, teachers may acquire the social skills necessary to interact successfully with host nationals while not necessarily having genuine positive attitudes towards them (Tsai, 1995). Ward etal. (2001) propose that socio-cultural and psychological factors are interrelated. It is likely then that work adjustment factors may exert an effect on host culture adjustment and vice versa. For example, the two teachers excluded from co-national friendship groups formed stronger relationships with host nationals (host culture adjustment) than did the majority of teachers. It is also feasible that feeling satisfied with work adjustment may influence the feeling of satisfaction with host culture adjustment. For example, if teachers felt they were adjusting successfully in the context of work they may have felt more positive about the host culture. Some teachers in this study terminated their contract despite adjusting successfully to the host culture, and it may therefore be speculated that satisfaction with work adjustment exerts a stronger influence than host culture adjustment upon a teachers decision to continue with the transition. Research on cross-cultural transition is important because culture shock often has a devastating effect on peoples lives. Culture shock encourages the formation of co-national relationships, and this study demonstrates that these friendship groups can exert intense peer pressure and render individuals vulnerable to isolation and bullying. In addition, disorientation, stress and depression clearly have an insidious effect and can often lead to terminated contracts. An understanding of culture shock is also important as it can adversely affect the quality of childrens education. Depressed teachers either leave unexpectedly or become disaffected and ineffectual (Odland and Ruzicka, 2009). The study described here shows that the sojourning teachers experienced difficulty in adjusting to an unfamiliar work culture and this may have contributed to the decision to terminate their contracts. It is possible that the concept of anticipatory adjustment may help explain their cultural maladjustment (Black and Mendenhall, 1991). Anticipatory adjustment involves making anticipatory behaviours based on expectations of a life-changing event. These expectations provide the yardstick against which experiences and behaviours can be measured (Ward etal., 2001: 76). Black and Mendenhall (1991) posit that sojourners who anticipate difficulties in adjusting will have more realistic expectations and are less likely to experience initial euphoria. If, subsequently, the experiences are more positive then envisaged and are over-met, they are more likely to be pleased with the outcome and report successful adjustment (Black and Gregersen 1990, cited in Ward etal., 2001: 76). Conversely, those who anticipate no, or minimal, difficulties are more likely to experience initial euphoria as a result of unrealistic expectations. In addition, if their needs are under-met they are likely to be highly dissatisfied with the outcome. In this study teachers anticipated difficulty in adjusting to a developing country and envisaged sub-standard food, accommodation and infrastructure but were pleasantly surprised by the high quality of each, and it may be surmised that their needs were over-met and (host culture) adjustment was thus facilitated. In contrast, teachers did not envisage difficulties in adjusting to the school as it was following a curriculum from the UK and was delivered in English. Joslin (2002) suggests that many first-time international teachers (as were 7 of the cohort of 12 in this study) are nave and unaware of the potential disparity between home country schools and international schools, and are thus likely to have unrealistic expectations. Several teachers in this study were unaware that the school was privately owned and was in operation to make a profit, which they found distasteful. Furthermore, many did not anticipate difficulties arising from the multicultural, multilingual nature of the school population (Joslin, 2002: 35). They did not therefore anticipate, or welcome, the divergence between British and international schools and consequently perceived their needs to be under-met, with (work) adjustment being impaired.

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The study suggests that work adjustment rather than host culture adjustment may be more likely to dominate teachers decisions as to whether to continue with their employment. It is possible then that work-related stress is generated independently of the stress generated when adapting to the unfamiliar host nation culture. Austin (2007: 242) questions whether culture shock (as it relates to a specific unfamiliar culture) is actually a specific psychological event or whether it is instead an instance of a more general psychological and adaptive process. Anderson (1994) notes that culture shock reactions are similar to the reactions displayed by an individual experiencing any life change.

Cross-cultural transition from the perspective of loss

A central supposition of the stress-coping framework is that cross-cultural transition is simply a stressful life change. That life changes also incur loss is central to this framework. Cross-cultural transition literature, however, rarely refers to the concept of loss except, rather cursorily, in relation to homesickness. It is possible that it is more helpful to examine cross-cultural transition overall, and this study in particular, from the perspective of loss. There are many theories about loss, but Marris (1974) conceptualization of loss is one that appears consistent with Obergs (1960) transition model. All the teachers made a positive life choice to work in an international school. However, Marris postulates that all change which disrupts the familiar pattern of life entails some degree of substitution, growth and loss. Moving to a new job in a new country involves loss of a home, loss of a job, loss of friends and family and also, according to Bridges (1991), a loss of identity. Sojourners may quickly realize (perhaps after the honeymoon period) that they have indeed suffered a loss and may begin to grieve (which in this instance refers to the psychological process of adjustment to change (Marris, 1974: 4). When sojourners realize that the key meanings in their life have been disrupted they experience ambivalence, and struggle to reconcile the desire to maintain the past and the desire to adapt successfully to the change. Taylor (1999: 2) states that change involves the abandonment of former ideals and that individuals do not readily change ideals, beliefs or values. Changing work ideals means changing deeply held beliefs and values which is traumatic, especially if unexpected (Janoff-Bulman and Frantz, 1996 cited in Taylor, 1999: 4). Marris adds that such a departure from the familiar may generate great anxiety as sojourners struggle to defend or recover a meaningful pattern of relationships. Indeed, Taylor (1999) attests that the loss of these central beliefs may precipitate depression, anxiety and feelings of helplessness. This is consistent with the highly stressful crisis stage where sojourners cling onto, and idealize, the home country while simultaneously criticizing the host country. During the crisis stage, resistance to the new host country and unfamiliar work practices is to be expected as sojourners struggle to adjust and assimilate the new beliefs and values. Resistance is argued to be a necessary component in the process of change and Marris (1974: 151) posits that the impulse of rejection (must) play itself out. Anger, which often precedes reformulation of the self (Taylor, 1999: 7), is also a necessary component of grief and is believed to indicate that the individual is beginning to adapt to the change. Conflict allows for issues of disappointment to be raised and shared, and the new ideas, ideals and beliefs to be successfully assimilated. Grieving requires time for introspection and reflection, and Marris recommends a period of moratorium, or a neutral zone (Bridges, 1991), in order that sojourners can reconstruct their identity and re-establish a sense of meaning. If sojourners are permitted to work through the contradictory impulses and articulate their grief during this crisis period, they will eventually restore equilibrium and establish a sense that life is meaningful and one has some control over the achievement of desired outcomes (Thompson,

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1996: 338, cited in Taylor, 1999: 11). This is consistent with the recovery stage when sojourners begin to adapt to the new culture. Many in this study, as in other studies, did not adjust to the new host or work culture. Sojourners in this study were reluctant to relinquish past work practices such as assessment procedures, and this remained a contentious issue. In this study, participants were not permitted to articulate their grief, conflict and resistance impulses. Marris postulates that some may never resolve conflicting impulses and subsequently exhibit delayed, inhibited or chronic forms of grief. Those experiencing delayed grief tend to become preoccupied with day-to-day proceedings, perhaps submerging the conflicting impulses in a show of busy-ness. Those experiencing inhibited grief patterns tend to sublimate their grief into other neurotic practices. Chronic grief, in contrast, refers to those who are unable to resolve the conflict and persist in their yearning to restore the past. It appears that several of the participants in this study were suffering from chronic grief, and were unable to relinquish previous work practices which were so central to their work identity. The conception of cross-cultural transition in terms of loss is also useful as it focuses on the need to establish a new sense of meaning, but also focuses on the need to acknowledge endings which appear to be overlooked in all the other theories and studies. In the real life experience of people in organizations, change frequently signifies loss rather than opportunity (Bridges, 1991: 29). Many change agents perceive change as opportunity, and focus on hopes for the future without acknowledging the severance of the past. Taylor (1999: 1) asserts that change is always FROM something not just TO something. Bridges (1991) suggests a period where workers are permitted to celebrate past achievements and say goodbye before moving forward. Looking at culture shock using the lens of loss is particularly illuminating and may serve as a framework which could potentially consolidate all the fractionated research. Black and Mendenhall (1991: 252) suggest that what is needed is a new beginning, a beginning that starts from a theoretical discussion of the cross-cultural adjustment process.

Implications for school leaders

This study suggests that work adjustment rather than host culture adjustment is more likely to dominate teachers decisions as to whether to continue with their employment. Furthermore it posits that anticipatory adjustment is an important factor which impacts on successful work adjustment. Although teachers are frequently aware of, and have realistic expectations about, the generally more publicized host culture adjustment, inexperienced international school sojourners frequently harbour unrealistic expectations about the potential disparities which may arise when teaching in a multicultural, multilingual school and therefore find their needs are undermet, so that dissatisfaction ensues. Work adjustment, as previously asserted, relates closely to self-identity. Feeling deskilled or de-professionalized has an adverse effect on teachers selfidentity (Austin, 2007) and is likely to affect detrimentally their decision to continue with their employment. The induction period (as well as the interview that precedes it) is a critical opportunity to influence newly arrived teachers anticipatory adjustments (Stirzaker, 2004). A well-designed induction will do much to reassure members and (improve) their motivation and attitudes to their work (Mullins, 1993: 632, cited in Stirzaker, 2004: 33). If (as was the case in this study) the induction was ineffective or misleading, then it can precipitate feelings of distrust, disillusionment and demotivation which often culminate in terminated contracts and a rapid turnover (Skeats, 1991: 12, cited in Stirzaker, 2004: 34). Furnham and Bochner (1982) recommend a culture friend to act as an informal culture guide and to mediate cultural discontinuity. Culture friends may also serve as

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a source of alternative friendship groups and alleviate the intensity of co-national friendship groups. In addition, Deveney (2007) strongly recommends that teachers receive prior training or in-service training in order to develop the cultural responsiveness necessary to teach EAL students in culturally diverse classrooms. She further suggests that experienced staff could offer advice and support to alleviate culture shock symptoms and also suggest ways to address multi-cultural classrooms. These sessions may be followed up throughout the year, perhaps to coincide with critical culture shock periods. Staff may then be more motivated, less likely to think they have made a mistake and more likely to stay committed for the duration of the contract (Stirzaker, 2004). This is important, as Selmer (1999) suggests that the longer sojourners reside in the new culture the more integrated they become. Cross-cultural transition from the perspective of loss emphasizes how moving to a new job in a new country involves loss of home, loss of job, loss of friends and family and also, according to Bridges (1991), loss of identity; sojourners may subsequently begin to grieve (psychological process of adjustment to change) (Marris, 1974: 4). It is important for school leaders to understand that, during the crisis stage, resistance to the new host country and unfamiliar work practices is to be expected as sojourners struggle to adjust and to assimilate the new beliefs and values. Leaders should also acknowledge that conflict and the impulse of rejection (must) play itself out (Marris, 1974: 151), allowing sojourners the time to articulate their grief and disappointment and, eventually, to assimilate successfully new ideals, reconstruct their identity, restore equilibrium and establish a sense that life is meaningful and one has some control over the achievement of desired outcomes.

Future research
Although this study highlights potential discrepancies in the positivist, quantitative approach, viewing it as an inappropriate means to examine culture shock, there are undoubtedly also concerns about the validity of the qualitative approach and its characteristic methods. It is possible that this study is subject to researcher bias (Miles and Huberman, 1994, cited in Maxwell, 1996: 108). Having experienced euphoria on arrival, the researcher may have based the conclusion that euphoria was evident in other teachers experience on an inaccurate weighting of negative versus positive feelings. In addition, without an objective means of measurement, the researchers ability to recognize and measure depression, and therefore to determine whether depression had increased or declined throughout the stages, was limited. The atmosphere at the school was tense and teachers were distrustful. It is possible that during interviews and participant observations the researcher was subject to reflexivity (Hammersley and Atkinson, 1995, cited in Maxwell, 1996: 109) and was pressurized to contribute to the demonization of the principal in order to establish trust and not be regarded as one of them (management). Reflexivity refers to the possibility that the researchers observations or actions influence the situation being observed and affect the behaviour of the individuals concerned. This may then have encouraged similar negative remarks which may have distorted the interpretation of the phenomenon. Furthermore the co-national group (which excluded two teachers) appeared to exert a strong influence on its members to conform to group norms. Members were encouraged to be negative, and there appeared to be a pressure to join the revolution and down tools and to do as little work as possible. It is possible that teachers real feelings were cloaked, and one wonders whether interviews reflected the situation accurately. Researcher bias and the problems of subjective measurement are important and should be considered further. Nonetheless research should continue to be longitudinal and incorporate qualitative methods because, claims Mendenhall

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(1991), existing instrumentalist research has been reduced to the search for an increasing number of quantifiable factors that influence adjustment, which may mean that you will lose sight of what youre really interested in, and narrow your study in ways that exclude the actual phenomena you want to investigate (Maxwell, 1996: 73). This preliminary study is exploratory and future research should continue to investigate double culture shock and the influence of socio-cultural and psychological domains, and also to investigate the field from the perspective of loss. Future research should also continue to focus on the effects of cross-cultural transition upon sojourning teachers. Not only is it important because of the negative influence such effects can have on teachers lives; it may also adversely affect the quality of childrens education. Depressed and demoralized teachers are less likely to teach well and more likely to terminate their contracts abruptly (Stirzaker, 2004). Research may also focus on the childrens experience with sojourning teachers. While there is an abundance of research investigating student sojourners experiences abroad, few address the experiences of children who stay home but study in international schools. One study suggests that these children may also be subject to a form of culture shock (Pyvis and Chapman, 2005). Furthermore, research should focus on the effect a perpetual influx of sojourning teachers can have upon the lives of host nation staff. Given that culture shock often encourages teachers to be critical of host nation members, the effect on the self-esteem and professional identity of the host nation staff also merits attention. References
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Donna Roskell has taught in schools in the UK and in international schools worldwide. She is currently Head of Literacy at Al Khor International School in Qatar. This article arises from part of her studies towards a doctorate in education.